III

From their admission into the Union, the States of Kentucky and

Tennessee have held a relation to the politics of the country somewhat

disproportioned to their population and wealth. As between the two parties

from the Jacksonian era to the War of Sections, each was closely and hotly

contested. If not the birthplace of what was called "stump oratory," in

them that picturesque form of party warfare flourished most and lasted

longest. The "barbecue" was at once a rustic feast and a forum of political

debate. Especially notable was the presidential campaign of 1840, the year

of my birth, "Tippecanoe and Tyler," for the Whig slogan--"Old Hickory" and

"the battle of New Orleans," the Democratic rallying cry--Jackson and Clay,

the adored party chieftains.

I grew up in the one State, and have passed the rest of my life in the

other, cherishing for both a deep affection, and, maybe, over-estimating

their hold upon the public interest. Excepting General Jackson, who was

a fighter and not a talker, their public men, with Henry Clay and Felix

Grundy in the lead, were "stump orators." He who could not relate and

impersonate an anecdote to illustrate and clinch his argument, nor "make

the welkin ring" with the clarion tones of his voice, was politically good

for nothing. James K. Polk and James C. Jones led the van of stump orators

in Tennessee, Ben Hardin, John J. Crittenden and John C. Breckenridge

in Kentucky. Tradition still has stories to tell of their exploits and

prowess, their wit and eloquence, even their commonplace sayings and

doings. They were marked men who never failed to captivate their audiences.

The system of stump oratory had many advantages as a public force and was

both edifying and educational. There were a few conspicuous writers for

the press, such as Ritchie, Greeley and Prentice. But the day of personal

journalism and newspaper influence came later.

I was born at Washington--February 16, 1840--"a bad year for Democrats,"

as my father used to say, adding: "I am afraid the boy will grow up to be a

Whig."

In those primitive days there were only Whigs and Democrats. Men took their

politics, as their liquor, "straight"; and this father of mine was an

undoubting Democrat of the schools of Jefferson and Jackson. He had

succeeded James K. Polk in Congress when the future President was elected

governor of Tennessee; though when nominated he was little beyond the age

required to qualify as a member of the House.

To the end of his long life he appeared to me the embodiment of wisdom,

integrity and courage. And so he was--a man of tremendous force of

character, yet of surpassing sweetness of disposition; singularly

disdainful of office, and indeed of preferment of every sort; a profuse

maker and a prodigal spender of money; who, his needs and recognition

assured, cared nothing at all for what he regarded as the costly glories

of the little great men who rattled round in places often much too big for

them.

Immediately succeeding Mr. Polk, and such a youth in appearance, he

attracted instant attention. His father, my grandfather, allowed him a

larger income than was good for him--seeing that the per diem then paid

Congressmen was altogether insufficient--and during the earlier days of his

sojourn in the national capital he cut a wide swath; his principal yokemate

in the pleasures and dissipations of those times being Franklin Pierce, at

first a representative and then a senator from New Hampshire. Fortunately

for both of them, they were whisked out of Washington by their families in

1843; my father into the diplomatic service and Mr. Pierce to the seclusion

of his New England home. They kept in close touch, however, the one with

the other, and ten years later, in 1853, were back again upon the scene

of their rather conspicuous frivolity, Pierce as President of the United

States, my father, who had preceded him a year or two, as editor of the

Washington Union, the organ of the Administration.

When I was a boy the national capital was still rife with stories of their

escapades. One that I recall had it that on a certain occasion returning

from an excursion late at night my father missed his footing and fell into

the canal that then divided the city, and that Pierce, after many fruitless

efforts, unable to assist him to dry land, exclaimed, "Well, Harvey, I

can't get you out, but I'll get in with you," suiting the action to the

word. And there they were found and rescued by a party of passers, very

well pleased with themselves.

My father's absence in South America extended over two years. My mother's

health, maybe her aversion to a long overseas journey, kept her at home,

and very soon he tired of life abroad without her and came back. A

committee of citizens went on a steamer down the river to meet him, the

wife and child along, of course, and the story was told that, seated on

the paternal knee curiously observant of every detail, the brat suddenly

exclaimed, "Ah ha, pa! Now you've got on your store clothes. But when ma

gets you up at Beech Grove you'll have to lay off your broadcloth and put

on your jeans, like I do."

Being an only child and often an invalid, I was a pet in the family and

many tales were told of my infantile precocity. On one occasion I had a

fight with a little colored boy of my own age and I need not say got the

worst of it. My grandfather, who came up betimes and separated us, said,

"he has blackened your eye and he shall black your boots," thereafter

making me a deed to the lad. We grew up together in the greatest amity

and in due time I gave him his freedom, and again to drop into the

vernacular--"that was the only nigger I ever owned." I should add that in

the "War of Sections" he fell in battle bravely fighting for the freedom of

his race.

It is truth to say that I cannot recall the time when I was not

passionately opposed to slavery, a crank on the subject of personal

liberty, if I am a crank about anything.

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