CHAPTER XI.

(1748 to 1750.)

[Sidenote: _DEPRECIATION OF THE STUARTS._]

[Illustration: Drop-T]he Government at this time began to be

embarrassed with the surviving Jacobite prisoners. Many who were

destined for the Plantations, and had made their little melancholy

preparations for going into a life-long exile and slavery, were set

free unconditionally. Others were variously treated. In January, 1748,

Æneas Macdonald was brought from Southwark gaol to the Cockpit, where

he was examined by the Dukes of Newcastle, Dorset, and Montague, the

Earl of Chesterfield, and others of the Privy Council. It is not known

what was got from him; but one result of the examination was that his

execution, which had been fixed for Friday, the 22nd, was deferred

‘for some days.’ The report was immediately raised in London that the

Earl of Traquair would be tried for his life, and Macdonald would be

admitted king’s evidence against him. The report was unfounded, for

the earl was soon afterwards liberated on bail. Four dukes――Norfolk,

Gordon, Hamilton, and Queensborough――were his sureties. Macdonald was

also set free. The Government thought they had captured Lord Elcho at

Dover; and the prisoner, with three others, was brought to London,

where they proved to be four Jacobite _valets de chambre_, who were on

their way to join their escaped rebel masters in France. Other small

game continued to be brought to town from time to time, particularly

deserters from the duke’s army, when in Carlisle, to that of the

Chevalier. For such men there was no mercy. Death, or worse than death,

was the penalty. The journals give an account of six deserters being

whipt in St. James’s Park. ‘One of them refusing to be tied up to the

Halberts, in a very obstreperous manner, was tied and drawn up to a

tree, and very severely handled for his obstinacy.’

Exultation over the victory at Culloden was still prevailing. In

other respects, it may be asserted that apprehensions of domestic

disturbances had now pretty well ceased. Walpole felt that if the

French attempted an invasion, it would be for themselves, and not

for the Chevalier. ‘They need not be at the trouble,’ he wrote in

January, ‘of sending us Stuarts; that ingenious House could not have

done the work of France more effectually than the Pelhams and the

patriots have.’ The London Whigs maintained the memory of the triumph

of Cumberland. For years they kept the anniversary of the Jacobite

overthrow at Culloden by dining, or drinking, or doing both, together.

Here is a sample of what they thought of the triumph, taken from the

advertisement columns of ‘The General Advertiser:’――

‘HALF-MOON TAVERN, CHEAPSIDE. Saturday next, the 16th April,

being the anniversary of the Glorious Battle of Culloden,

the Stars will assemble in the Moon, at six in the evening.

Therefore, the choice spirits are desired to make their

appearance and fill up the joy.’

[Sidenote: _THE GOVERNMENT AND THE JACOBITES._]

Within a month, however, the Government were referring to the

Jacobites, as if the rebellion had not been stamped out at Culloden.

The special occasion on which the Jacobites were ill-spoken of in

Parliament this year was in the House of Lords. The Peers were

discussing the Scottish episcopal question, and the Highland dress.

Lord Hardwicke, the Chancellor, with other Lords, denounced the

Scottish bishops as Nonjurors, whose _congé d’élire_, if there was one,

came from the Pretender; and whose ‘orders,’ conferred on others, could

only be a farce. Jacobitism had by no means lost its vitality. In some

cases it had been bribed into a deceitful calm, which might be followed

by a storm at any opportunity. Lord Hardwicke thought the condemned

Jacobites had been too leniently dealt with, and that they would have

had no cause to complain had the most rigorous penalties been exacted.

In short, his lordship went far to authorise Lord Campbell’s judgment,

that if the Duke of Cumberland was responsible for the way in which he

stamped out rebellion in Scotland, Lord Hardwicke, at Westminster, was

responsible for the judicial murders committed on rebels. The following

is from the speech, which aroused some surprise in the House of Lords:――

[Sidenote: _ENLARGEMENT OF PRISONERS._]

‘Every man who has taken orders from a nonjuring Bishop in England

or Scotland must be supposed to be disaffected to our present happy

establishment. I think the government ought not to allow them to

be preachers in any congregation whatever.’――After allowing that

there were honest Nonjurors, who, while preserving their principles,

refrained from all hostility towards the Government, the Lord

Chancellor said there were others, ‘who, notwithstanding being

Jacobites in their hearts, not only take all the oaths we can impose,

but worm themselves into places of trust and confidence under the

present government, and yet join in, or are ready to join in, any

rebellion against it; and with respect to such men I must say that no

regulation we can make, no punishment we can inflict, can be called

cruel and unjust.’

No doubt one of the Jacobites to whom Lord Hardwicke alluded was the

Jacobite Mr. Pitt, Lord of Trade, and the pet M.P. of Jacobite Wareham.

[Sidenote: _IN THE PARK AND ON THE MALL._]

For all this, lenity towards the Jacobite prisoners continued to

be practised. The three brothers Kinloch were liberated from close

custody. Sir James Kinloch and Mr. Stewart were to be confined to an

English provincial town, with liberty of walking to a distance of a

couple of miles. The exact conditions were,――‘that they should remain

in such places, as his Majesty, his heirs, and successors shall from

time to time appoint.’ Then came pardons, a half-dozen at a time,

to various of the ‘Manchester officers’ taken at Carlisle, who had

been lying under sentence of death since 1746. Among them was Captain

Lindsay, who was haltered and in the sledge, with Governor Hamilton

and Sir John Wedderburn, when a reprieve arrived for him at the

prison-gate. The two younger brothers Kinloch, with Farquharson of

Monaltries, were banished, but might go whithersoever they would,

except to any part of the British dominions. The most joyous party of

Jacobites was that of the Earl of Cromartie (or ‘Mr. Mackenzie,’ as

he was called since his attainder) and his family. The eldest son,

Lord Macleod, was freely pardoned. The earl was permitted to leave the

Tower, but he was bound to reside in the house of a King’s Messenger.

Accordingly, the earl, countess, my lord, the younger children, and a

servant or two, were to be seen alighting from a hackney-coach at the

door of Mr. Lamb’s house in Pall Mall. Their appearance at the windows

attracted many a gazer, and when Mr. Lamb permitted them to stroll on

the Mall, crowds of sympathisers congratulated them as they passed.

Later, the earl had so far an extension of liberty as was to be found

in a permission, or order, to reside in some town in the south of

England.

It was probably by accident that, on the Pretender’s birthday, June

10th, a special free pardon passed the Great Seal for Mr. John Murray,

of Boughton, and Hugh Fraser, gentleman (king’s witnesses against Lord

Lovat). Murray obtained a pension of 200_l._ a year. The pardon cleared

them of all treason committed before 1st May, 1748. On Saturday,

the 11th, they were both at large, and were to be seen, two pale

men, trying to get a complexion in the parks. At the same time small

parties of men left London for Scotland, for the purpose of fortifying

various points of that kingdom, an invasion of which by the French was

vaguely talked of in all taverns and coffee-houses in London. There was

certainly an undefined fear from the beginning of the year of something

being intended there in the interest of the Pretender.

[Sidenote: _THE STATUE IN LEICESTER SQUARE._]

In 1742, the Prince of Wales had promised the mob greeting him on his

birthday, with roaring cheers, from the front of Leicester House, that

he would put up a statue of his father in the centre of the square.

Since that promise was made and forgotten, the famous ducal mansion

of the Duke of Chandos had been knocked to pieces by the auctioneer’s

hammer. On the princess’s birthday, 19th November, 1748, there was

again a mob in front of the prince’s ‘palace’ in Leicester Square,

not only to congratulate him, but to witness the uncovering of an

equestrian statue of George I. This statue was one of the many which

had adorned the duke’s house, Canons, near Edgeware. Nobody seems to

know now at whose cost it was purchased and put up. It is suggested

that the prince, or his semi-Jacobite friends, bought it, with the

thought that, irritated as George II. might be by having a statue

erected to him by his son, he would be still more irate at having one

erected of his father. The fact is that the statue was bought and set

up by subscriptions of the inhabitants of the square. The unveiling of

the ‘Golden Horse and Man’ was witnessed by a brilliant company at the

windows of Leicester House, among whom was the Duke of Chandos himself,

Groom of the Stole to the Prince. Hogarth and other celebrities,

doubtless, looked on, from other windows of houses in the square.

This was the statue which in later days so ignominiously perished;

which dropt its arms, lost its limbs, fell from its horse; and which

ultimately was swept away, horse and rider, in 1874, under a storm of

sarcasm and contempt.

[Sidenote: _AN ECCENTRIC JACOBITE._]

From this record of London in the Jacobite times must not be omitted

the death of a most remarkable Jacobite, of whom little is remembered.

This was Mr. John Painter, of St. John’s, Oxford. This Jacobite scholar

made three several attempts, by letter, to induce the Government to

allow him to be beheaded in place of Lord Lovat! Mr. Painter asked it

as a particular favour. The ministers were not amiable enough to grant

his prayer, and he was never happy afterwards. Just previous to his

death, he forbade his executors to bury him near any of his relations.

He urged them to obtain permission for his corpse to hang in chains

over the spot where Lovat’s head was struck off. On being questioned

as to his reasons, he replied vaguely, that he had not been guilty of

any baseness, but he had committed a fatal error in judgment which had

led to Lovat’s destruction. He did not define it; he left complimentary

farewells to Lord Chesterfield and Mr. Pelham, and an expression of

pity for Lovat’s son. ‘That unfortunate gentleman,’ said Painter,

‘suffers not only through his father’s folly, but through mine.’

[Sidenote: _GLOOMY REPORTS._]

As the year drew to an end, adverse parties quarrelled over the terms

of the peace of Aix la Chapelle; but this matter was forgotten in the

news which reached London that the young Chevalier had been literally

seized ‘neck and heels’ at the Paris Opera house, and deposited at

Vincennes, as a preliminary to turning him out of France. About the

same time his conqueror, the Duke of Cumberland, quietly returned to

London from the continent. He came post from the coast to Lambeth,

where he took a boat from which he landed at Whitehall; and thence he

quietly walked across the park, to St. James’s. He was warmly greeted

on his way, especially by that part of the garrison from Carlisle which

had reached the metropolis before their fellows.

Rumours of fresh outbreaks by the Jacobites had been freely circulated

in London from the moment of the suppression of the last. The sight

of the Duke of Newcastle, entering Leicester House, one November day,

gave rise to a report with which London was speedily busied. ‘It

was owing,’ writes the Countess of Shaftesbury, in the ‘Malmesbury

Correspondence,’ ‘to a message from the Prince of Wales, that he had

something of importance to communicate; and he accordingly laid before

him the intelligence he had received of a new rebellion forming, and

almost ready to break out in the Highlands. The Duke assured His Royal

Highness that his Majesty would take very kindly this information,

which he observed to concur exactly with the accounts sent to the

Government above a month ago. I heartily wish this may produce a union

between the King and people which, sure, can never be more necessary

than at this crisis, when new dangers threaten us from the untamable

bigotry of the Scotch Jacobites, encouraged, perhaps, by the insolence

of their friends in many parts of England.’

[Sidenote: _THE HAYMARKET THEATRE._]

‘The great Duke’ seems to have been among the very simple people who,

in February, 1749, were drawn to the Haymarket Theatre by the promise

of ‘the Bottle Conjuror,’ to jump into a quart bottle in presence of

the audience. When the matter proved to be a hoax, and the audience

were further insulted by a loud announcement from behind the curtain

that, if they would sit quiet till the following night, the conjuror

would jump into a pint bottle, a riot ensued in which the interior of

the house was absolutely destroyed. In the confusion, the duke was

seen looking for his sword; and it is said that an audacious Jacobite

called out, ‘Billy the Butcher has lost his knife!’ The alleged loss

was certainly made known by a satirical Jacobite, in the following

advertisement:――‘Lost on Monday night, at the Little Play House in

the Haymarket, a Sword, with a gold Hilt and a cutting Blade, with a

crimson and gold Sword-knot tied round the Hilt. Whoever brings it

to Mrs. Chenevix’s Toy-shop, over-against Great Suffolk Street, near

Chearing Cross, shall receive thirty Guineas reward, and no Questions

asked.’ This advertisement, with its reference to the Court toy-woman,

offered fair opportunity for further Jacobite wit or venom to show

itself; and the demonstration was made in the following manner:――‘Found

entangled in the Slit of a Lady’s Smock Petticoat, a gold-hilted Sword

of martial length and temper, nothing the worse for wear;――with the

Spey curiously wrought on one side of the blade, and the Scheldt on the

other;――supposed to have been stolen from the plump side of a great

General, in his precipitate retreat from the Battle of Bottle Noodles,

at Station Foote. Enquire at the Quart Bottle and Musical Cave,

Potter’s Row.’

[Sidenote: _TREASONABLE PAMPHLETS._]

In the same month, there was a loosening of the bonds of some condemned

Jacobites and a tightening of others; a releasing of old prisoners

and a netting of new;――with a recapturing of Jacobite exiles who had

been glad to leave the country, but who had come secretly back again.

Half-a-dozen of the Carlisle and Manchester officers left the Southwark

gaol for Gravesend, on their way to America. The more audacious of

them wore white rosettes in their hats, in proud assertion of their

unbending principles. Quite as audacious was the republication, at the

price of 6_d._, of the regicidal pamphlet, by Col. Titus,――‘Killing

no Murder, a Discourse proving it lawful to kill a tyrant.’ Another

pamphlet,――‘A Letter from a Friend in the Country to a Friend at

Will’s, on the 3 new articles of War,’ with the epigraph, from Waller’s

‘Maid’s Tragedy Altered’――was much to the same purpose:――

Oppression makes men mad, and from their breast

All reason does, and sense of duty, wrest.

The Gods are safe, when under wrongs we groan,

Only because we cannot reach their throne.

Shall Princes, then, who are but Gods of clay,

Think they may safely with our honour play?

[Sidenote: _MURRAY AND LORD TRAQUAIR._]

There was a less serious incident of the year which probably amused

both Jacobites and Hanoverians. Mr. Murray of Boughton and the Earl

of Traquair had come out of the late perilous time, with their necks

safe. The two liberated Jacobites were not the better friends for their

good fortune. They had a desperate quarrel, which led Murray to air his

bravery by sending the earl a challenge to fight a duel. Lord Traquair,

having no stomach for fresh perils, indicted Murray in the King’s

Bench, for inciting to a breach of the peace. A verdict of _Guilty_

brought on him stern rebuke, and led to his ultimate withdrawal into

privacy in Scotland.

On the part of institutions as well as of individuals, there was a

sort of anxiety to advertise their loyalty. When the fireworks in St.

James’s Park were about to be exploded in celebration of the Peace of

Aix la Chapelle, many of ‘the Quality’ desired to see the display,

from the windows of St. George’s Hospital. The ruling powers there,

by no means, wanted such company; but being afraid of a charge of

disloyalty being levelled against them, if they refused, the Board made

an explanation thus singularly worded:――‘Whereas it is apprehended that

many persons will be desirous to see the fireworks from St. George’s

Hospital, this is to inform them there are but two wards from which

they can be seen; that these are women’s wards, and that most of the

patients in them are in very dangerous disorders. It is therefore hoped

that, for Decency’s sake, for sake of the Patients, and indeed for

their Own sake (it not being at all certain that some of the Disorders

are not catching), it will not be taken amiss that no person whatever

can be admitted. By Order. Hugh Say, Clerk.’

[Sidenote: _POLITICAL MEETING._]

At this time, the Pretender’s chief agent in England was Dr. William

King, Vice-Principal of St. Mary Hall, Oxford, and public orator. At

the opening of the Radcliffe Library, the ultra-Jacobite orator made a

speech, in his official capacity. The ‘General Advertiser’ says that

‘it was a most eloquent speech of an hour long; and it met with great

applause.’ Other journals describe it as ‘an elegant oration.’ Walpole,

however, says: ‘The famous Dr. King, the Pretender’s great agent,

made a most violent speech at the opening of the Radcliffe Library.

The Ministry denounced judgment but, in their old style, have grown

frightened, and dropt it.’ Then follows this singular illustration of

the men and times:――‘This menace gave occasion to a meeting and union

between the Prince’s party and the Jacobites which Lord Egmont has been

labouring all the winter. They met at the St. Alban’s Tavern, near Pall

Mall, last Monday morning, a hundred and twelve Lords and Commoners.

The Duke of Beaufort opened the ceremony with a panegyric on the stand

that had been made this winter, against so corrupt an administration,

and hoped it would continue, and desired harmony. Lord Egmont seconded

this strongly, and begged they would come up to Parliament early next

winter. Lord Oxford spoke next, and then Potter, with great humour,

and, to the great abashment of the Jacobites, said he was very glad to

see this union, and from thence hoped that if another attack, like

the last Rebellion, should be made on the Royal Family, they would all

stand by them. No reply was made to this; then Sir Watkin Williams

spoke, Sir Francis Dashwood, and Tom Pitt, and the meeting broke up.’

[Sidenote: _DR. KING’S ORATION._]

Walpole says that ‘the great Mr. Dodington’ gave the assistance of

his head to this conference; but there is no notice taken of it in

Dodington’s ‘Diary.’

With regard to Dr. King’s oration, which was published as he delivered

it, in Latin; and also in an English translation, by a friend,――it

is elegant throughout, and harmless also, except perhaps in the

closing paragraphs, in which the Ministry found offence. Dr. King,

after deploring the universal corruption, wickedness, misery, and

misgovernment which reigned without check or restraint, goes on to hope

for a return or restoration of men, measures, and incorruptible virtue,

whereby the nation might recover its wrecked honour and happiness.

Here is a sample of one of the four paragraphs with which the oration

closes:――‘REDEAT (necque me fugit hoc verbum meum, quippe meum, ab

inficetis et malevolis viris improbari iterandum est tamen), Redeat

nobis Astræa nostra, aut quocunque nomine malit vocari ipsa Justitia:

non quidem fabulosa illa, sed Christianissima Virgo, si non genitrix,

certe equidem custos virtutum omnium.’

[Sidenote: _THE EARL OF BATH._]

No doubt the ‘redeat’ had direct reference to the hoped-for return

of the ‘king’ at Rome, for whom good wishes were offered up in the

London toast――‘The Royal Exchange,’――a toast which is really a summary

of Dr. King’s closing paragraphs. At this time the London papers

were busy with reporting the movements of that king’s son――the young

Chevalier. He had promised the municipality of Friburg to take up his

residence there. The magistracy had invited him, not having the fear

of the English Government before their eyes. Charles Edward broke his

promise, upon which the magistrates (according to a letter from Friburg

in the London papers) sharply reproached him for having caused them

to offend the King of England by an invitation which came to nothing.

Why he should prefer Avignon to Friburg they could not understand. The

latest notice of his movements in the metropolitan journals was that

he was living _incognito_ at Venice. There was manifestly some uneasy

curiosity about him, and a desire on the part of the loyal citizens to

be prepared for anything that might turn up in the chapter of accidents

or conspiracies. The Earl of Bath only expressed the general feeling

of the city, if not of the country, when he said, in a debate on the

Mutiny Bill in the Lords, ‘A parcel of rascally Highlanders marched

from the northernmost part of Scotland through millions of people to

within 100 miles of London, without meeting with any resistance from

the people; and might, for what I know, have marched to London, and

overturned our government, had we had no regular troops to prevent

it;――a manifest proof that a standing army is absolutely necessary.’

[Sidenote: _THE LAUREATE’S ODE._]

The loyal Muse was at Court, as usual, on New Year’s day, 1750, when

the royal family and a brilliant array of privileged peers and

peeresses assembled to hear the annual ode of the laureate ‘set to

Music.’ There was nothing in it like the ring of a hearty Jacobite

song. The more Cibber piled his loyalty, the more ridiculous he became,

as may be seen by the sample of a single brick out of the lumbering

edifice:――

When the race of true Glory

Calls Heroes to start,

Then the Muse meets a story

Well worthy of Art.

Had her Pindar of old

Known our Cæsar to sing

More rapid his raptures had roll’d,

But;――Never had Greece such a king.

All that Whigs and Cibber’s friends could say for such tuneless and

burlesque lines was that he made them so on purpose. Jacobites replied

to them less fiercely than Johnson, but yet not without wit. For

instance, on seeing a tobacco pipe lit with one of the laureate’s

odes:――

While the soft song that warbles George’s praise

From pipe to pipe the living flame conveys,

Critics, who long have scorn’d, must now admire,

For who can say his Ode now wants its fire!

[Sidenote: _THE JACOBITE MUSE._]

The laureate’s odes could neither make people loyal, nor keep them

so. On the other hand, the Jacobite Muse, with her petticoat busked

up to her knee, was as brisk and winning as Maggie Lauder, especially

in Scotland. She gave much concern to the people at St. James’s and

the Cockpit, from the beginning to the end of the year. She was

working mischief in the north. How matters were going on there, and

how different was the treatment of the Scotch Muse, in December, from

that of England before the throne of George, at St. James’s, in the

preceding January, is told in the London papers. Captain Stafford, of

Pulteney’s Foot, was stationed in Aberdeen, where the Jacobite Muse

was rampant. The captain seized the singers of treasonable ballads in

the streets, and brought them, with ballads and publishers, before the

magistrates. These were Jacobites, and they could see no harm in the

minstrels or the muse; and they discharged the peripatetic singing

agents of the young Chevalier. They would not even confiscate the

ballads. This the loyal captain took upon himself to do; he brought

the whole mass of harmonious treason from the printer’s to the Market

Place, and set fire to the ton of songs that was intended to raise one.

While they were burning he made a speech, of which this is one of the

flowers:――‘May all the enemies of His Most Sacred Majesty, King George,

our rightful and lawful King, be consumed off the face of the earth, as

the fire consumeth these vile and treasonable ballads.’ For which the

captain was much commended in and about St. James’s.

[Sidenote: _PRISONS AND PRISONERS._]

The disloyal muse was not silent in London. Macdonald, ‘said to be an

Irish priest,’ made the echoes of a Jacobite tavern in George Street,

Bloomsbury, reecho with treasonable songs till he was flung into

Newgate,――which then was a sentence of death. The gaol-fever was then

destroying prisoners, judges, and witnesses, and sweeping life out of

hundreds of homes in the vicinity. While suppressing chords of a lyre

which was soon re-strung, a certain sort of service was not forgotten.

‘We hear,’ says the ‘Penny Post,’ ‘that a pension of 400_l._ per annum

is settled on a person eminently concerned in the late Rebellion,

for services done by him.’ The Government treated Lovat’s son with

justice,――gave him a free pardon, he having been an unwilling rebel.

As for emptying the London prisons of convicted rebels, they seemed

to be filled as fast as they were emptied. Some of the captives were

sent over the Atlantic, others were allowed to transport themselves,

and many were set free altogether. A little matter, however, could

cast a man into a dungeon. The ‘Daily Post’ (in July) records that ‘A

Person of Note has arrived in Town, in the Custody of a Messenger,

from Scotland. He is accused of seditious Practises, particularly in

encouraging the use of the Highland Dress.’ A good look-out was kept

at the Tower, which was undergoing repair, and sentinels showed much

alacrity in firing on, or over, people who approached too near the

Tower ditch after sun-set.

This year is one of several assigned to a secret visit of the young

Chevalier and a friend to the exterior of the Tower. As very few

people really knew where he was residing, this story was probably

invented. The London papers said of Charles Edward, in the spring, ‘It

is currently reported that the young Pretender, who lately made such

a disturbance in these kingdoms, died a few days ago in Switzerland.’

However, the prince was alive again in June. In that month the London

and Paris journals were treating of a trade riot which was being

turned to political purposes. In June, soon after the king left London

for Hanover, the metropolis was disturbed by a report that a body

of Northumberland colliers, to the amount of six thousand, had left

the pits and had scattered themselves among the hills and about the

border. Out of what seems to have been a mere strike, the ‘Gazette de

Hollande’ made an incipient insurrection. On the faith of its Jacobite

correspondent in London, it announced that one of the leaders of the

colliers had ascended a hill, and in presence of his followers had

proclaimed Charles Edward as ‘King of England, France, and Ireland,’

and ‘_Defender of the Faith_,’ to which the devout pitmen had replied

with a fervent ‘Amen!’

[Sidenote: ‘_DEFENDER OF THE FAITH._’]

‘Defender of the Faith!’ What could this mean? It is the first

‘inkling’ of the young Chevalier’s playing with his ‘orthodoxy.’ The

‘fermentation’ puzzled a French journalist, who, at the close of June,

wrote thus: ‘Prince Edward (_sic_) keeps up an intercourse with secret

correspondents in England; and one does not absolutely know in what

corner of Europe he is residing. He is said to have gone over the whole

of the North. He is an extraordinary and indefatigable man; and travels

twenty leagues a-foot, with a couple of confidential followers. If he

were daring enough to pass into Scotland, during the King of England’s

absence, what, without a party on which he can depend, will he be able

to accomplish, wanting (as he does) arms and money, and especially

_without having publicly embraced the Anglican religion_?’

[Sidenote: _NEWS FOR LONDON._]

Had Charles Edward then _privately_ become a member of the Protestant

Church of England? Did the London correspondent of the ‘Gazette de

Hollande’ know anything of an intention to that effect? However this

may be, it is certain that in the autumn of this year we have the

record, true or false, of the presence of the young Chevalier in

London, and of his renunciation of Roman Catholicism, _privately_,

however, and under an assumed character, in one of the London churches!

In December the same journals chronicle as a notable incident, ‘That

the Chevalier de St. George and his Son (call’d Cardinall of York)

had a long audience of the Pope, a few days ago, which ’tis pretended

turn’d upon some despatches, receiv’d the day before from the

Chevalier’s eldest Son.’ Whatever these despatches contained, loyal

Londoners hugged themselves on the fact that the Princess of Wales

was taking her part in annually increasing the number of heirs to the

Protestant Succession, and loyal clerics expounded the favourite text

(Prov. xxix. 2), ‘When the righteous are in authority, the people

rejoice.’ Preachers of the old Sacheverel quality took the other half

of the verse, ‘When the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.’ These

were convenient texts, which did not require particularly clever

fellows to twist them in any direction.

[Illustration: Decorative Banner]

London in the Jacobite times, Volume II · 第 11 / 17 章