CHAPTER VIII

THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR

[Illustration: SIR PETER HALKETT, Bart. In command of that part of

Braddock's Army that marched through the present Loudoun in 1755.]

We have come to the outbreak of that great world conflict between

England and Prussia on the one side against France and Austria, Russia,

Sweden, and Saxony on the other which Fiske, writing before the

devastation of 1914, called the most memorable war of modern times and

which, involving three continents, ultimately passed the vast French

territories in Canada and India to the British crown. In European

history the contest is known, somewhat inadequately, as the Seven Years

War and gave Frederick the Great of Prussia the fateful opportunity to

demonstrate his extraordinary military genius; but in America it is

known as the French and Indian War from the terrible alliance that the

English colonists were forced there to face.

The menace of the French control of Canada had never oppressed the

imagination of Virginia as it had that of New England and New York.

Distance and lack of colonial unity tended to build in the minds of the

Virginia Assembly the belief that it was a matter, to the Old Dominion

at least, of secondary interest; though her royal governors, and

especially Dinwiddie, recognized its true and pressing danger. Virginia

claimed jurisdiction over a vast and largely unknown western territory,

including much of what is now western Pennsylvania and that strategic

point marking the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers,

now covered by the city of Pittsburgh. The French in Canada were well

aware of the huge military importance of this "gateway of the west" and,

although at the time peace was supposed to exist between England and

France, in 1753 sent a small expedition south to take possession of it.

News of these Frenchmen in Virginia territory came to Governor Dinwiddie

who, in turn, sent the twenty-one year old Washington, already a major

in the militia of Virginia, to remonstrate and protest to their

commander. On his journey Washington travelled the road to Vestal's Gap

and crossed the Blue Ridge at that point. Though he faithfully delivered

his message, the English protest was ignored, the French commander

asserting that all that domain belonged to his King and that the

English had no territorial rights west of the mountains. Thereupon the

energetic Dinwiddie decided that war or no war the French should be

dislodged. A regiment of 300 Virginians was organized under Colonel

Joshua Fry, with Major Washington as second in command, to take

possession of the disputed "gateway" and fortify it.

This expedition, too, followed the road to Vestal's Gap and Washington,

as was his habit, kept a journal of his experience. By the mischance of

events this journal was to be captured later by the French at Fort

Necessity; but in 1756, to bolster their claim that this English

expedition was an unprovoked attack against a friendly power in time of

peace, they published in French so much of it as served their purpose.

Unfortunately the published portion did not include the march through

Piedmont; but in Washington's accounting with the Virginia government we

find these items:

"1754

"Apl. 6 To expences of the Regim^{t} at Edward

Thompson's in marching up 2''16.0

8 To Bacon for D^{o} of John Vestal at

Shenandoah & Ferriges over 1.9"[63]

[63] _Journal of Washington 1754._ Edited by J. M. Toner M. D.

Edward Thompson was a Quaker who lived near the present Hillsboro and

who was to leave numerous descendants in Loudoun.

From the Shenandoah the little force pressed on into Western Maryland

where at Will's Creek (the present Cumberland) then a trading station of

the Ohio Company, 140 miles west from their objective, Colonel Fry was

stricken with an illness which, a short time later, was to prove fatal.

Leaving their colonel behind, the Virginia militia, now under the

command of Major Washington, advanced very slowly cutting a narrow road

through the forest and sending a small force ahead to begin work on the

proposed fort at the confluence of the rivers. That work was hardly

begun, however, when a greatly superior force of French and Indians,

arriving suddenly on the scene from the north, drove the Virginians

away, took possession of the place and continued the fort's

construction naming it, on completion, Fort DuQuesne after Canada's

French Governor.

The retreating Virginians fell back through the woods until they joined

Washington's main force, encamped at Great Meadows, and it was not long

before Washington learned from his Indian scouts that a small party of

enemy skirmishers was cautiously advancing to deliver a surprise attack.

Washington promptly determined on a counter-surprise with such complete

success that the Virginians killed Jumonville, the French leader, and

nine of his followers and captured the remaining twenty-two. But

Washington knew that a much larger force of French would soon attack him

and that his position was precarious. With earthworks and logs he caused

his men to hastily fortify their camp, grimly called by him Fort

Necessity. They had not long to wait for the enemy. There soon emerged

from the surrounding forest a force of six hundred French and Indians

from Fort DuQuesne who, apparently not finding that the appearance of

the fort or the reputation of its defenders invited an attack, settled

down to a siege. Washington, though in the meanwhile reinforced, had not

more than three hundred Virginians and about one hundred and fifty

Indian auxiliaries; but more serious than his inequality of numbers were

his rapidly dwindling supplies of food and ammunition. This was the

situation which resulted in Washington's first and last surrender during

his long military career. The French so little relished an attack on the

fort or a longer siege that the English were allowed to march out and

begin their retreat (4th of July, 1754) under arms and with full honors

of war.

All of this began to look very much like a fresh outbreak of war between

England and France; but more and worse was to follow before a formal

declaration of war was made in 1756. The Duke of Cumberland, son of

George II, then Captain General of the British Armies, laid plans for a

great American campaign which, once for all, was to cripple the French

power in the west. Three expeditions were devised against French

strategic strongholds on the American continent: One was to proceed

against Crown Point on Lake George, a second against Fort Niagara and

the third to capture the newly erected Fort DuQuesne. Major-General

Edward Braddock, a veteran soldier thoroughly trained on Europe's

battlefields, of unquestioned personal courage but abysmally ignorant of

Indian warfare, was vested with the supreme command and with two British

regiments, the 44th and 48th, set sail for America. The expedition

landed at Alexandria where a general conference was immediately called

at which were present, in addition to Braddock, Governor Dinwiddie of

Virginia, Governor Delancey and Colonel William Johnson of New York,

Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, Governor Sharp of Maryland, Governor

Morris of Pennsylvania and other leaders. To these men Braddock revealed

his orders and plans and the governors received the King's instructions

as to the part they were to play in the campaign.

Alexandria was a poor starting point for Fort DuQuesne. Far better would

have been Philadelphia, offering as it did not only a shorter route but

more abundant and easily available supplies. Maryland interests, seeking

the advantage of the highway to the west which the army would make,

brought pressure to bear to have the force go through that Colony. It

was finally decided to send a part of the troops through Maryland and a

part through Virginia, the divided army to come together again at Will's

Creek where, in the meanwhile, a large and strongly palisaded fort had

been built by Colonel James Innes under the instructions of Governor

Dinwiddie. A force of 1,400 Virginians and Marylanders was raised and

added to the English troops and "on the 8th and 9th of April the

provincials and six companies of the 44th under command of Sir Peter

Halkett set out for Winchester, Lieutenant Colonel Gage and four

companies remaining to escort the artillery. On the 18th of April the

48th, under Colonel Dunbar, set out for Frederick."[64] Although General

Braddock, with Major Washington on his staff, crossed over into Maryland

at Rock Creek and went to Will's Creek through that Colony, never

entering or even seeing the embryo Loudoun, the local stories are still

repeated, and with the utmost confidence, of the route he followed

through that County and even where he spent the night. It was, as it

still is, "Braddock's Army" in popular parlance and, as time passed, the

commander's presence with the march through Virginia became a part of

its story.

[64] _History of an Expedition Against Fort DuQuesne in 1755_, by

Winthrop Sargent p. 193.

Had the supreme command of the expedition been vested in Halkett, rather

than Braddock, one may reasonably believe that there would have been a

very different outcome. A trained and able soldier, no less courageous

than his chief, he was more cautious, more susceptible to new ideas and

methods and far less arbitrary than lay in Braddock's nature to be. He

learned to respect the dearly bought and superior knowledge of Indian

fighting traits possessed by the provincials and wished to follow their

recommendations that to Braddock, with his unbounded confidence in iron

discipline, simply savoured of colonial ignorance and lack of military

courage. Loudoun should remember Halkett not only as the commander of

the march through her domain but as a brave and devoted soldier as well.

"Sir Peter Halkett of Pitferran, Fifeshire, a baronet of Nova Scotia,"

writes Sargent, "was the son of Sir Peter Wedderburne of Gosford, who,

marrying the heiress of the ancient family of Halkett, assumed her

name."[65] Our Sir Peter had married Lady Amelia Stewart, second

daughter of Francis, 8th Earl of Moray, by whom he had three sons. Of

these, James, the youngest, was a subaltern in his father's regiment and

accompanied him on the expedition.

[65] Idem, 294.

Of the Virginia troops serving in this campaign an effort has been made

to identify such as came from the incipient Loudoun. All the Virginians

were directly under the command of Captain Waggoner. As Loudoun was then

a part of Fairfax her men were, of course, listed as from the latter

county.

In March, 1756, the Virginia Legislature passed as its first act[66] an

emergency measure from which we learn the names of certain soldiers from

the then undivided Fairfax but from which side of Difficult Run each man

came does not appear, or as to whether they went on Braddock's

expedition or served nearer home, then or subsequently. The small amount

of compensation awarded to each indicates a period of active service too

short to have permitted them to be at the battle. Probably they were

used east of the Blue Ridge.

[66] 7 Hening, 9.

That not all of the Virginia soldiers of the expedition of 1755 were

enthusiastic volunteers is suggested by the passage of Chapter II of the

session of 1754 which states in its preamble that as the King had

instructed his lieutenant governor to raise soldiers for the expedition

against the French on the Ohio and that there were "in every county and

corporation within this Colony, able bodied persons, fit to serve his

majesty, and who follow no lawful calling or employment" the justices of

the peace, through the sheriffs, were ordered to forcibly enlist them,

provided they were not voters or indentured servants![67] To raise money

for the campaign an act was passed in May, 1755, instituting a public

lottery with a first prize of L2,000 "current money" and many other

prizes amounting altogether to L20,000 "current money."[68]

[67] 6 Hening, 438.

[68] 6 Hening, 453.

The route to be followed by Halkett's command is given in Braddock's

Orderly Book as follows:

"Alexandria 11th April 1755

.... March Rout of Sir Peter Halkett's Regiment from the

Camp at Alexandria to Winchester miles

To Y^{e} old Court House 18

To Mr. Colemans on Sugar Land Run

where there is Indian Corn &c 12

To Mr. Miner's 15

To Mr. Thompson ye Quaker wh is 3000 wt. corn 12

To Mr. They's ye Ferry at Shanh 17

From Mr. They's to Winchester 23

--

97"

Thus from the date of entry, only two days after the last of Halkett's

men had left the camp, we learn that the route given was the one ordered

followed, rather than a report of one that had been pursued; but as it

carefully describes the main northern road from Alexandria to Winchester

it is safe to assume that the troops held to the course laid down for

them.

The "Old Court House" was the first courthouse of Fairfax County built

about 1742 and in use about ten years until another was built in

Alexandria. Thus at the time of the march it was no longer used for the

purpose for which it had been built. It stood near the present Tyson's

Corner and in recent years its site has been marked by an appropriate

inscription.

The "Mr. Colemans on Sugar Land Run" was the house of Richard Coleman

who was thereafter in 1756 licensed by the Fairfax Court to keep an

Ordinary there. It stood where the road then crossed Sugarland Run at

the mouth of Colvin Run.

The "Mr. Miners" was the plantation of Nicholas Minor who served as a

captain in this war and who soon was to lay out the town of Leesburg on

part of his estate. It was known as Fruitland and the residence was

situated on a knoll on the south side of the road about a mile east of

the present Leesburg where a later building but bearing the same name

now stands. There Miner in connection with his other activities,

operated a distillery, probably for making brandy from peaches, apples

and persimmons; according to General John Mason, a son of the famous

George of Gunston Hall "the art of distilling from grain was not then

among us" and he spoke of the time of his boyhood--a period well after

1755. A later writer comments: "The choice of such camping places as

this perhaps explains in some measure the frequent court-martials in the

army and the liberal rewards of from 600 to 1,000 lashes to recreant

soldiers for drunkenness and for giving liquor to the Indians who

accompanied the march or whom they met on the way."[69] There is much

evidence that the British regulars, who had been recently recruited,

frequently were disciplined for infraction of military rules and the

disciplinary measures employed in British armies of that day were not

gentle.

[69] Newspaper clipping Balch Library, Leesburg, Vol. 1. Loudoun

County 70.

The "Mr. Thompson ye Quaker" we have already met in the preceding year

when Washington, in Fry's expedition against the French at the

"Gateway," noted his "expences." He lived, it will be recalled, in the

locality which is now Hillsboro.

The "Mr. They's ye Ferry at Shanh" was, it is believed, in error for

"Mr. Key's" and was at the Key's Gap Ferry.

All of this gives very little local detail. Fortunately that is more

freely supplied from another and fortuitous source. There was attached

to Braddock's expedition, when it left England, a certain commissary who

had a widowed sister, one Mrs. Browne. She accompanied her brother from

London to Fort Cumberland and, following the valuable eighteenth century

habit, kept a journal which in 1924 was owned by Mr. S. A. Courtauld of

the Howe, Halstead, Essex, and a photostatic copy of which has been

acquired by the Library of Congress.[70] This journal or diary runs from

the 17th November, 1754, to the 19th January, 1757. When Braddock and

his men departed from Alexandria in April he had a number of soldiers

too ill to travel. These he left there temporarily in charge of a force

of "1 officer and 40 men" and the commissary (Mrs. Browne's brother),

and Mrs. Browne stayed with them to help nurse the invalids. By June the

sick men had so far recovered that they moved to join the main force,

following the old Ridge (Alexandria-Winchester) Road over which Halkett

and his men had marched before them. Here follows a full copy of Mrs.

Browne's journal entries from her entrance into present Loudoun until

she reached the Shenandoah:

[70] _Virginia Magazine of History and Biography_, Vol. 38, p. 169.

1755. "June the 2. At Break of Day the Drum beat. I was extreemly sleepy

but got up, and as soon as our Officer had eat 6 Eggs and drank a dram

or two and some Punch we march'd; but, my Waggon being in the Rear the

Day before, my Coachman insisted that it was not right that Madam Browne

should be behind, and if they did not give way they should feel the soft

end of his Whip. He gain'd his Point and got in Front. The Roads are so

Bad that I am almost disjointed. At 12 we halted at Mr. Coleman's,

pitched our markeys and dined on Salt Gammon,[71] nothing better to be

had.

[71] i.e. Cured ham or even bacon.

"June the 3. At 3 in the Morning was awak'd by the Drum, but was so

stiff that I was at a loss to tell whether I had any Limbs. I

breakfasted in my waggon and then sent of in front; at which all the

rest were very much enrag'd, but to no Purpose for my Coachman told them

that he had but one Officer to Obey and she was in his Waggon, and it

was not right she should be blinded with Dust. My Brother the Day before

left his Cloak behind, so sent his Man back for it on his Horse, and

march'd on Foot. On the Road met with Mr. Adams a Parson[72] who left

his Horse & padded with them on Foot. We halted at Mr. Minors. We

order'd some Fowls for Dinner but not one to be had, so was obliged to

set down to our old Dish Gammon & Greens. The Officer and the Parson

replenish'd their Bowl so often that they began to be very joyous,

untill their Servant told them that their Horses were lost, at which the

Parson was much inrag'd and pop'd out an Oath but Mr. Falkner said

'Never mind your Horse, Doctor, but have you a Sermon ready for next

Sunday?' I being the Doctor's country woman he mad me many Compts. and

told me he should be very happy if he could be better acquainted with

me, but hop'd when I came that way again I would do him the Honour to

spend some Time at his House. I chatted til 11 and then took my leave

and left them a full Bowl before them.

[72] Fairfax Harrison suggests error; that Rev. John Andrews, then

Parson of Cameron Parish, was the man. No Parson named Adams then in

Virginia.

"June the 4. At break of Day my Coachman came and tap'd my Chamber Door

and said Madam all is ready and it is right early. I went to my Waggon

and we moved on. Left Mr. Falkner behind in Pursuit of his Horse.

March'd 14 Miles and halted at an old sage Quaker's with silver Locks.

His Wife on my coming in accosted me in the following manner: 'Welcome

Friend set down, thou seem's full Bulky to travel, but thou art young

and that will enable thee. We were once so ourselves but we have been

married 44 Years & may say we have lived to see the Days that we have

no Pleasure therein.' We had recourse to our old Dish Gammon, nothing

else to be had; but they said they had some Liquor they called Whiskey

which was made of Peaches. My Friend Thompson being a Preacher, when the

soldiers came in as the Spirit mov'd him, held forth to them and told

them the great Virtue of Temperance. They all stared at him like Pigs,

but had not a word to say in their justification.

"June the 5. My Lodgings not being very clean, I had so many close

Companions call'd Ticks that deprived me of my Night's Rest, but I

indulg'd till 7. We halted this Day all the Nurses Baking Bread and

Boiling Beef for the March to Morrow. A fine Regale 2 Chickens with Milk

and water to Drink, which my friend Thompson said was fine temperate

Liquor. Several things lost out of my Waggon, amongst the rest they took

2 of my Hams, which my Coachman said was an abomination to him, and if

he could find out who took them he would make them remember taking the

next.

"June the 6. Took my leave of my Friend Thompson, who bid me farewell. A

great Gust of Thunder and Lightning and Rain, so that we were almost

drown'd. Extreem bad Roads. We pass'd over the Blue Ridge which was one

continual mountain for 3 miles. Forg'd through 2 Rivers. At 7 we halted

at Mr. Key's, a fine Plantation. Had for Dinner 2 Chickens. The Soldiers

desired my Brother to advance them some Whisky for they told him he had

better kill them at once than to let them dye by Inches, for without

they could not live. He complied with their Request and it soon began to

operate; they all went to dancing and bid defiance to the French. My

Friend Gore" (the coachman) "began to shake a Leg. I ask'd him if it was

consistent as a member of his Society to dance; he told me that he was

not at all united with them, and that there were some of his People who

call'd themselves Quakers and stood up for their Church but had no more

religion in them than his Mare. I told him I should set him down as a

Ranter."

But to return to Halkett and the troops under his immediate command.

From Winchester they proceeded to the new fort at Will's Creek which

Braddock, upon his arrival, named Fort Cumberland in honour of his

captain general. Here the main detachments of the expedition came

together again in accordance with the plans made in Alexandria. The

troops were given a short rest after their long march, the final plans

were developed and on the 7th, 8th and 9th of June the army resumed its

march to the west, widening the path through the woods made by

Washington and his men the year before and hauling its artillery over

the mountains with the utmost difficulty. So slow was their progress

that Braddock decided to send on a large advance party, more lightly

equipped, leaving the others to bring on the greater part of the

supplies and baggage.

[Illustration: THE FALL OF BRADDOCK. (From a painting by C. Schuessele,

published in 1859.)]

In contrast to Braddock's unbounded assurance, Halkett seems to have had

a strong premonition of the impending disaster and his own tragic fate.

Lowdermilk, in his excellent _History of Cumberland_, describes his

dejection the night before the battle:

"Sir Peter Halkett was low spirited and depressed; he comprehended the

importance of meeting the wily red skins with their own tactics, and

while he urged the General to beat the bushes over every foot of ground

from the camp to the Fort, he had little hope of seeing his advice put

into effect; when he wrapped his mantle about him that night as he lay

upon his soldier's bed his soul was filled with the darkest forebodings

for the morrow, which he felt would close his own career as well as that

of many another gallant soldier, a presentiment which was sadly

realized."

Upon the following day, the 9th of July, the advance party of British,

now making better progress, pressed on to a point five or six miles from

Fort DuQuesne where they encountered the awaiting French and Indians.

Against such British strength of numbers and equipment the French had

one chance and well they knew it lay in meeting the attacking force in

the forest before it could bring its artillery to play on their

fortification. The mass of the scarlet-coated British troops were in

close formation in the open; the French and Indians hid themselves

behind the surrounding trees. As the first bullets poured into their

ranks the British could see no foe and Braddock, deaf to the entreaties

of the Virginians, insisted that his troops hold their ranks in the

unprotected and open clearing. The provincials scattered and fought the

foe in its own manner from behind every tree and mound they could find

to shelter them; but Braddock, wholly immune to fear or reason himself,

continued to hold his regulars together, in his anger beating back with

his sword into the ranks those seeking cover. Even so the situation,

impossible though it were rapidly becoming, might have been saved by the

desperate and determined efforts of the provincials who had found a

small ravine or ditch from which they were able to deliver an effective

flanking fire against the French; but as the latter began to waver and

the Americans left their protection to charge, the panic-stricken

regulars fired upon them, killing and wounding a great number. It was

the end. Braddock, who throughout the fighting had shewn the most

reckless and obstinate courage and had had his horses killed from under

him again and again, now received a mortal wound and the surviving

English broke into a wild and disorderly retreat. Had the French and

their allies pressed their advantage, hardly one of their foe would have

escaped death or capture; but the Indian allies of the French, when the

British fled, addressed themselves to killing the wounded and robbing

and scalping the dead, thus giving the English their chance of flight,

disorderly and panic-stricken, back over the road they had come.

Braddock, crushed with the completeness of his defeat, died on the

fourth day of the retreat and was buried in the roadway to protect his

body from the Indian savages. How overwhelming was the French victory is

shewn by the English record that of the 1,386 men who were under

Braddock in the fight, only 459 escaped. That the British regulars stood

their ground bravely in the face of most difficult conditions and stupid

leadership there seems no question. But the greater praise went to the

Americans who inflicted far more damage on the foe; and particularly to

their leader Washington who with cool courage was everywhere encouraging

his men in the fight and though his clothing was pierced repeatedly with

rifle balls, he escaped wholly unwounded.

During the battle Halkett was shot and killed and his son James, seeing

him fall and rushing to his aid, at once met the same fate. Both bodies

were scalped and robbed and then left where they fell. Three years later

Halkett's eldest son, the then Sir Peter Halkett, a major in the 42nd

Regiment, joined General Forbes' new and successful expedition against

Fort DuQuesne, especially to seek some trace of the fate of his father

and brother. With friendly Indian help the bodies were found and

identified and given a military burial nearby.

As the defeated English retreated to the east, the story of the calamity

spread terror and dismay among the more westerly settlers. In Virginia

the people in the valley were panic-stricken and in great numbers fled

over the Blue Ridge to the Piedmont counties, spreading their terror

among the people there. Washington wrote that he learned from Captain

Waggoner who, as we have seen, had had command of the Virginia troops

and had been wounded in the battle "that it was with difficulty he

passed the Ridge for crowds of people, who were flying as if every

moment was death." The fear and restlessness continued among the

colonists on both sides of the Blue Ridge until General Forbes, as

noted, in 1758 led his force to Fort DuQuesne and took possession of

what was left by the French who burned and abandoned it at his approach.

From then until after the Revolution this former outpost of France,

under its new name of Fort Pitt, remained in the hands of the English

government.

On the 1st day of September, 1758,[73] an act was passed in Virginia to

pay arrears to "forces in the pay of this colony" and to raise money

therefor. Section 5 recites:

"And whereas several companies of the militia were lately drawn out into

actual service, for the defense and protection of the frontiers of this

colony, whose names, and the time they respectively continued in the

said service, together with the charge of provisions found for the use

of the said militia are contained in the schedule to this act

annexed....

"Loudoun County

l s d

To captain Nicholas Minor 1 00 00

Aeneas Campbell, lieutenant, 7 6

Francis Wilks, 1 17

James Willock, 1 15

To John Owsley, and William Stephens,

15 s. each 1 10

Robert Thomas 10

John Moss, Jun. 4

John Thomas for provisions 5

John Moss, do 2 8

William Ross, do 2 "

[73] 7 Hening, 171 and 222.

On page 217 of the same act under the head of "Fairfax County" appear

the following items, the names suggesting that the list was prepared

prior to the time of the setting off of Loudoun from Fairfax and for

services prior to those above listed:

l s d

"To Nicholas Minor, Captain 15 12 0

Josias Clapham, lieutenant, 7 16

William Trammell, ensign 5 4

To Captain James Hamilton his pay and

guards subsistence carrying soldiers

to Winchester 10 4 1"

The names of many other soldiers are given with the compensation awarded

each. It is quite possible that among them were men who resided in that

part of Fairfax which, at the time of the passage of the act, had been

set off as Loudoun.

Legends of Loudoun An account of the history and homes of a border county of Virginia's Northern Neck · 第 8 / 16 章