CHAPTER VI.

(1746.)

[Illustration: Drop-O]n the first day of the year 1746, the parole

given at the Duke of Cumberland’s headquarters, at Carlisle, was

‘London.’ He well knew the joy the metropolis would soon receive. Part

of the general orders then issued was thus expressed: ‘The Rebels that

have or shall be taken, either concealed or attempting their escape, or

in any ways evading the Capitulation, to be immediately put in Irons,

in order to be hanged.’ After publishing this order, the duke, leaving

Hawley to cross the border in pursuit of the young Chevalier, returned

to London. There was great fear of a French invasion; and the duke was

to have the command of a southern army to repel it. The invaders were

expected in Suffolk, and the Jacobites hoped that the expectation would

be realised. They often reported it as an established fact. Fielding’s

Jacobite squire in ‘Tom Jones’ is made to exclaim to the landlord of

the inn at Upton: ‘All’s our own, boy! ten thousand honest Frenchmen

are landed in Suffolk. Old England for ever! Ten thousand French, my

brave lad! I am going to tap away directly!’

[Sidenote: _WAR CRITICISM._]

Carlisle being recaptured, London breathed again, and considered its

past perils and future prospects. The fire-side critics of the war

concluded, as the Earl of Shaftesbury did with his friends in London,

‘that _eminus_, we exceeded the ancients, but _cominus_ we fell below

them; and this was the result of our having, it was said, learnt the

art of war from the Spaniards. We never used bayonets in our service

till after the battle of Steinkirk, in King William’s time. Now the

Highlanders by their way of attacking (new to our troops) make a quick

impression and throw our men into confusion. This I imagine to be the

principal reason of the Highlanders gaining such repeated advantages.’

Walpole wrote from Arlington Street: ‘With many other glories, the

English courage seems gone too.’ Yet the old spirit was not extinct.

When the Ministry tried to prevent Mr. Conway going as aide-de-camp

with the Duke of Cumberland, on the ground of his being in Parliament,

the duke informed the young soldier of the fact. ‘He burst into tears,’

says Walpole, ‘and protested that nothing should hinder his going――and

he is gone.’

[Sidenote: _BREAKING AN OFFICER._]

Without being uneasy at the idea of invasion the Government took

precautions in case of emergency. It was announced that at the firing

of seven guns at the Tower, answered by the same number in St. James’s

Park, soldiers and officers should repair to previously named places

of rendez-vous. No crowds were allowed to assemble. A race between two

pairs of chairmen, carrying their chairs, round the Park, having caused

a large mob to gather within hail of the palace, was stopped in mid

career by a file of musqueteers, who drove competitors and spectators

into the neighbouring streets. When the park was pretty well cleared,

Captain Stradwick was brought out and ‘broke,’ for desertion. Why he

was not shot, as the king said he deserved to be, was owing to some

influence which seemed to be stronger than the king himself. Perhaps,

as a consequence, the common rank and file who had deserted were

allowed their lives, but at dear cost. They got a thousand lashes,

administered half at a time, in Hyde Park; and on the off days the mob

were regaled with the sight of soldiers getting their five hundred

stripes for speaking evil of his Majesty in their drink.

[Sidenote: _REBEL PRISONERS._]

Meanwhile, the river one day suddenly swarmed with galleys, which

picked up numbers of ‘useful fellows to serve the king.’ Even the City

taverns were broken into, and there similar seizure was made, but not

without occasional mortal frays, in which there was much promiscuous

shooting, and a forcible carrying off of other ‘useful fellows,’ who

were hurried on board tenders, and thence sent to sea. There was

hardly time for sympathy. A few women in the streets and by the river

side filled the air with shrieks and clamour, but they were not much

heeded. London became full of expectancy of the renewal of an old and

a rare spectacle. The Carlisle prisoners were on their road to town.

There were nearly four hundred of them, including about threescore

officers. Those who were able to march were tied in couples, and two

dragoons had charge of ten prisoners, one leading them by a rope from

his saddle, the other ‘driving them up.’ The captured officers were

mounted, but their arms and legs were tied. Batches of other captive

men were sent by sea; some seem to have been exceptionally treated.

The papers announced the arrival of ‘six coaches and six,’ filled with

rebel prisoners, under an escort of horse and foot. The London gaols

were emptied of felons, who were transferred to distant prisons, in

order to ‘accommodate’ the captives till they were otherwise disposed

of. But the most important arrival was that of the hero himself. The

Duke of Cumberland, fresh from Carlisle, reached London on a dark

January morning, at seven o’clock. Much was made of his having passed

only ‘one night in bed,’ in that now easy day’s journey. The duke came

with modesty and great becomingness. Shortly after reaching St. James’s

he went straight to the little Chapel Royal. At the subsequent usual

Sunday drawing-room, there was brilliancy with the utmost gaiety,

such as had not been witnessed for many a year. After a few days the

duke returned northward, departing with the same modesty that had

marked his arrival. He left at one in the morning, but even at that

ghostly hour, and in that inclement season, he was done honour to by

a crowd which he could scarcely penetrate, whose torches were flashed

to their brightest, and whose voices were pitched to the loudest, as

their last ‘God speed!’ The temper of London may be seen in one of

Walpole’s letters, in which he alludes to the too great favour which

had been always shown towards Scotland since the last rebellion; and he

expresses a hope that the duke will make an end of it.

[Sidenote: _LONDON MOBS._]

In the meantime, old rancour against the Jacobites was embittered by

the publication of various ‘provocating pamphlets;’ and the month came

to a conclusion with the preachings of the 30th of January, and the

comments made on the sermons next day. Bishop Mawson, of Chichester,

preached before the Lords at St. Peter’s, Westminster; Dr. Rutherford

before the Commons at St. Margaret’s; while a reverend gentleman, who

is variously called ‘Pursack’ and ‘Persover,’ aroused the echoes of

St. Paul’s in the ears of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. Finally, an

anonymous poet swept the lyre in laudation of the duke. How he made the

chords ring may be gathered from a single line:――

Blast, gracious God, th’ assassins’ hell-bred scheme!

The London mob, on the Whig side of politics, cannot be said to have

been more civilised than the same mob of thirty years earlier. One

of its favourite sights was to see Jacobite prisoners brought into

London. The captives were invariably ill-used; but there was a much

more humane feeling manifested for such of them as might end their

career by the axe or the halter. One day in February upwards of forty

officers (including a French colonel of Engineers and four Frenchmen

of lower grade) were brought into London in four waggons and a coach.

The more dignified vehicle carried the French colonel. They were

guarded by a strongly-armed escort. Some were taken to the New Prison

in Southwark, some to Newgate. The French colonel in the coach, and

his four countrymen in a cart, were driven to the Marshalsea. ‘They

were very rudely treated by the populace,’ say the newspapers, ‘who

pelted them with dirt, and showed all other marks of abhorrence of

their black designs.’ Foreigners were just then looked upon with great

suspicion. ◆[Sidenote: _AMBASSADORS’ CHAPELS._]◆ Two servants of the

Portuguese and Sardinian envoys, respectively, having let their tongues

wag too saucily at a tavern, under the shield, as they thought, of

ambassadorial protection, had been seized by the constables and clapped

into irons. The envoys demanded their release; and much correspondence

ensued between the Home Office and the envoys. It was settled that

the legation could not shelter an offender against the law, even

though the offender were a fellow-countryman of the legate. Some

attempt was made to compel the foreign representatives to abstain from

employing Popish priests of English birth in the chapels annexed to the

ambassadors’ private residences. The answer was reasonable enough. As

their Excellencies could bring no foreign priests of the Romish Church

with them, they were obliged to employ English ecclesiastics who were

priests of that Church, in the chapels of the respective embassies.

These were the only ‘mass houses’ to which English Papists, it was

said, could resort, and the Whigs denounced them as the smithies where

red hot conspiracy was beaten into shape between foreign hammers and a

British anvil.

[Sidenote: _THE HAVOC OF WAR._]

London Whig temper was irritated in another direction. There was not

only a reckless assertion of Jacobitism on the part of the prisoners

from the north, but there was abundance of sympathy manifested for

them. Moreover, full permission was given to the practical application

of this sympathy. Jacobite visitors poured into the prisons, and

the captives ate, drank, and were merry with them, regardless of

what the morrow might bring. Many of the prisoners had pockets well

furnished with gold; and where this was wanting it was supplied by

Jacobite outsiders. Scarcely a day passed without waggoners or porters

depositing in the first lodge hampers of the richest wines and of the

finest delicacies. The warders rejoiced, for they took toll of all;

and the prison chaplains had some idea that this good time was the

beginning of the Millennium.

On the other hand, there was much more misery in the loyal than in

the Jacobite army. The Londoners saw nothing for the encouragement of

loyalty in such a sight as the landing at the Tower wharf of some of

the troops that had been with Cope at Preston Pans. ‘The poor men,’

say all the papers, ‘were in a most miserable shocking condition. Some

without arms or legs, others their noses cut off and their eyes put

out; besides being hacked and mauled in many parts of their bodies,

after a most terrible and cruel manner.’ This ‘atrocity’ was forgotten

in the news that roused London in April.

[Sidenote: _FLYING REPORTS._]

The course of war in Scotland, from the beginning of the year to

the 16th of April, was in this wise. On the 17th of January Hawley

was defeated at Falkirk. On the 30th, the Duke of Cumberland arrived

in Edinburgh. March 14th, news came that the Highland army had taken

Fort Augustus and had blown up Fort George. The Ladies Seaforth and

Mackintosh headed two rebel clans on the hills; but their husbands were

with the duke’s army! About the same time old Lord Lovat stimulated the

rebel resistance by proclaiming that it was the intention of the Duke

of Cumberland to transport the Highlanders to America. On April 3rd,

the rebels captured Blair Castle, and on the 16th the duke’s victory at

Culloden proved decisive of the fate of the Stuarts.

Exactly a week after the Duke of Cumberland gained the victory, a

_report_ to that effect reached London, but there was no news from the

duke himself till the 25th. His business-like account of the battle

appeared in the ‘London Gazette’ next day. In the interim the London

Jacobites in their places of resort asserted loudly that the duke was

in full retreat; and it was whispered that if he was _hopelessly_

beaten, the ‘Papists would rise all over the kingdom.’ But _now_ ‘hope’

herself was beaten out of the souls of Papists and Jacobites. The

military in London were in a vein of swaggering delight. They talked

of the young duke’s briefly heroic address to a cavalry regiment on

the point of charging. He patted the nearest man to him on the back,

and cried aloud, ‘One brush, my lads, for the honour of old Cobham!’

◆[Sidenote: _NEWS OF CULLODEN._]◆ Then was curiosity stirred in London

barracks as to which regiments were to get the prize for bravery,

subscribed by the Corporation of London――namely 5,000_l._ The duke so

wisely distributed it as to rebuke nobody. Veterans at Chelsea were

looking at the vacant spaces where they should hang the captured flags,

and were disappointed when they heard at the Horse Guards that the

duke, considering that it was said how little honour was connected

with such trophies, had sent the flags to Edinburgh to be burnt by the

common hangman. The Chelsea veterans, however, envied the capturers

of the (four) flags; for to each man the duke gave sixteen guineas.

Medals and crosses were not yet thought of. His generosity was lauded

as enthusiastically as his valour.

While the Jacobites were overwhelming him with charges of cruelty

and meanness, the friends of ‘the present happy establishment’ were

circulating stories in and about London of his humanity and liberality.

Soldiers of the young Chevalier’s army had wreaked their vengeance upon

Mr. Rose, the minister at Nairn――on himself and his house. He was a

Whig and anti-Romanist, who had favoured the escape of some prisoners

taken by the Jacobite army. The Highlanders burnt his house, and, tying

the minister up, they gave him 500 lashes. The duke, on hearing of this

outrage, fell into uncontrollable fury, and swore he would avenge it.

If there was some savagery at and after Culloden, no wonder! Such, at

least, was the London feeling among the duke’s friends. But the feeling

generally was one of ecstacy at the decisive victory. Lord Bury, who

had arrived on the 25th with the news direct from the duke to the king,

could hardly walk along the then terraced St. James’s Street for the

congratulations of the crowd. Nobody thought such a halcyon messenger

was too highly rewarded with a purse of a thousand guineas, and with

being nominated own aide-de-camp to King George.

[Sidenote: _A POPULAR HOLIDAY._]

That 25th of April was indeed a gala day for the London mob. They had

ample time for breakfast before they gathered at the ‘end of New Bond

Street, in Tyburn Road’ (as Oxford Street was then called), to see

the young footman, Henderson, hanged for the murder of his mistress,

Lady Dalrymple. The culprit did not die ‘game,’ and the brutes were

disappointed, but they found consolation in the fall of a scaffolding

with all its occupants. Then they had time to pour into the Park and

see four or five sergeants shot for trying to desert from King George’s

service to King James’s. Moreover there was a man to be whipt somewhere

in the City, and a pretty group of sight-seers assembled at Charing

Cross in expectation of ‘a fellow in the pillory.’ What with these

delights, and the pursuing Lord Bury with vociferations of sanguinary

congratulation, the day was a thorough popular holiday.

The anxiety that had been felt in London before Culloden may be

measured by the wild joy which prevailed when the news of the victory

arrived. Walpole, in Arlington Street, on the evening of the 25th

April, writes: ‘The town is all blazing around me as I write with

fireworks and illuminations. I have some inclination to wrap up half a

dozen sky-rockets to make you drink the duke’s health. Mr. Dodington,

on the first report, came out with a very pretty illumination, so

pretty that I believe he had it by him, ready for any occasion.’

On the same evening the Rev. Mr. Harris wrote from London to the mother

of the future first Earl of Malmesbury, just born: ‘You cannot imagine

the prodigious rejoicings that have been made this evening in every

part of the town; and indeed it is a proper time for people to express

their joy when the enemies of their country are thus cut off.’

[Sidenote: _CARLYLE AND SMOLLETT._]

On that evening Alexander Carlyle was with Smollett in the Golden Ball

coffee-house, Cockspur Street. ‘London,’ he says, ‘was in a perfect

uproar of joy. About nine o’clock I asked Smollett if he was ready to

go, as he lived at May Fair’ (Carlyle was bound for New Bond Street on

a supper engagement). ‘He said he was, and would conduct me. The mob

were so riotous and the squibs so numerous and incessant that we were

glad to go into a narrow entry to put our wigs into our pockets, and

to take our swords from our belts and walk with them in our hands, as

everybody then wore swords; and after cautioning me against speaking a

word lest the mob should discover my country and become insolent, “John

Bull,” says he, “is as haughty and valiant to-night, as he was abject

and cowardly on the Black Wednesday (Friday?) when the Highlanders were

at Derby.” After we got to the head of the Haymarket through incessant

fire, the doctor led me by narrow lanes where we met nobody but a few

boys at a pitiful bonfire, who very civilly asked us for sixpence,

which I gave them. I saw not Smollett again for some time after, when

he showed Smith and me the manuscript of his “Tears of Scotland,” which

was published not long after, and had such a run of approbation.’

[Sidenote: ‘_TEARS OF SCOTLAND._’]

Smollett was one of those Tories who, like many of the Nonjurors, were

not necessarily or consequently Jacobites. They were more willing to

make the best of a foreign king than to risk their liberties under

an incapable bigot like James Stuart, who, save for the accident of

birth, was less of an Englishman and knew less of England (in which,

throughout his life, he had only spent a few months) than either of the

Georges. But Smollett felt keenly the sufferings of his country, and

out of the feeling sprung his verses so full of a tenderly expressed

grief,――‘The Tears of Scotland!’ How that mournful ode was written in

London in this year of mournful memories for the Jacobites, no one can

tell better than Walter Scott. ‘Some gentlemen having met at a tavern,

were amusing themselves before supper with a game of cards, while

Smollett, not choosing to play, sat down to write. One of the company

(Graham of Gartmoor), observing his earnestness and supposing he was

writing verses, asked him if it was not so. He accordingly read them

the first sketch of the “Tears of Scotland,” consisting only of six

stanzas, and on their remarking that the termination of the poem being

too strongly expressed might give offence to persons whose political

opinions were different, he sat down without reply and, with an air of

great indignation, subjoined the concluding stanza:――

[Sidenote: _INDIGNATION VERSES._]

While the warm blood bedews my veins

And unimpair’d remembrance reigns,

Resentment of my country’s fate

Within my filial breast shall beat.

Yes! spite of thine insulting foe,

My sympathising verse shall flow;

Mourn, hapless Caledonia, mourn

Thy banish’d peace, thy laurels torn!’

The following were the lines which were supposed to be likely to offend

the friends of the hero of Culloden; but the sentiment was shared by

many who were not friends of the Stuart cause:――

Yet, when the rage of battle ceased,

The victor’s rage was not appeased;

The naked and forlorn must feel

Devouring flames and murd’ring steel.

The pious mother, doom’d to death,

Forsaken, wanders o’er the heath, &c., &c.

The picture was somewhat over-drawn, but there were thousands who

believed it to be true to the very letter.

[Illustration: Leaves]

[Illustration: Decorative banner]

London in the Jacobite times, Volume II · 第 6 / 17 章