HER TEARS ANENT TURKISH ATROCITIES

"Christian England" is agonizing over the pitiful condition of

the Armenians under Moslem rule, but has nothing to say

anent her own awful record in India. It were well for John

Bull to get the beam out of his own eye before making

frantic swipes at the mote in the optic of the Moslem. The

oppression of the children of Israel by the Egyptian

Pharaohs, the Babylonian king and Roman emperors were

as nothing compared to that suffered by the patient

Bengalese at the hands of Great Britain. The history of

every barbarous prince of the Orient, in those dark days

when might made right and plunder was the recognized

prerogative of royalty; the annals of every potentate who

has reigned by the grace of Allah and kneeled to kiss

the robe of the prophet, may be searched in vain for a

parallel in unbounded rapacity and calculating atrocity.

England's despoilment of India constitutes the supreme

crime of all the ages, the acknowledged acme of infamy-

Europe never dreaded Alaric the Visigoth, nor hated Attila

the Scourge of God, as India dreads and detests John Bull,

"the white beast from over the black water." He has not

persecuted because of difference of religious dogma, as

have the Mohammedan Sultans and the Christian Czars.

That kind of enterprise doesn't pay, and John Bull never

wastes on theological sentiment one ounce of energy that

can be coined into cash.

A British trading company had leased land at Madras and

Calcutta, for which it paid rent to the native powers. For

the protection of its warehouses it was permitted to built

forts and keep a few armed police, but was in no sense

independent. Its position in India was analogous to that of

British capitalists in America who are operating a mine or

factory and have been authorized to police their property.

The mighty house of Tamerlane had become a political

nonentity, the empire of the Great Mogul was divided

among nominal viceroys who were really independent

sovereigns, gorgeous but indolent. The teeming millions of

India were, for the most part, as unfitted by nature and

occupation for the fatigues of war, as were the countless

host which Xerxes led into Greece, or Darius hurled upon

the steel-crested phalanxes of that bloody prototype of John

Bull, Alexander the Macedonian marauder. The

governments of India were showy rather than strong, and a

condition of semi-anarchy had been engendered by the

frequent incursions of fierce tribes of robbers, the jealousies

and ambitions of rival nabobs and the mischievous

schemes of a French adventurer named Dupleix. The

company continued to augment its forces until strong

enough not only to protect its own property, but to

overawe the native governments. Then, on one dishonest

pretext or another, it began the work of transforming India

into a British province. Robert Clive succeeded in

accomplishing in Asia what Dr. Jamieson attempted with far

better excuse in South Africa. Rival powers applied to the

company for assistance, and it mattered not with which it

allied itself, both were in the end destroyed or enslaved,

compelled to pour their wealth into the coffers of the British

corporations. No crime was too horrible, no breach of faith

too brazen if it promised to further the ambition and

increase the gains of the company. Its policy was to unite

with a weak government to plunder a strong one, then, by

subjugating its ally, to make itself master of both. By

treasons and stratagems, by forged treaties and briberies,

by infamies planned in cold blood and executed with more

than Kurdish barbarity, the garden spot of the earth, with its

teeming millions and inestimable wealth, was made to pay

tribute to British greed. Macaulay, the eulogist of both Lord

Clive and Warren Hastings, thus describes India when

Great Britain, without a shadow of excuse, laid her

marauding paw upon it in the same manner and for the

self-same purpose that Cortez invaded the halls of the

Montezumas:

"The people of India when we subdued them, were ten

times as numerous as the vanquished Americans (the

Indian subjects of Montezuma), and were at the same time

quite as highly civilized as the victorious Spaniards. They

had reared cities larger and fairer than Saragossa or

Toledo, and buildings more beautiful and costly than the

cathedrals of Seville. They could show bankers richer than

the richest firms of Barcelona or Cadiz, Viceroys whose

splendors far surpassed that of Ferdinand the

Catholic, myriads of cavalry and long trains of artillery

which would have astonished the Great Captain. It might

have been expected that every Englishman who takes any

interest in any part of history would be curious to know how

a handful of their countrymen, separated from their home

by an immense ocean, subjugated, in the course of a few

years, one of the greatest empires of the world. Yet,

unless we greatly err, this subject is, to most readers, not

only insipid, but positively distasteful." Good God! Is it any

wonder that British readers should find the conquest of

India "positively distasteful?" Is it not quite natural that

Englishmen had rather read of Turkish atrocities in Armenia

than of British atrocities in India? Lord Macaulay rehearses

all the treacheries and cruelties and double-dealings by

which "a handful of his countrymen subjugated one of the

greatest empires of the world," then complains that British

readers find such a catalogue of horrors positively

distasteful! Did he expect even Englishmen to become

enthusiastic over the hiring of British troops to the infamous

Surajah Dowlah for the massacre of the brave Rohillas?

Did he expect them to peruse with pleasurable pride the

robbery of the Princesses of Oude, the brutal execution of

Nuncomar, or the forged treaty by which Ormichund was

entrapped? Having painted the atrocities and craven

cowardice of Chief Justice Impey, could he reasonably

expect them to be proud of this representative Englishman

in India? Having told us that Lord Clive was a freebooter in

his boyhood and a butcher in his prime, did he anticipate

that even Englishmen would be proud of this countryman of

theirs who founded the British Empire in India? Lord

Macaulay gives us the following description of conditions in

Bengal under British Domination, then wonders that his

countrymen find its perusal "positively distasteful."

"They (the servants of the East India company) covered

with their protection a set of native dependents, who ranged

through the provinces, spreading desolation and terror

wherever they appeared. Every servant of a British factor

was armed with all the power of his master. And his

master was armed with all the power of the company.

Enormous fortunes were thus accumulated at Calcutta,

while thirty millions of human beings were reduced to the

last extremity of wretchedness. They had been

accustomed to live under tyranny, but never tyranny like

this. They found the little finger of the company thicker

than the loins of the Surajah Dowlah. It resembled the

government of evil genii rather than the government of

human tyrants."

The people of India, it must be remembered, had

experienced the tyranny of the Brahman and Buddhist, of

Moslem and even the terrible Mahratta; they had groaned

beneath the exactions of the Great Moguls, plundering

viceroys and robber chiefs; they had paid tribute to

Aurungzebe and to Hyder Ali, but here we are told they

never experienced such tyranny and pitiless despoliation as

under the rule of Christian England, and this upon the

testimony of an Englishman! Now that British preachers

and pamphleteers are agonizing over Mohammedan

atrocities in Armenia, let us see what the latter thought of

Christian domination in India. "If," says the Mussulman

historian of those unhappy times, "if to so many military

qualifications, they (English) knew how to join the art of

government--if they exerted as much ingenuity and

solicitude in relieving the people of God, as they do in

whatever concerns their military affairs, no nation in the

world would be preferable to them, or worthier of command;

but the people under their dominion groan everywhere, and

are reduced to poverty and distress. Oh God! come to

the assistance of thine afflicted servants, and deliver them

from the oppressions they suffer."

Lord Clive, having acquired an immense fortune, concluded

to round out his political career by inaugurating a reform

that would in some manner atone for his past excesses,

and did succeed in giving India more than a Roman peace

and abating some of the worst abuses; but the reform was

ephemeral. In his essay on Warren Hastings, Lord

Macaulay--who wonders that the conquest of India is

"distasteful" reading to Englishmen--gives us the following

pen-picture of conditions under the administration of his

ideal:

"The delay and the expense, grievous as they are, form

the smallest part of the evil which English law, imported

without modifications into India, could not fail to produce.

The strongest feelings of our nation, honor, religion, female

modesty, rose up against the innovation. Arrest on mesne

process was the first step in most civil proceedings; and to

a native of rank arrest was not merely a restraint, but a foul

personal indignity. That the apartments of a woman of

quality should be entered by strange men, or that her face

should be seen by them, are in the East intolerable

outrages--outrages which are more dreaded than death,

and which can be expiated only by the shedding of blood.

To these outrages the most distinguished families of

Bengal, Bahar and Orissa were now exposed. A reign of

terror began--a reign of terror heightened by mystery. No

man knew what was next to be expected from this strange

tribunal. It had collected round itself an army of the worst

part of the native population--informers, and false

witnesses, and common barrators, and agents of chicane;

and above all, a banditti of bailiffs' followers compared

with whom the retainers of the worst English spunging-

houses, in the worst times, might be considered as upright

and tender-hearted. There were instances in which men of

the most venerable dignity, persecuted without cause by

extortioners, died of rage and shame in the grip of the vile

alguazils of Impey. The harems of noble Mohammedans--

sanctuaries respected in the East by governments that

respected nothing else--were burst open by gangs of

bailiffs. The Mussulmans, braver and less accustomed to

submission than the Hindoos, sometimes stood on their

defense and shed their blood in the doorway, while

defending, sword in hand, the sacred apartments of their

women. No Mahratta invasion had ever spread through the

province such dismay as this inroad of English lawyers. All

the injustice of former oppressions, Asiatic and European,

appeared as a blessing when compared with the justice of

the Supreme Court."

No wonder that "Christian England" is horrified by the

atrocities of the Moslems in Armenia! She cannot

understand persecution for the sake of religious opinion--

having done her dirty work for the sake of the almighty

dollar. It is true, that a Hastings, with his forged treaties

and despoilment of ancient "bee-gums," is no longer

governor-general of India; it is true that an Impey no longer

deals out "Justice" in that unhappy land; but the industrial

condition of the toiling millions is worse to-day than when

they were being despoiled to erect the Peacock throne at

Delhi, adorned with its "Mountain of Light." Sir David

Wedderbun--who will be accepted as authority even by our

Anglomaniacs--says: "Our civil courts are regarded as

institutions for enabling the rich to grind the faces of the

poor, and many are fain to seek a refuge from their

jurisdiction in native territory." "We do not care for

the people of India," writes Florence Nightingale; "the

saddest sight to be seen in India--nay, probably in the

world--is the peasant of our Eastern Empire." Miss

Nightingale declares that the Indian famines, which every

few years cost millions of lives, are due to British taxation,

which deprives the ryots of the means of cultivation and

reduces them to a condition far worse than the worst

phases of American slavery. Mr. H. M. Hyndman, an

English writer of repute, declares that in India men and

women cannot get food, because they cannot save money

to buy it, so terrible are the burdens laid by Christian

England on that unhappy people. Just as Ireland exported

food to England during her most devastating "famines," so

does India send food to the "Mother Country" in the

discharge of governmental burdens, while her own people

are starving by millions. Henry George, who has never

been suspected of anti-English tendencies, says: "The

millions of India have bowed their necks beneath the yokes

of many conquerors, but worst of all is the steady grinding

weight of English domination--a weight which is literally

crushing millions out of existence, and, as shown by

English writers, is inevitably tending to a most frightful and

widespread catastrophe."

"Christian England" wouldn't murder a Moslem because of

his religion--she's too good for that; but she starves millions

to death to fill her purse, then tries to square herself with

God and man by singing psalms and pointing the finger of

scorn at the barbarities of Islam.

The Complete Works of Brann, the Iconoclast — Volume 01 · 第 5 / 24 题