The day succeeding that on which this speech was delivered, a special

message was sent to both houses containing some of the promised

communications relative to the connection of the United States with

foreign powers.

After suggesting, as a motive for this communication, that it not only

disclosed "matter of interesting inquiry to the Legislature," but "might

indeed give rise to deliberations to which they alone were competent,"

the President added:

"The representative and executive bodies of France have manifested

generally a friendly attachment to this country; have given advantages

to our commerce and navigation; and have made overtures for placing

these advantages on permanent ground. A decree, however, of the National

Assembly, subjecting vessels laden with provisions to be carried into

their ports, and making enemy goods lawful prize in the vessel of a

friend, contrary to our treaty, though revoked at one time as to the

United States, has been since extended to their vessels also, as has

been recently stated to us. Representations on the subject will be

immediately given in charge to our minister there, and the result shall

be communicated to the Legislature.

"It is with extreme concern I have to inform you that the person whom

they have unfortunately appointed their minister plenipotentiary here,

has breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the nation which sent

him. Their tendency, on the contrary, has been to involve us in a war

abroad and discord and anarchy at home. So far as his acts, or those

of his agents, have threatened an immediate commitment in the war, or

flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been

counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws and by an exertion

of the powers confided to me. Where their danger was not imminent, they

have been borne with, from sentiments of regard of his nation, from a

sense of their friendship toward us, from a conviction that they would

not suffer us to remain long exposed to the actions of a person who has

so little respected our mutual dispositions, and, I will add, from a

reliance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their principles

of peace and order. In the meantime I have respected and pursued the

stipulations of our treaties, according to what I judged their true

sense, and have withheld no act of friendship which their affairs have

called for from us, and which justice to others left us free to perform.

I have gone further. Rather than employ force for the restitution of

certain vessels which I deemed the United States bound to restore, I

thought it more advisable to satisfy the parties by avowing it to be my

opinion that, if restitution were not made, it would be incumbent on the

United States to make compensation."

The message next proceeded to state that inquiries had been instituted

respecting the vexations and spoliations committed on the commerce

of the United States, the result of which, when received, would be

communicated.

The order issued by the British government on the 8th of June (1793),

and the measures taken by the executive of the United States in

consequence thereof, were briefly noticed, and the discussions which had

taken place in relation to the nonexecution of the treaty of peace, were

also mentioned. The message was then concluded with a reference to the

negotiations with Spain. "The public good," it was said, "requiring that

the present state of these should be made known to the Legislature in

confidence only, they would be the subject of a separate and subsequent

communication."

This message was accompanied with copies of the correspondence between

the Secretary of State and the French minister, on the points of

difference which subsisted between the two governments, together with

several documents necessary for the establishment of particular facts,

and with the letter written by Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Morris, which

justified the conduct of the United States by arguments too clear to be

misunderstood, and too strong ever to be controverted.

The extensive discussions which had taken place relative to the

nonexecution of the treaty of peace, and the correspondence produced

by the objectionable measures which had been adopted by the British

government during the existing war, were also laid before the

Legislature.

In a popular government the representatives of the people may generally

be considered as a mirror, reflecting truly the passions and feelings

which govern their constituents. In the late elections, the strength of

parties had been tried, and the opposition had derived so much aid from

associating the cause of France with its own principles, as to furnish

much reason to suspect that, in one branch of the Legislature at

least, it had become the majority. The first act of the House of

Representatives served to strengthen this suspicion. By each party a

candidate for the chair was brought forward, and Mr. Muhlenberg, who

was supported by the opposition, was elected by a majority of ten votes,

against Mr. Sedgewick, whom the Federalists supported.

The answer, however, to Washington's speech, bore no tinge of that

malignant and furious spirit which had infused itself into the

publications of the day. Breathing the same affectionate attachment to

his person and character which had been professed in other times,

and being approved by every part of the House, it indicated that the

leaders, at least, still venerated their chief magistrate, and that no

general intention as yet existed to involve him in the obloquy directed

against his measures.

Noticing that unanimous suffrage by which he had been again called to

his present station, "it was," they said, "with equal sincerity and

promptitude they embraced the occasion for expressing to him their

congratulations on so distinguished a testimony of public approbation,

and their entire confidence in the purity and patriotism of the motives

which had produced this obedience to the voice of his country. It

is," proceeded the address, "to virtues which have commanded long and

universal reverence, and services from which have flowed great and

lasting benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid without the

reproach of flattery; and it is from the same sources that the fairest

anticipations may be derived in favor of the public happiness."

The proclamation of neutrality was approved in guarded terms, and

the topics of the speech were noticed in a manner which indicated

dispositions cordially to cooperate with the executive.

On the part of the Senate, also, the answer to the speech was

unfeignedly affectionate. In warm terms they expressed the pleasure

which the re-election of Washington gave them. "In the unanimity," they

added, "which a second time marks this important national act, we trace

with particular satisfaction, besides the distinguished tribute paid

to the virtues and abilities which it recognizes, another proof of that

discernment, and constancy of sentiments and views, which have hitherto

characterized the citizens of the United States." Speaking of the

proclamation, they declared it to be "a measure well timed and wise,

manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and

calculated to promote it."

In a few days a confidential message from Washington was delivered,

communicating the critical situation of affairs with Spain. The

negotiations attempted with that power in regard to the interesting

objects of boundary, navigation, and commerce, had been exposed to much

delay and embarrassment, in consequence of the changes which the French

revolution had effected in the political state of Europe. Meanwhile, the

neighborhood of the Spanish colonies to the United States had given rise

to various other subjects of discussion, one of which had assumed a very

serious aspect.

Having the best reason to suppose that the hostility of the southern

Indians was excited by the agents of Spain, Washington had directed the

American commissioners at Madrid to make the proper representations on

the subject and to propose that each nation should, with good faith,

promote the peace of the other with their savage neighbors.

About the same time the Spanish government entertained, or affected to

entertain, corresponding suspicions of like hostile excitements by

the agents of the United States, to disturb their peace with the

same nations. The representations which were induced by these real or

affected suspicions were accompanied with pretensions and made in a

style to which the American executive could not be inattentive. The

King of Spain asserted these claims as a patron and protector of those

Indians. He assumed a right to mediate between them and the United

States, and to interfere in the establishment of their boundaries. At

length, in the very moment when those savages were committing daily

inroads on the American frontier, at the instigation of Spain, as

was believed, the representatives of that power, complaining of the

aggressions of American citizens on the Indians, declared "that the

continuation of the peace, good harmony, and perfect friendship of the

two nations was very problematical for the future, unless the United

States should take more convenient measures, and of greater energy than

those adopted for a long time past."

Notwithstanding the zeal and enthusiasm with which the pretensions of

the French republic, as asserted by their minister Genet, continued to

be supported out of doors, they found no open advocate in either branch

of the Legislature. This circumstance is, in a great measure, to

be ascribed to the temperate conduct of the executive, and to the

convincing arguments with which its decisions were supported.

But when it is recollected that the odium which these decisions excited

sustained no diminution; that the accusation of hostility to France

and to liberty, which originated in them, was not retracted; that, when

afterwards many of the controverted claims were renewed by France, her

former advocates still adhered to her; it is not unreasonable to suppose

that other considerations mingled themselves with the conviction

which the correspondence laid before the Legislature was calculated to

produce.

An attack on the administration could be placed on no ground more

disadvantageous than on its controversy with Mr. Genet. The conduct

and language of that minister were offensive to reflecting men of all

parties. The President had himself taken so decisive a part in favor of

the measures which had been adopted that they must be ascribed to

him, not to his Cabinet, and, of consequence, the whole weight of his

personal character must be directly encountered in an attempt to censure

those measures. From this censure it would have been difficult to

extricate the person who was contemplated by the party in opposition

as its chief; for the Secretary of State had urged the arguments of the

administration with a degree of ability and earnestness, which ought to

have silenced the suspicion that he might not feel their force. [1]

The expression of a legislative opinion, in favor of the points insisted

on by the French minister, would probably have involved the nation in a

calamitous war, the whole responsibility for which would rest on

them. To these considerations was added another, which could not

be disregarded. The party in France, to which Mr. Genet owed his

appointment, had lost its power, and his fall was the inevitable

consequence of the fall of his patrons. That he would probably be

recalled was known in America, and that his conduct had been disapproved

by his government, was generally believed. The future system of

the French republic, with regard to the United States, could not be

foreseen, and it would be committing something to hazard not to wait its

development.

These objections did not exist to an indulgence of the partialities

and prejudices of the nation towards the belligerent powers in measures

suggested by its resentment against Great Britain. But, independent of

these considerations, it is scarcely possible to doubt that Congress

really approved the conduct of the executive with regard to France, and

was also convinced that a course of hostility had been pursued by Great

Britain which the national interest and national honor required them to

repel. In the irritable state of the public mind, it was not difficult

to produce this opinion.

Early in the session a report was made by Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of

State, in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Representatives,

passed on the 23d of February, 1791, requiring him "to report to

Congress the nature and extent of the privileges and restrictions of the

commercial intercourse of the United States with foreign nations,

and the measures which he should think proper to be adopted for the

improvement of the commerce and navigation of the same."

This report stated the exports of the United States in articles of

their own produce and manufacture, at $19,587,055, and the imports at

$19,823,060.

Of the exports, nearly one-half was carried to the kingdom of Great

Britain and its dominions; of the imports, about four-fifths were

brought from the same countries. The American shipping amounted to

277,519 tons, of which not quite one-sixth was employed in the trade

with Great Britain and its dominions.

In all the nations of Europe, most of the articles produced in the

United States were subject to heavy duties, and some of them were

prohibited. In England, the trade of the United States was in general on

as good a footing as the trade of other countries, and several articles

were more favored than the same articles, the growth of other countries.

The statements and arguments of this report tended to enforce the policy

of making discriminations which might favor the commerce of the United

States with France and discourage that with England, and which might

promote the increase of American navigation as a branch of industry and

a resource of defense.

This was the last official act of the Secretary of State. Early in the

preceding summer he had signified to the President his intention

to retire in September from the public service, and had, with some

reluctance, consented to postpone the execution of this intention to the

close of the year. Retaining his purpose, he resigned his office on the

last day of December. He was succeeded by Edmund Randolph, whose place

as Attorney-General was supplied by William Bradford, of Pennsylvania.

On the 4th of January (1794), the House resolved itself into a committee

of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of State, relative to the

restrictions of the commerce of the United States, when Mr. Madison,

after some prefatory observations, laid on the table a series of

resolutions for the consideration of the members.

These memorable resolutions embraced almost completely the idea of the

report. They imposed an additional duty on the manufactures, and on

the tonnage of vessels of nations having no commercial treaty with the

United States; while they reduced the duties already imposed by law

on the tonnage of vessels belonging to nations having such commercial

treaty, and they reciprocated the restrictions which were imposed on

American navigation.

The resolutions were taken up on the 13th of January (1794), and the

consideration of them led to protracted and very animated debates. The

friends of the administration regarded Mr. Madison's scheme as directly

hostile to England and subservient to the views of France, in a degree

utterly inconsistent with the policy of neutrality. On the other hand,

the opposition insisted that the proposed measures were absolutely

necessary to protect the commerce of the country from aggression and

plunder.

Mr. Madison, in advocating the views which he held, looked especially

to measures correspondent to the British navigation act, which had given

England the command of the sea. He contended that America would thrive

more from exclusion and contest, than from conciliating and stooping to

a power that slighted her; and that now was the moment, if ever, when

England was engaged in mortal strife with France, to bring her to

reason. [2] Mr. Madison's plan was debated at different periods of the

session, and underwent considerable modification in its progress

through the House, where a resolution was finally adopted retaining the

principle of commercial restrictions. It was rejected in the Senate by

the casting vote of Mr. Adams, the Vice-President.

Early in January, a resolution was agreed to in the House, declaring

"that a naval force, adequate to the protection of the commerce of the

United States against the Algerine corsairs, ought to be provided." The

force proposed was to consist of six frigates.

This measure was founded on the communications of the President

respecting the improbability of being able to negotiate a peace with

the Dey of Algiers; and on undoubted information that these pirates

had, during their first short cruise in the Atlantic, captured eleven

American merchantmen, and made upwards of 100 prisoners, and were

preparing to renew their attack on the unprotected vessels of the United

States. This bill was strongly opposed, but finally passed both houses,

and was approved by the President.

While these debates were going on, the news of the British order in

council of the 6th of November (which had not become known to the

American minister in England until the close of December, 1793),

relative to the French West India trade, arrived in the United

States, and roused afresh the hostility against England. Such was the

threatening aspect of affairs, that early in the session a committee

of the House was instructed to prepare and report an estimate of the

expense requisite to place the principal seaports of the country in a

state of defense.

That some steps should be taken to resist aggressions on the part of

England, was very evident; but the members of Congress differed as to

what measures ought to be adopted. The opponents of the administration

urged the adoption of commercial restrictions, while its supporters,

with the President himself, were in favor of a different course. Various

plans were submitted to the House by members, in accordance with their

different views of the subject.

On the 12th of March (1794) Mr. Sedgwick moved several resolutions, the

objects of which were to raise a military force, and to authorize the

President to lay an embargo. The armament was to consist of 15,000

men, who should be brought into actual service in case of war with any

European power, but not until war should break out. In the meantime they

were to receive pay while assembled for the purpose of discipline, which

was not to exceed twenty-four days in each year.

After stating the motives which led to the introduction of these

resolutions they were laid on the table for the consideration of the

members.

On the 21st of March Mr. Sedgwick's motion, authorizing the President to

lay an embargo, was negatived by a majority of two votes, but in a few

days the consideration of that subject was resumed, and a resolution

passed prohibiting all trade from the United States to any foreign port

or place for thirty days, and empowering the President to carry the

resolution into effect.

On the 27th of March Mr. Dayton moved a resolution for sequestering

all debts due to British subjects, and for taking means to secure their

payment into the treasury, as a fund out of which to indemnify the

citizens of the United States for depredations committed on their

commerce by British cruisers, in violation of the laws of nations.

The debate on this resolution was such as was to be expected from the

irritable state of the public mind. The invectives against the British

nation were uttered with peculiar vehemence, and were mingled with

allusions to the exertions of the government for the preservation of

neutrality, censuring strongly the system which had been pursued.

Before any question was taken on the proposition for sequestering

British debts, and without a decision on those proposed by Mr. Madison,

Mr. Clarke moved a resolution which in some degree suspended the

commercial regulations that had been so earnestly debated. This was to

prohibit all intercourse with Great Britain until her government should

make full compensation for all injuries done to the citizens of the

United States by armed vessels, or by any person or persons acting under

the authority of the British King, and until the western posts should be

delivered up.

On the 4th of April (1794) before any decision was made on the several

propositions which have been stated, the President laid before Congress

a letter just received from Thomas Pinckney, the minister of the

United States at London, communicating additional instructions to the

commanders of British armed ships, which were dated the 8th of January.

These instructions revoked those of the 6th of November (1793), and,

instead of bringing in for adjudication all neutral vessels trading with

the French islands, British cruisers were directed to bring in those

only which were laden with cargoes the produce of the French islands,

and were on a direct voyage from those islands to Europe.

The letter detailed a conversation with Lord Grenville on this subject,

in which his lordship explained the motives which had originally

occasioned the order of the 6th of November, and gave to it a

less extensive signification than it had received in the courts of

vice-admiralty.

It was intended, he said, to be temporary and was calculated to answer

two purposes. One was to prevent the abuses which might take place in

consequence of the whole of the St. Domingo fleet having gone to the

United States; the other was on account of the attack designed upon the

French West India islands by the armament under Sir John Jervis and

Sir Charles Grey; but it was now no longer necessary to continue the

regulations for those purposes. His lordship added that the order of the

6th of November did not direct the confiscation of all vessels trading

with the French islands, but only that they should be brought in for

legal adjudication, and he conceived that no vessel would be condemned

under it which would not have been previously liable to the same

sentence.

The influence of this communication on the party in the Legislature

which was denominated Federal was very considerable. Believing that

the existing differences between the two nations still admitted of

explanation and adjustment, they strenuously opposed all measures which

were irritating in their tendency or which might be construed into a

dereliction of the neutral character they were desirous of maintaining,

but they gave all their weight to those which, by putting the nation in

a posture of defense, prepared it for war should negotiation fail.

On the opposite party no change of sentiment or of views appears to have

been produced. Their system seems to have been matured, and not to have

originated in the feelings of the moment. They adhered to it, therefore,

with inflexible perseverance, but seemed not anxious to press an

immediate determination of the propositions which had been made. These

propositions were discussed with great animation, but, notwithstanding

an ascertained majority in their favor, were permitted to remain

undecided, as if their fate depended on some extrinsic circumstance.

Meanwhile, great exertions were made to increase the public agitation

and to stimulate the resentments which were felt against Great Britain.

The artillery of the press was played with unceasing fury on the

minority of the House of Representatives and the democratic societies

brought their whole force into operation. Language will scarcely afford

terms of greater outrage than were employed against those who sought

to stem the torrent of public opinion and to moderate the rage of the

moment. They were denounced as a British faction, seeking to impose

chains on their countrymen. Even the majority was declared to be but

half roused and to show little of that energy and decision which the

crisis required.

The proceedings of Congress continued to manifest a fixed purpose to

pursue the system which had been commenced, and the public sentiment

seemed to accord with that system. That the nation was advancing rapidly

to a state of war was firmly believed by many intelligent men, who

doubted the necessity and denied the policy of abandoning the neutral

position which had been thus long maintained. In addition to the

extensive calamities which must, in any state of things, result to the

United States from a rupture with a nation which was the mistress of the

ocean, and which furnished the best market for the sale of their produce

and the purchase of manufactures of indispensable necessity, there

were considerations belonging exclusively to the moment, which, though

operating only in a narrow circle, were certainly entitled to great

respect. [3]

That war with Britain, during the continuance of the passionate and

almost idolatrous devotion of a great majority of the people to the

French republic, would throw America so completely into the arms of

France as to leave her no longer mistress of her own conduct, was not

the only fear which the temper of the day suggested. That the spirit

which triumphed in that nation and deluged it with the blood of its

revolutionary champions might cross the Atlantic, and desolate the

hitherto safe and peaceful dwellings of the American people, was

an apprehension not so entirely unsupported by appearances as to be

pronounced chimerical. With a blind infatuation, which treated reason as

a criminal, immense numbers applauded a furious despotism, trampling on

every right, and sporting with life as the essence of liberty; and

the few who conceived freedom to be a plant which did not flourish

the better for being nourished with human blood, and who ventured to

disapprove the ravages of the guillotine, were execrated as the tools

of the coalesced despots, and as persons who, to weaken the affection

of America for France, became the calumniators of that republic. Already

had an imitative spirit, captivated with the splendor, but copying the

errors, of a great nation, reared up in every part of the continent

self-created corresponding societies, who, claiming to be the people,

assumed a control over the government and were loosening its bands.

Already were the Mountain, [4] and a revolutionary tribunal, favorite

toasts, and already were principles familiarly proclaimed, which, in

France, had been the precursors of that tremendous and savage despotism,

which, in the name of the people and by the instrumentality of

affiliated societies, had spread its terrific sway over that fine

country and had threatened to extirpate all that was wise and virtuous.

That a great majority of those statesmen who conducted the opposition

would deprecate such a result furnished no security against it. When

the physical force of a nation usurps the place of its wisdom, those who

have produced such a state of things no longer control it.

These apprehensions, whether well or ill founded, produced in those who

felt them an increased solicitude for the preservation of peace. Their

aid was not requisite to confirm the judgment of Washington on this

interesting subject. Fixed in his purpose of maintaining the neutrality

of the United States until the aggressions of a foreign power should

clearly render neutrality incompatible with honor, and conceiving from

the last advices received from England that the differences between the

two nations had not yet attained that point, he determined to make one

decisive effort, which should either remove the ostensible causes of

quarrel or demonstrate the indisposition of Great Britain to remove

them. This determination was executed by the nomination of an envoy

extraordinary to his Britannic majesty, which was announced to the

Senate on the 16th of April (1794), in the following terms:

"The communications which I have made to you during your present

session, from the dispatches of our minister in London, contain a

serious aspect of our affairs with Great Britain. But as peace ought to

be pursued with unremitted zeal, before the last resource--which has so

often been the scourge of nations and cannot fail to check the advanced

prosperity of the United States--is contemplated, I have thought proper

to nominate and do hereby nominate John Jay as envoy extraordinary of

the United States to his Britannic majesty. [5]

"My confidence in our minister plenipotentiary in London continues

undiminished. But a mission like this, while it corresponds with the

solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for

the friendly adjustment of our complaints and a reluctance to hostility.

Going immediately from the United States, such an envoy will carry

with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of our

country, and will thus be taught to vindicate our rights with firmness

and to cultivate peace with sincerity."

To those who believed the interests of the nation to require a rupture

with England and a still closer connection with France nothing could be

more unlooked for or more unwelcome than this decisive measure. That it

would influence the proceedings of Congress could not be doubted, and

that it would materially affect the public mind was probable. Evincing

the opinion of the executive that negotiation, not legislative

hostility, was still the proper medium for accommodating differences

with Great Britain, it threw on the Legislature a great responsibility,

if they should persist in a system calculated to defeat that

negotiation. By showing to the people that their President did not yet

believe war to be necessary, it turned the attention of many to peace,

and, by suggesting the probability, rekindled the almost extinguished

desire of preserving that blessing.

Scarcely has any public act of the President drawn upon his

administration a greater degree of censure than this. That such would be

its effect could not be doubted by a person who had observed the ardor

with which opinions that it thwarted were embraced, or the extremity to

which the passions and contests of the moment had carried all orders of

men. But it is the province of real patriotism to consult the utility

more than the popularity of a measure, and to pursue the path of duty,

although it may be rugged.

In the Senate the nomination was approved by a majority of ten votes,

and, in the House of Representatives, it was urged as an argument

against persevering in the system which had been commenced. On the 18th

of April a motion for taking up the report of the committee of the whole

house on the resolution for cutting off all commercial intercourse with

Great Britain was opposed chiefly on the ground that, as an envoy had

been nominated to the court of that country, no obstacle ought to be

thrown in his way. The adoption of the resolution would be a bar to

negotiation, because it used the language of menace and manifested

a partiality to one of the belligerents which was incompatible

with neutrality. It was also an objection to the resolution that it

prescribed the terms on which alone a treaty should be made, and

was, consequently, an infringement of the right of the executive to

negotiate, and an indelicacy to that department.

The resolution having undergone some modifications, a bill in conformity

with it was brought in and carried by a considerable majority. In the

Senate it was lost by the casting vote of Mr. Adams, the Vice-President.

The system which had been taken up in the House of Representatives was

pressed no further.

A bill for punishing infringements of the neutrality laws and

prohibiting the condemnation and sale of prizes in the ports of the

United States, brought in by the belligerent powers, was suggested by

Washington and reported in the Senate, where it met a violent opposition

and was finally passed by the casting vote of the Vice-President. In the

House of Representatives it was passed after striking out the provision

relative to the sale of prizes. In maintaining his system of strict

neutrality Washington had to fight every inch of the ground. The

opposition omitted no means of bringing the administration into

discredit. Attacks in Congress on the executive officers of the

government was resorted to.

In both houses inquiries were set on foot respecting the treasury

department, which obviously originated in the hope of finding some

foundation for censuring Mr. Hamilton, the secretary, but which failed

entirely. In a similar hope, as respected Gouverneur Morris, the

minister of the United States at Paris, the Senate passed a vote

requesting the President to lay before that body his correspondence with

the French republic, and also with the Department of State.

As a war with Great Britain seemed inevitable should the mission of Mr.

Jay prove unsuccessful, Congress did not adjourn without passing the

absolutely necessary laws for putting the country in a state of defense.

Provision was made for fortifying the principal harbors, and 80,000

militia were ordered to be in readiness for active service. Arms and

munitions of war were allowed to be imported free of duty, and the

President was authorized to purchase galleys and lay an embargo if he

should deem that the public interest required it. To meet the expenses

thus incurred duties were levied on a number of additional articles of

importation.

On the 9th of June (1794) this active and stormy session was closed by

an adjournment to the first Monday in the succeeding November.

"The public," says Marshall, "was not less agitated than the Legislature

had been by those interesting questions which had occasioned some of the

most animated and eloquent discussions that had ever taken place on

the floor of the House of Representatives. Mr. Madison's resolutions

especially continued to be the theme of general conversation, and, for

a long time, divided parties throughout the United States. The struggle

for public opinion was ardent, and each party supported its pretensions,

not only with those arguments which each deemed conclusive, but also by

those reciprocal criminations which, perhaps, each in part believed.

"The opposition declared that the friends of the administration were

an aristocratic and corrupt faction, who, from a desire to introduce

monarchy, were hostile to France, and under the influence of Britain;

that they sought every occasion to increase expense, to augment debt,

to multiply the public burdens, to create armies and navies, and, by the

instrumentality of all this machinery, to govern and enslave the people;

that they were a paper nobility, whose extreme sensibility at every

measure which threatened the funds, induced a tame submission to

injuries and insults, which the interest and the honor of the nation

required them to resist.

"The friends of the administration retorted that the opposition was

prepared to sacrifice the best interests of their country on the altar

of the French revolution; that they were willing to go to war for

French, not for American objects; that while they urged war they

withheld the means of supporting it in order the more effectually to

humble and disgrace the government; that they were so blinded by their

passion for France as to confound crimes with meritorious deeds, and

to abolish the natural distinction between virtue and vice; that

the principles which they propagated and with which they sought to

intoxicate the people were, in practice, incompatible with the existence

of government; that they were the apostles of anarchy, not of freedom,

and were, consequently, not the friends of real and rational liberty."

Immediately after the adjournment of Congress, Washington paid a short

visit to Mount Vernon. On the 19th of June he writes from Baltimore to

Randolph, Secretary of State, respecting the commission and letters of

credence of John Quincy Adams, whom he had recently appointed minister

resident to the United Netherlands. From the same place, on the same

day, he writes to Gouverneur Morris, who had recently been recalled from

France at the request of the revolutionary authorities, he having pretty

openly expressed his disapprobation of the excesses of the party in

power. Washington had appointed as his successor James Monroe, who, as

senator, had uniformly opposed the measures of the administration. Such

an act of magnanimity in these times would excite considerable surprise.

On the 25th of June (1794), after his arrival at Mount Vernon,

Washington again writes to Gouverneur Morris, who still retained his

warm friendship and confidence. Speaking of his political course, he

says: "My primary objects, to which I have steadily adhered, have been

to preserve the country in peace if I can, and to be prepared for war

if I cannot; to effect the first upon terms consistent with the respect

which is due to ourselves and with honor, justice, and good faith to all

the world."

On the same day he writes to Edmund Randolph, Secretary of State:

"I shall endeavor to be back by the time I allotted before I left

Philadelphia, if I am able, but an exertion to save myself and horse

from falling among the rocks at the lower falls of the Potomac, whither

I went on Sunday morning to see the canal and locks, has wrenched my

back in such a manner as to prevent my riding, and hitherto has defeated

the purposes for which I came home. My stay here will only be until I

can ride with ease and safety, whether I accomplish my own business or

not."

In July (1794) Washington returned to Philadelphia, where very weighty

matters were demanding his attention.

1. Footnote: Marshall.

2. Footnote: Madison, on this and other occasions, appears to have been

earnestly desirous to build up an extensive mercantile marine, with a

view to the formation of an efficient navy. It is pleasant to recollect

that, under his administration as President, the proudest triumphs of

our navy were achieved.

3. Footnote: Marshall.

4. Footnote: A well-known term designating the most violent party in

France.

5. Footnote: Mr. Jay's secretary on this mission was Col. John Trumbull.

Colonel Trumbull may be considered one of the most interesting among

the many remarkable characters called into action and developed by our

Revolutionary War. All that we know of him tends to raise him in our

estimation as a soldier, a gentleman, and an artist. When accidentally,

as he thought, but providentially, as the event proved, he was excluded

from the army, he deemed it a great misfortune, but it forced upon him

the cultivation of his art, and made him the painter of the Revolution.

His noble historical paintings are the most precious relics of that

heroic age which the nation possesses. They are justly prized above all

price; and the latest posterity will rejoice that Trumbull laid down the

sword to take up the pallet and pencil.

CHAPTER VIII.

WASHINGTON QUELLS THE WESTERN INSURRECTION. 1794.

While Congress was in session several important matters had claimed

the consideration of Washington, to which we will now call the reader's

attention. It will be recollected that a request of the executive for

the recall of Mr. Genet had been transmitted to the French government.

During the time which elapsed before an answer could be returned Genet's

proceedings had been such as to call for all the prudence, foresight,

and moderation of Washington.

In that spirit of conciliation which adopts the least irritating means

for effecting its objects, Washington had resolved to bear with the

insults, the resistance, and the open defiance of Genet until his appeal

to the friendship and the policy of the French republic should be fairly

tried. Early in January (1794) this resolution was shaken by fresh

proofs of the perseverance of that minister in a line of conduct not to

be tolerated by a nation which has not surrendered all pretensions

to self-government. Genet had meditated and deliberately planned two

expeditions, to be carried on from the territories of the United States

against the dominions of Spain, and had, as minister of the French

republic, granted commissions to citizens of the United States, who

were privately recruiting troops for the proposed service. The first was

destined against Florida and the second against Louisiana. The detail

of the plans had been settled. The pay, rations, clothing, plunder, and

division of the conquered lands to be allotted to the military and the

proportion of the acquisitions to be reserved to the republic of France

were arranged. The troops destined to act against Florida were to be

raised in the three southern States, were to rendezvous in Georgia, were

to be aided by a body of Indians, and were to cooperate with the French

fleet, should one arrive on the coast. This scheme had been the subject

of a correspondence between the executive and Genet, but was in full

progress in the preceding December, when, by the vigilance of the

Legislature of South Carolina, it was more particularly developed, and

some of the principal agents were arrested.

About the same time, intelligence less authentic, but wearing every

circumstance of probability, was received, stating that the expedition

against Louisiana, which was to be carried on down the Ohio from

Kentucky, was in equal maturity.

This intelligence seemed to render a further forbearance incompatible

with the dignity of the United States. The question of superseding

the diplomatic functions of Genet and depriving him of the privileges

attached to that character was brought before the Cabinet, and a message

to Congress was prepared, communicating these transactions and avowing

a determination to adopt that measure, unless one or the other House

should signify the opinion that it was not advisable so to do, when the

business was arrested by receiving a letter from Mr. Morris announcing

officially the recall of this rash minister. Mr. Fauchet, the successor

of Genet, arrived in February (1794), and brought with him strong

assurances that his government totally disapproved the conduct of

his predecessor. He avowed a determination to avoid whatever might be

offensive to those to whom he was deputed, and a wish to carry into full

effect the friendly dispositions of his nation toward the United States.

For some time his actions were in the spirit of these professions.

Not long after the arrival of Mr. Fauchet, the executive government

of France requested the recall of Gouverneur Morris. With this request

Washington, as we have already seen, immediately complied, and James

Monroe was appointed to succeed him.

The discontents which had been long fomented in the western country

had assumed a serious and alarming appearance. A remonstrance to the

President and Congress of the United States from the inhabitants of

Kentucky, respecting the navigation of the Mississippi, was laid before

the executive and each branch of the Legislature. The style of this

paper accorded well with the instructions under which it had been

prepared. It demanded the free navigation of the Mississippi as a right,

and arraigned the government for not having secured its enjoyment. The

paper was submitted to both Houses of Congress.

In the Senate the subject was referred to a committee who reported "that

in the negotiation now carrying on at Madrid between the United States

and Spain, the right of the former to the free navigation of the

Mississippi is well asserted and demonstrated, and their claim to its

enjoyment is pursued with all the assiduity and firmness which the

magnitude of the subject demands, and will doubtless continue to be

so pursued until the object shall be obtained or adverse circumstances

shall render the further progress of the negotiation impracticable. That

in the present state of the business it would improper for Congress to

interfere, but, in order to satisfy the citizens of the United States

more immediately interested in the event of this negotiation, that the

United States, have uniformly asserted their right to the free use of

the navigation of the river Mississippi, and have employed and will

continue to pursue such measures as are best adapted to obtain the

enjoyment of this important territorial right, the committee recommend

that it be resolved by the Senate:

"That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is requested

to cause to be communicated to the executive of the State of Kentucky,

such part of the existing negotiation between the United States and

Spain relative to this subject, as he may deem advisable and consistent

with the course of the negotiation."

In the House of Representatives also a resolution was passed, expressing

the conviction of the House, that the executive was urging the claim

of the United States to the navigation of the Mississippi in the manner

most likely to prove successful.

This answer was not satisfactory to the Kentuckians. Later developments

showed that they had a different object from that of obtaining the free

navigation of the Mississippi by negotiation.

In October, 1793, it was alleged by the Spanish commissioners that four

Frenchmen had left Philadelphia, empowered by the minister of the French

republic to prepare an expedition, in Kentucky, against New Orleans.

This fact was immediately communicated by Mr. Jefferson to the

governor of that State, with a request that he would use those means

of prevention which the law enabled him to employ. This letter was

accompanied by one from the Secretary of War, conveying the request of

the President, that, if preventive means should fail, effectual military

force should then be employed to arrest the expedition, and General

Wayne was ordered to hold a body of troops at the disposal of the

governor should he find the militia insufficient for his purpose.

The governor had already received information that a citizen of Kentucky

was in possession of a commission appointing him Commander-in-Chief of

the proposed expedition; and that the Frenchmen alluded to in the letter

of Mr. Jefferson had arrived, and, far from affecting concealment,

declared that they only waited for money, which they expected soon to

receive, in order to commence their operations.

The governor, however, in a letter, containing very singular views

of his duty in the affair, declined to interfere with the proposed

expedition.

Upon the receipt of this extraordinary letter, Washington directed

General Wayne to establish a military post at Fort Massac, on the Ohio,

for the purpose of stopping by force, if peaceful means should fail, any

body of armed men who should be proceeding down that river.

This precaution appears to have been necessary. The preparations for the

expedition were, for some time, carried on with considerable activity;

and there is reason to believe that it was not absolutely relinquished

until the war ceased between France and Spain.

It will be recollected that, in the preceding year, the attempt to treat

with the hostile Indians had suspended the operations of General Wayne

until the season for action had nearly passed away. After the total

failure of negotiation, the campaign was opened with as much vigor as a

prudent attention to circumstances would permit.

The Indians had expected an attempt upon their villages, and had

collected in full force, with the apparent determination of risking a

battle in their defense. A battle was desired by the American general,

but the consequences of another defeat were too serious to warrant

him in putting more to hazard by precipitate movements than the

circumstances of the war required. The negotiations with the Indians

were not terminated till September, and it was then too late to complete

the preparations which would enable General Wayne to accomplish his

object. He, therefore, contented himself with collecting his army and

penetrating about six miles in advance of Fort Jefferson, where he

established himself for the winter in a camp called Greensville. After

fortifying his camp, he took possession of the ground on which the

Americans had been defeated in 1791, where he erected Fort Recovery.

These positions afforded considerable protection to the frontiers, and

facilitated the opening of the ensuing campaign.

Seeing only the dark side of every measure adopted by the government,

and not disinclined to militia expeditions made at the expense of the

United States, the people of Kentucky loudly charged the President with

a total disregard of their safety, pronounced the Continental troops

entirely useless, declared that the Indians should be kept in awe alone

by the militia, and insisted that the power should be deposited with

some person in their State to call them out at his discretion, at the

charge of the United States.

Meanwhile, some steps were taken by the Governor of Upper Canada, which

were well calculated to increase suspicions respecting the dispositions

of Great Britain.

It was believed by Washington, not without cause, that the cabinet of

London was disposed to avail itself of the nonexecution of that article

of the treaty of peace which stipulates for the payment of debts, to

justify a permanent detention of the posts on the southern side of the

lakes, and to establish a new boundary line, whereby those lakes

should be entirely comprehended in Upper Canada. Early in the spring

a detachment from the garrison of Detroit repossessed and fortified a

position nearly fifty miles south of that station, on the Miami, a river

which empties into Lake Erie at its westernmost point.

This movement, and other facts which strengthened the belief that the

hostile Indians were at least countenanced by the English, were the

subjects of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and Mr.

Hammond, in which crimination was answered by recrimination, in which

a considerable degree of mutual irritation was displayed, and in which

each supported his charges against the nation of the other, much better

than he defended his own. It did not, however, in any manner, affect the

operations of the army.

The delays inseparable from the transportation of necessary supplies

through an uninhabited country, infested by an active enemy peculiarly

skilled in partisan war, unavoidably protracted the opening of the

campaign until near midsummer. Meanwhile several sharp skirmishes took

place, in one of which a few white men were stated to be mingled with

the Indians.

On the 8th of August (1794) General Wayne reached the confluence of the

Au Glaize, where he threw up some works of defense and protection for

magazines. The richest and most extensive settlements of the western

Indians lay about this place.

The mouth of the Au Glaize is distant about thirty miles from the post

occupied by the British, in the vicinity of which the whole strength of

the enemy, amounting, according to intelligence on which General Wayne

relied, to rather less than 2,000 men, was collected. The Continental

legion was not much inferior in number to the Indians, and a

reinforcement of about 1,100 mounted militia from Kentucky, commanded

by General Scott, gave a decided superiority of strength to the army

of Wayne. That the Indians had determined to give him battle was well

understood, and the discipline of his legion, the ardor of all his

troops, and the superiority of his numbers, authorized him confidently

to expect a favorable issue. Yet, in pursuance of that policy by which

the United States had been uniformly actuated, he determined to make one

more effort for the attainment of peace without bloodshed. Messengers

were dispatched to the several hostile tribes who were assembled in his

front, inviting them to appoint deputies to meet him on his march, in

order to negotiate a lasting peace.

On the 15th of August (1794) the American army advanced down the Miami,

with its right covered by that river, and on the 18th arrived at the

rapids. Here they halted on the 19th, in order to erect a temporary work

for the protection of the baggage and to reconnoiter the situation of

the enemy.

The Indians were advantageously posted behind a thick wood, and behind

the British fort.

At 8 in the morning of the 20th the American army advanced in columns,

the legion with its right flank covered by the Miami. One brigade of

mounted volunteers, commanded by General Todd, was on the left; and

the other, under General Barbee, was in the rear. A select battalion,

commanded by Major Price, moved in front of the legion, sufficiently in

advance to give timely notice for the troops to form in case of action.

After marching about five miles Major Price received a heavy fire from a

concealed enemy, and was compelled to retreat.

The Indians had chosen their ground with judgment. They had advanced

into the thick wood in front of the British works, which extends several

miles west from the Miami, and had taken a position rendered almost

inaccessible to horse by a quantity of fallen timber which appeared to

have been blown up in a tornado. They were formed in three lines, within

supporting distance of each other; and, as is their custom, with a very

extended front. Their line stretched to the west, at right angles with

the river, about two miles, and their immediate effort was to turn the

left flank of the American army.

On the discharge of the first rifle, the legion was formed in two lines,

and the front was ordered to advance with trailed arms and rouse the

enemy from his covert at the point of the bayonet; then, and not until

then, to deliver a fire, and to press the fugitives too closely to allow

them time to load after discharging their pieces. Soon perceiving the

strength of the enemy in front, and that he was endeavoring to turn the

American left, the general ordered the second line to support the first.

The legion cavalry, led by Captain Campbell, was directed to penetrate

between the Indians and the river, where the wood was less thick and

entangled, in order to charge their left flank; and General Scott, at

the head of the mounted volunteers, was directed to make a considerable

circuit, and to turn their right flank.

These orders were executed with spirit and promptitude, but such was

the impetuosity of the charge made by the first line of infantry, so

entirely was the enemy broken by it, and so rapid was the pursuit that

only a small part of the second line and of the mounted volunteers could

get into action. In the course of one hour the Indians were driven more

than two miles through thick woods, when the pursuit terminated within

gunshot of the British fort.

General Wayne remained three days on the banks of the Miami, in front of

the field of battle, during which time the houses and cornfields above

and below the fort, some of them within pistol-shot of it, were reduced

to ashes. In the course of these operations a correspondence took place

between General Wayne and Major Campbell, the commandant of the

fort, which is stated by the former in such a manner as to show that

hostilities between them were avoided only by the prudent acquiescence

of the latter in this devastation of property within the range of his

guns.

On the 28th (August, 1794), the army returned to Au Glaize by easy

marches, destroying on its route all the villages and corn within fifty

miles of the river.

In this decisive battle the loss of the Americans in killed and wounded,

amounted to 107, including officers. Among the dead were Captain

Campbell, who commanded the cavalry, and Lieutenant Towles of the

infantry, both of whom fell in the first charge. General Wayne bestowed

great and well-merited praise on the courage and alacrity displayed by

every part of the army.

The hostility of the Indians still continuing, their whole country was

laid waste, and forts were erected in the heart of their settlements to

prevent their return.

This seasonable victory rescued the United States from a general

war with all the Indians northwest of the Ohio. The Six Nations had

discovered a restless, uneasy temper, and the interposition of the

President to prevent a settlement which Pennsylvania was about to make

at Presque Isle seemed rather to suspend the commencement of hostilities

than to establish permanent pacific dispositions among those tribes. The

battle of the 20th of August, however, had an immediate effect, and

the clouds which had been long gathering in that quarter were instantly

dissipated.

In the South, too, its influence was felt. In that quarter the

inhabitants of Georgia and the Indians seemed equally disposed to

war. Scarcely was the feeble authority of the government competent

to restrain the aggressions of the former, or the dread of its force

sufficient to repress those of the latter. In this doubtful state of

things, the effect of a victory could not be inconsiderable.

About this time the seditions and violent resistance to the execution

of the law imposing duties on spirits distilled within the United States

had advanced to a point in the counties of Pennsylvania lying west of

the Allegheny mountains, which required the decisive interposition of

government.

The laws being openly set at defiance, Washington determined to

test their efficiency. Bills of indictment were found against the

perpetrators of certain outrages, and process was issued against them

and placed in the hands of the United States marshal for execution.

The marshal repaired in person to the country which was the scene of

disorder for the purpose of serving the processes. On the 15th of July

(1794), while in the execution of his duty, he was beset on the road

by a body of armed men, who fired on him, but fortunately did him no

personal injury. At daybreak the ensuing morning a party attacked

the house of General Nevil, the inspector, but he defended himself

resolutely and obliged the assailants to retreat.

Knowing well that this attack had been preconcerted, and apprehending

that it would be repeated, he applied to the militia officers and

magistrates of the county for protection. The answer was that, "owing to

the too general combination of the people to oppose the revenue system,

the laws could not be executed so as to afford him protection; that

should the _posse comitatus_ be ordered out to support the civil

authority they would favor the party of the rioters."

On the succeeding day the insurgents reassembled to the number of about

500 to renew their attack on the house of the inspector. That officer,

finding that no protection could be afforded by the civil authority,

had applied to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt, and had obtained a

detachment of eleven men from that garrison, who were joined by Major

Kirkpatrick. Successful resistance to so great a force being obviously

impracticable, a parley took place, at which the assailants, after

requiring that the inspector and all his papers should be delivered up,

demanded that the party in the house should march out and ground

their arms. This being refused, the parley terminated and the assault

commenced. The action lasted until the assailants set fire to several

adjacent buildings, the heat from which was so intense that the house

could no longer be occupied. From this cause, and from the apprehension

that the fire would soon be communicated to the main building, Major

Kirkpatrick and his party surrendered themselves.

The marshal and Col. Pressly Nevil were seized on their way to General

Nevil's house and detained until 2 the next morning. The marshal

especially was treated with extreme severity. His life was frequently

threatened, and was probably saved by the interposition of some leading

individuals, who possessed more humanity or more prudence than those

with whom they were associated. He could obtain his liberty only by

entering into a solemn engagement, which was guaranteed by Colonel

Nevil, to serve no more processes on the western side of the Allegheny

mountains.

The marshal and inspector having both retired to Pittsburgh, the

insurgents deputed two of their body, one of whom was a justice of the

peace, to demand that the former should surrender all his authority,

and that the latter should resign his office, threatening, in case of

refusal, to attack the place and seize their persons. These demands were

not acceded to, but Pittsburghh affording no security, these officers

escaped from the danger which threatened them by descending the Ohio;

after which they found their way, by a circuitous route, to the seat of

government.

The rioters next proceeded to intercept the mail and take out letters

from certain parties in Pittsburghh, containing expressions of

disapproval of their proceedings. The writers of these letters they

caused to be banished. They next held meetings on Braddock's Field and

at Parkinson's Ferry, at which the determination to resist the laws by

force of arms was openly avowed.

Affidavits attesting this serious state of things were laid before

Washington. Affairs had now reached a point which seemed to forbid the

continuance of a temporizing system. The efforts at conciliation, which,

for more than three years, the government had persisted to make, and

the alterations repeatedly introduced into the act for the purpose of

rendering it less exceptionable, instead of diminishing the arrogance of

those who opposed their will to the sense of the nation, had drawn

forth sentiments indicative of designs much deeper than the evasion of

a single act. The execution of the laws had at length been resisted

by open force, and a determination to persevere in these measures was

unequivocally avowed. The alternative of subduing this resistance or of

submitting to it was presented to the government.

The act of Congress which provided for calling forth the militia

"to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel

invasions" required, as a prerequisite to the exercise of this power,

"that an associate justice, or the judge of the district, should certify

that the laws of the United States were opposed, or their execution

obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the

ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the

marshals." In the same act it was provided, "that if the militia of

the State where such combinations may happen shall refuse, or be

insufficient, to suppress the same, the President may employ the militia

of other States."

The evidence which had been transmitted to Washington was laid before

one of the associate justices, who gave the certificate, which enabled

the chief magistrate to employ the militia in aid of the civil power.

Washington now called a cabinet to consider the subject, and the

Governor of Pennsylvania was also consulted respecting it. Randolph,

the Secretary of State, and the Governor of Pennsylvania urged reasons

against coercion by force of arms; Hamilton, Knox, and Bradford were

in favor of employing military force. These members of the Cabinet were

also of opinion that policy and humanity equally dictated the employment

of a force which would render resistance desperate. The insurgent

country contained 16,000 men able to bear arms, and the computation

was that they could bring 7,000 into the field. If the army of the

government should amount to 12,000 men, it would present an imposing

force which the insurgents would not venture to meet.

It was impossible that Washington could hesitate to embrace the latter

of these opinions. That a government entrusted to him should be trampled

under foot by a lawless section of the Union, which set at defiance

the will of the nation, as expressed by its representatives, was an

abasement to which neither his judgment nor his feelings could submit.

He resolved, therefore, to issue the proclamation which, by law, was to

precede the employment of force.

On the same day a requisition was made on the Governors of New Jersey,

Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia for their several quotas of militia

to compose an army of 12,000 men, who were to be immediately organized

and prepared to march at a minute's warning. The force was ultimately

increased to 15,000. While steps were taking to bring this force into

the field, a last essay was made to render its employment unnecessary.

Three distinguished and popular citizens of Pennsylvania were deputed by

the government to be the bearers of a general amnesty for past offenses,

on the sole condition of future obedience to the laws.

It having been deemed advisable that the executive of the State should

act in concert with that of the United States, Governor Mifflin also

issued a proclamation and appointed commissioners to act with those of

the general government.

These commissioners were met by a committee from the convention at

Parkinson's Ferry, and the conference resulted in a reference of

the offer of amnesty to the people. This reference only served to

demonstrate that, while a few persons were disposed to submit to the

laws, the masses in the disturbed districts were determined to obstruct

the re-establishment of civil authority.

On the 25th of September (1794), Washington issued a proclamation

describing in terms of great energy the obstinate and perverse spirit

with which the lenient propositions of the government had been received,

and declaring his fixed determination, in obedience to the high and

irresistible duty consigned to him by the constitution, "to take care

that the laws be faithfully executed," to reduce the refractory to

obedience.

The troops of New Jersey and Pennsylvania were directed to rendezvous

at Bedford, and those of Maryland and Virginia at Cumberland, on the

Potomac. The command of the expedition had been conferred on Governor

Lee, of Virginia, and the Governors of New Jersey and Pennsylvania

commanded the militia of their respective States under him.

Washington in person visited each division of the army, but, being

confident that the force employed must look down all resistance, he left

Hamilton, the Secretary of the Treasury, to accompany it, and returned

himself to Philadelphia, where the approaching session of Congress

required his presence. [1]

From Cumberland and Bedford the army marched in two divisions into the

country of the insurgents. The greatness of the force prevented the

effusion of blood. The disaffected did not venture to assemble in arms.

Several of the leaders, who had refused to give assurances of future

submission to the laws, were seized, and some of them detained for legal

prosecution.

But although no direct and open opposition was made, the spirit of

insurrection was not subdued. A sour and malignant temper displayed

itself, which indicated but too plainly that the disposition to resist

had only sunk under the pressure of the great military force brought

into the country, but would rise again should that force be withdrawn.

It was, therefore, thought advisable to station for the winter a

detachment, to be commanded by Major-General Morgan, in the center of

the disaffected country.

"Thus," says Marshall, "without shedding blood, did the prudent vigor of

the executive terminate an insurrection which, at one time, threatened

to shake the government of the United States to its foundation. That so

perverse a spirit should have been excited in the bosom of prosperity,

without the pressure of a single grievance, is among those political

phenomena which occur not infrequently in the course of human affairs,

and which the statesman can never safely disregard. When real ills are

felt there is something positive and perceptible to which the judgment

may be directed, the actual extent of which may be ascertained and

the cause of which may be discerned. But when the mind, inflamed by

suppositious dangers, gives full play to the imagination, and fastens

upon some object with which to disturb itself, the belief that the

danger exists seems to become a matter of faith, with which reason

combats in vain."

Washington's own view of the insurrection and its causes is contained

in a letter to John Jay, then on his mission to England. "As you

have been," he writes, "and will continue to be fully informed by the

Secretary of State of all transactions of a public nature which relate

to, or may have an influence on, the points of your mission, it would be

unnecessary for me to touch upon any of them in this letter were it not

for the presumption that the insurrection in the western counties

of this State has excited much speculation and a variety of opinions

abroad, and will be represented differently, according to the wishes of

some and the prejudices of others, who may exhibit, as an evidence of

what has been predicted, 'that we are unable to govern ourselves.' Under

this view of the subject, I am happy in giving it to you as the

general opinion that this event having happened at the time it did was

fortunate, although it will be attended with considerable expense.

"That the self-created societies which have spread themselves over this

country have been laboring incessantly to sow the seeds of distrust,

jealousy, and, of course, discontent, thereby hoping to effect some

revolution in the government, is not unknown to you. That they have been

the fomenters of the western disturbances admits of no doubt in the

mind of anyone who will examine their conduct, but, fortunately, they

precipitated a crisis for which they were not prepared, and thereby have

unfolded views which will, I trust, effectuate their annihilation sooner

than it might otherwise have happened, at the same time that it has

afforded an occasion for the people of this country to show their

abhorrence of the result and their attachment to the constitution and

the laws; for I believe that five times the number of militia that was

required would have come forward, if it had been necessary, to support

them.

"The spirit which blazed out on this occasion, as soon as the object was

fully understood, and the lenient measures of the government were made

known to the people, deserves to be communicated. There are instances

of general officers going at the head of a single troop and of light

companies; of field officers, when they came to the place of rendezvous

and found no command for them in that grade, turning into the ranks

and proceeding as private soldiers, under their own captains; and of

numbers, possessing the first fortunes in the country, standing in the

ranks as private men, and marching day by day with their knapsacks and

haversacks at their backs, sleeping on straw, with a single blanket, in

a soldier's tent, during the frosty nights which we have had, by way of

example to others. Nay, more; many young Quakers of the first families,

character, and property, not discouraged by the elders, have turned into

the ranks and are marching with the troops.

"These things have terrified the insurgents, who had no conception

that such a spirit prevailed, but, while the thunder only rumbled at

a distance, were boasting of their strength and wishing for and

threatening the militia by turns, intimating that the arms they should

take from them would soon become a magazine in their hands. Their

language is much changed, indeed, but their principles want correction.

"I shall be more prolix in my speech to Congress on the commencement and

progress of this insurrection than is usual in such an instrument, or

than I should have been on any other occasion, but as numbers at home

and abroad will hear of the insurrection, and will read the speech, that

may know nothing of the documents to which it might refer, I conceived

it would be better to encounter the charge of prolixity by giving a

cursory detail of facts, that would show the prominent features of

the thing, than to let it go naked into the world, to be dressed up

according to the fancy or inclination of the readers or the policy of

our enemies."

Sentiments similar to these were expressed in a letter to Washington's

old and intimate friend, Edmund Pendleton. "The successes of our army

to the westward," he writes, "have already been productive of good

consequences. They have dispelled a cloud which lowered very heavily in

the northern hemisphere (the Six Nations), and, though we have received

no direct advices from General Wayne since November, there is reason

to believe that the Indians with whom we are or were at war in that

quarter, together with their abettors, [2] begin to see things in a

different point of view."

One of the most important effects of the suppression of the western

rebellion was the fatal blow it gave to the democratic societies founded

by Genet.

Washington's opinion of these societies is thus expressed in a letter to

one of his friends: "The real people, occasionally assembled in order

to express their sentiments on political subjects, ought never to be

confounded with permanent self-appointed societies, usurping the right

to control the constituted authorities and to dictate to public opinion.

While the former is entitled to respect, the latter is incompatible with

all government and must either sink into general disesteem or finally

overturn the established order of things."

1. Footnote: General Knox, the Secretary of War, accompanied the army to

the expected scene of action. The command in chief was confided to Gen.

Henry Lee, Washington's old friend and companion in the Revolutionary

War. He was at this time Governor of Virginia.

2. Footnote: The British on the border.

CHAPTER IX.

WASHINGTON SIGNS JAY'S TREATY. 1794-1795.

Congress had adjourned to meet on the 4th of November (1794), but

a quorum of the Senate was not present until the 10th. Washington

addressed both Houses of Congress in a longer speech than usual, giving,

according to the intention he had expressed in his letter to Mr. Jay,

already quoted, a particular view of the insurrection in Pennsylvania,

and the measures which he had taken in order to suppress it.

As Commander-in-Chief of the militia when called into actual service, he

had, he said, visited the places of general rendezvous, to obtain more

correct information and to direct a plan for ulterior movements.

Had there been reason for supposing that the laws were secure from

obstruction, he should have caught with avidity at the opportunity

of restoring the militia to their families and homes. But succeeding

intelligence had tended to manifest the necessity of what had been done,

it being now confessed by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the

ill conduct of the insurgents, that their malevolence was not pointed

merely to a particular law, but that a spirit inimical to all order had

actuated many of the offenders.

After bestowing a high encomium on the alacrity and promptitude with

which persons in every station had come forward to assert the dignity

of the laws, thereby furnishing an additional proof that they understood

the true principles of government and liberty, and felt the value of

their inseparable union, he added:

"To every description indeed of citizens let praise be given. But

let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious

depository of American happiness--the constitution of the United States.

And when, in the calm moments of reflection, they shall have retraced

the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether

it has not been fomented by combinations of men, who--careless of

consequences and disregarding the unerring truth that those who rouse

cannot always appease a civil convulsion--have disseminated, from

an ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and

accusations of the whole government."

Washington could not omit this fair occasion once more to press

on Congress a subject which had always been near his heart. After

mentioning the defectiveness of the existing system, he said:

"The devising and establishing a well-regulated militia would be a

general source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public

gratitude. I therefore entertain a hope that the present session will

not pass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing,

arming, and disciplining the militia, and thus providing, in the

language of the constitution, for calling them forth to execute the laws

of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions."

After mentioning the intelligence from the army under the command of

General Wayne and the state of Indian affairs, he again called the

attention of the House of Representatives to a subject scarcely less

interesting than a system of defense against external and internal

violence.

"The time," he said, "which has elapsed since the commencement of our

fiscal measures has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the

way for a definitive plan for the redemption of the public debt. It is

believed that the result is such as to encourage Congress to consummate

this work without delay. Nothing can more promote the permanent welfare

of the Union, and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents.

Indeed, whatever is unfinished of our system of public credit cannot

be benefited by procrastination, and, as far as may be practicable, we

ought to place that credit on grounds which cannot be disturbed, and

to prevent that progressive accumulation of debt which must ultimately

endanger all governments."

In alluding to the intercourse of the United States with foreign

nations, he said: "It may not be unseasonable to announce that my policy

in our foreign transactions has been to cultivate peace with all the

world; to observe treaties with pure and inviolate faith; to check every

deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what may have been

misapprehended, and correct what may have been injurious to any nation,

and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the

ability to insist upon justice being done to ourselves."

In the Senate an answer was reported which contained the following

clause: "Our anxiety, arising from the licentious and open resistance to

the laws in the western counties of Pennsylvania, has been increased by

the proceedings of certain self-created societies relative to the laws

and administration of the government, proceedings in our apprehension,

founded in political error, calculated, if not intended, to disorganize

our government, and which, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, have

been instrumental in misleading our fellow-citizens in the scene of

insurrection."

The address proceeded to express the most decided approbation of the

conduct of Washington in relation to the insurgents, and, after noticing

the different parts of the speech, concluded with saying:

"At a period so momentous in the affairs of nations the temperate, just,

and firm policy that you have pursued in respect to foreign powers, has

been eminently calculated to promote the great and essential interest of

our country, and has created the fairest title to the public gratitude

and thanks."

To this unequivocal approbation of the policy adopted by the executive

with regard to foreign nations, no objections were made. The clause

respecting democratic societies was seriously opposed, but the party

in favor of the administration had been strengthened in the Senate by

recent events, and the address reported by the committee was agreed to

without alteration.

In the House, Mr. Madison, Mr. Sedgwick, and Mr. Scott were the

committee to report an answer to the speech of the President. It was

silent, not only with respect to the self-created societies, but also as

to the success of General Wayne, and the foreign policy of Washington.

His interference with a favorite system of commercial restrictions was

not forgotten, and the mission of John Jay still rankled in the memory

of the republicans. No direct censure of the societies or approbation

of the foreign policy of the President could be carried, and after an

animated debate the opposition party triumphed in the House.

This triumph over the administration revived for a moment the drooping

energies of these turbulent societies, but it was only for a moment. The

agency ascribed to them by the opinion of the public as well as of the

President, in producing an insurrection which was generally execrated,

had essentially affected them, and while languishing under this wound

they received a deadly blow from a quarter whence hostility was least

expected. The remnant of the French convention, rendered desperate by

the ferocious despotism of the Jacobins, and of the sanguinary

tyrant who had become their chief, had at length sought for safety by

confronting danger, and, succeeding in a desperate attempt to bring

Robespierre to the guillotine, had terminated the reign of terror. The

colossal powers of the clubs fell with that of their favorite member,

and they sunk into long-merited disgrace. Not more certain is it that

the boldest streams must disappear, if the fountain that fed them

be emptied, than was the dissolution of the democratic societies in

America, when the Jacobin clubs were denounced in France. As if their

destinies depended on the same thread the political death of the former

was the unerring signal for that of the latter. [1]

Notwithstanding the disagreement between the executive and one branch

of the Legislature concerning self-created societies, and the policy

observed toward foreign nations, the speech of the President was treated

with marked respect, and the several subjects which it recommended

engaged the immediate attention of Congress. A bill was passed

authorizing the President to station a detachment of militia in the four

western counties of Pennsylvania; provision was made to compensate those

whose property had been destroyed by the insurgents, should those who

had committed the injury be unable to repair it, and an appropriation

exceeding $1,100,000 was made to defray the expenses occasioned by the

insurrection.

Many of the difficulties which had occurred in drawing out the militia

were removed, and a bill was introduced to give greater energy to the

militia system generally, but this subject possessed so many intrinsic

difficulties that the session passed away without effecting anything

respecting it.

A bill for the gradual redemption of the national debt was more

successful. The President had repeatedly and earnestly recommended

to the Legislature the adoption of measures which might effect this

favorite object, but, although that party, which had been reproached

with a desire to accumulate debt as a means of subverting the

republican system, had uniformly manifested a disposition to carry this

recommendation into effect, their desire had hitherto been opposed by

obstacles they were unable to surmount. The party in opposition to the

government, while professing always a desire to reduce the debt took

good care to oppose in detail every proposition having this object in

view. While the subject was under discussion Colonel Hamilton, Secretary

of the Treasury, addressed a letter to the House of Representatives,

through their speaker, informing them that he had digested and prepared

a plan on the basis of the actual revenues, for the further support of

public credit, which he was ready to communicate. This comprehensive and

valuable report was the last official act of Hamilton.

The penurious provision made for those who filled the high executive

departments in the American government, excluded from a long continuance

in office all those whose fortunes were moderate and whose professional

talents placed a decent independence within their reach. While slandered

as the accumulator of thousands by illicit means, Hamilton had wasted in

the public service great part of the property acquired by his previous

labors, and had found himself compelled to decide on retiring from

his political station. The accusations brought against him in the last

session of the second Congress had postponed the execution of

this design until opportunity should be afforded for a more full

investigation of his official conduct, but he informed Washington that,

on the close of the session to meet in December, 1793, he should resign

his situation in the administration. The events which accumulated about

that time, and which were, he said, in a letter to Washington, of a

nature to render the continuance of peace in a considerable degree

precarious, deferred his meditated retreat. "I do not perceive," he

added, "that I could voluntarily quit my post at such a juncture,

consistently with considerations either of duty or character, and,

therefore, I find myself reluctantly obliged to defer the offer of my

resignation."

"But if any circumstances should have taken place in consequence of the

intimation of an intention to resign, or should otherwise exist, which

serve to render my continuance in office in any degree inconvenient or

ineligible, I beg to leave to assure you, sir, that I should yield to

them with all the readiness naturally inspired by an impatient desire to

relinquish a situation in which even a momentary stay is opposed by the

strongest personal and family reasons, and could only be produced by a

sense of duty or reputation."

Assurances being given by Washington of the pleasure with which the

intelligence that he would continue at his post through the crisis was

received; he remained in office until the commencement of the ensuing

year. Immediately on his return from the western country, the dangers

of domestic insurrection or foreign war having subsided, he gave

notice that he should on the last day of January (1795) give in his

resignation.

In the esteem and good opinion of Washington, to whom he was best known,

Hamilton at all times maintained a high place. While deciding on the

mission to England and searching for a person to whom the interesting

negotiation with that government should be confided, the mind of the

chief magistrate was directed, among others, to him. He carried with him

out of office the same cordial esteem for his character and respect for

his talents which had induced his appointment.

The vacant office of Secretary of the Treasury was filled by Oliver

Wolcott, of Connecticut, a gentleman of sound judgment, who was well

versed in its duties. He had served as Comptroller for a considerable

time, and in that situation had been eminently useful to the head of the

department.

The bill for the gradual reduction of the public debt, on the basis of

Hamilton's plan, was resisted in detail through nearly the whole session

of Congress, but by the persevering exertions of the Federal party

was finally carried, and the system inaugurated by Hamilton became a

permanent portion of the financial policy of the country.

On the 3d of March (1795) this important session was ended. Although the

party hostile to the administration had obtained a small majority in one

branch of the Legislature several circumstances had concurred to give

great weight to the recommendations of Washington. Among these may be

reckoned the victory obtained by General Wayne and the suppression of

the western insurrection. In some points, however, which he had pressed

with earnestness, his sentiments did not prevail. One of these was a

bill introduced into the Senate for preserving peace with the Indians,

by protecting them from the intrusions and incursions of the whites.

General Knox, Secretary of War, like Hamilton, was driven from the

service of his country by the scantiness of the compensation allowed

him. He resigned at the close of the year 1794. Colonel Pickering, a

gentleman who had filled many important offices through the war of the

Revolution, who had discharged several trusts of considerable

confidence under the present government, and who at the time was

Postmaster-General, was appointed to succeed him.

After the rising of Congress, Washington made a short visit to Mount

Vernon. He returned to Philadelphia about the 1st of May. Meantime, on

the 7th of March (1795) the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation

between the United States and Great Britain, which had been signed by

the ministers of the two nations on the 19th of the preceding November,

was received.

From his arrival in London, on the 15th of June, 1794, Mr. Jay had been

assiduously and unremittingly employed on the arduous duties of his

mission. By a deportment respectful, yet firm, mingling a decent

deference for the government to which he was deputed with a proper

regard, for the dignity of his own, this minister avoided those little

asperities which frequently embarrass measures of great concern, and

smoothed the way to the adoption of those which were suggested by the

real interests of both nations. Many and intricate were the points to be

discussed. On some of them an agreement was found to be impracticable,

but at length a treaty was concluded, which Mr. Jay declared to be the

best that was attainable, and which he believed it for the interests

of the United States to accept. Indeed it was scarcely possible to

contemplate the evidences of extreme exasperation which were given in

America, and the nature of the differences which subsisted between the

two countries, without feeling a conviction that war was inevitable,

should this attempt to adjust those differences prove unsuccessful.

The constitution had provided that all treaties should be ratified by

the Senate, and Washington summoned that body to meet on Monday, the

8th of June, in order to take it into consideration. In the meantime

Washington devoted himself to the task of examining its provisions with

the utmost care. It was not, in all respects, what he had wished and

expected. Many points were omitted which he had desired to be introduced

and settled, others were arranged so as to leave room for future

misunderstandings between the two nations. But he felt satisfied that

Mr. Jay had obtained the best terms in his power, and that this

treaty was the best that could have been made under all circumstances.

Important privileges were secured, no great national advantages had been

sacrificed, nothing detrimental to the national honor had been admitted,

and peace was maintained. That the rejection of the treaty would be

followed by a calamitous war did not admit of a doubt. In the existing

state of Europe a war with Great Britain would have involved the United

States in the long-continued agitations of Europe and deprive them of

all the advantages of neutrality and undisturbed commerce. Fully aware

of all these considerations, Washington determined that if the Senate

should ratify the treaty he would give it the sanction of his signature.

On Monday, the 8th of June (1795), the Senate, in conformity with

the summons of the President, convened in the Senate chamber, and the

treaty, with the documents connected with it, were submitted to their

consideration.

On the 24th of June, after a minute and laborious investigation, the

Senate, by precisely a constitutional majority, advised and consented to

its conditional ratification.

An insuperable objection existed to an article regulating the

intercourse with the British West Indies, founded on a fact which

is understood to have been unknown to Mr. Jay. The intention of the

contracting parties was to admit the direct intercourse between the

United States and those islands, but not to permit the productions of

the latter to be carried to Europe in the vessels of the former. To give

effect to the intention, the exportation from the United States of those

articles which were the principal productions of the islands was to be

relinquished. Among these was cotton. This article, which a few

years before was scarcely raised in sufficient quantity for domestic

consumption, was becoming one of the richest staples of the southern

States. The Senate, being informed of this act, advised and consented

that the treaty should be ratified on condition that an article be added

thereto, suspending that part of the twelfth article which related to

the intercourse with the West Indies.

This resolution of the Senate presented difficulties which required

consideration. Whether they could advise and consent to an article which

had not been laid before them, and whether their resolution was to be

considered as the final exercise of their power, were questions not

entirely free from difficulty. Nor was it absolutely clear that the

executive could ratify the treaty, under the advice of the Senate, until

the suspending article should be introduced into it. A few days were

employed in the removal of these doubts, at the expiration of which,

intelligence was received from Europe which suspended the resolution the

President had formed.

The English newspapers reported that the British government had renewed

the order in council for seizing provisions in neutral vessels bound to

French ports. Washington directed the Secretary of State to prepare

a strong memorial to the British government against this order, and

postponed the signing of the treaty until it should be ready. In the

meantime his private affairs required that he should visit Mount Vernon,

for which place he set off about the middle of July (1795).

Meanwhile, one of the Virginia senators, S. T. Mason, in violation of

the obligation of secrecy and the evident demands of propriety, sent

a copy of the treaty to the "Aurora," a violent partisan paper in

Philadelphia. On the 2nd of July it was published and spread before the

community without the authority of the executive, and without any of the

official documents and correspondence necessary to a fair appreciation

and understanding of its various provisions.

If, in the existing state of parties and the embittered feelings which

widely prevailed, the mission of Jay was censured, and the result of his

labors condemned in advance, before it was known at all what the treaty

contained, the reader can imagine what an effect must have been produced

by the publication of the treaty in this clandestine manner. Great

Britain was hated and reviled, and France was almost adored by a large

and powerful party in the United States, and there were numbers ready,

in their blind political fury and excitement, to sacrifice everything

rather than be on any terms of concord with the mother country, and

rather than moderate in any degree their passionate devotion to France.

In the populous cities meetings of the people were immediately summoned,

in order to take into consideration and to express their opinions

respecting the treaty. It may well be supposed that persons feeling some

distrust of their capacity to form a correct judgment on a subject

so complex, would be unwilling to make so hasty a decision, and

consequently be disinclined to attend such meetings. Many intelligent

men stood aloof, while the most intemperate assumed, as usual, the name

of the people--pronounced a definitive and unqualified condemnation of

every article in the treaty, and, with the utmost confidence, assigned

reasons for their opinions which, in many instances, had only an

imaginary existence, and in some were obviously founded on the strong

prejudices which were entertained with respect to foreign powers. It is

difficult to review the various resolutions and addresses to which the

occasion gave birth without feeling some degree of astonishment, mingled

with humiliation, at perceiving such proofs of the fallibility of human

reason.

The first meeting was held in Boston. The example of that city was soon

followed by New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston, and,

as if their addresses were designed at least as much for their

fellow-citizens as for their President, while one copy was transmitted

to him another was committed to the press. The precedent set by these

large cities was followed with wonderful rapidity throughout the Union,

and the spirit in which this system of opposition originated sustained

no diminution of violence in its progress. The party which supported

the administration, however, were not idle; they held meetings and sent

addresses to Washington, approving his principles of neutrality and

peace. On the 18th of July (1795), at Baltimore, on his way to Mount

Vernon, the President received the resolutions passed by the meeting

at Boston, which were enclosed to him in a letter from the selectmen of

that town. The answer to this letter and to these resolutions, given in

a subsequent page, evinced the firmness with which he had resolved to

meet the effort that was obviously making to control the exercise of

his constitutional functions, by giving a promptness and vigor to the

expression of the sentiments of a party which might impose it upon the

world as the deliberate judgment of the public.

Addresses to Washington, and resolutions of town and country meetings

were not the only means which were employed to enlist the American

people against the measure which had been advised by the Senate. In an

immense number of essays, the treaty was critically examined and every

argument which might operate on the judgment or prejudice of the public

was urged in the warm and glowing language of passion. To meet these

efforts by counter efforts was deemed indispensably necessary by the

friends of that instrument, and the gazettes of the day are replete with

appeals to the passions and to the reason of those who are the ultimate

arbiters of every political question. That the treaty affected the

interests of France not less than those of the United States, was, in

this memorable controversy, asserted by the one party with as much zeal

as it was denied by the other. These agitations furnished matter to

Washington for deep reflection and for serious regret, but they appear

not to have shaken the decision he had formed or to have affected

his conduct otherwise than to induce a still greater degree of

circumspection in the mode of transacting the delicate business before

him. On their first appearance, therefore, he resolved to hasten his

return to Philadelphia, for the purpose of considering at that place,

rather than at Mount Vernon, the memorial against the provision order

and the conditional ratification of the treaty.

The following confidential letters are extremely interesting, as

evincing the precise state of Washington's mind at this momentous and

exciting period:

"_To Edmund Randolph, Secretary of State_.

"Private.

"MOUNT VERNON, July 29, 1795.

"My Dear Sir.--Your private letters of the 24th and 25th instant have

been received, and you will learn by the official letter of this date my

determination of returning to Philadelphia after Monday, if nothing in

the interim casts up to render it unnecessary.

"I am excited to this resolution by the violent and extraordinary

proceedings which have and are about taking place in the northern parts

of the Union, and may be expected in the southern; because I think that

the Memorial, the Ratification, and the Instructions, which are framing,

are of such vast magnitude as not only to require great individual

consideration, but a solemn conjunct revision. The latter could not

take place if you were to come here, nor would there be that source of

information which is to be found at, and is continually flowing to, the

seat of government; and, besides, in the course of deliberation on these

great objects, the examination of official papers may more than probably

be found essential, which could be resorted to at no other place than

Philadelphia.

"To leave home so soon will be inconvenient. A month hence it would have

been otherwise; and it was, as I hinted to you before I left the city,

in contemplation by me for the purpose of Mrs. Washington's remaining

here till November, when I intended to come back for her. But whilst I

am in office I shall never suffer private convenience to interfere with

what I conceive to be my official duty.

"I view the opposition which the treaty is receiving from the meetings

in different parts of the Union in a very serious light, not because

there is more weight in any of the objections which are made to it

than was foreseen at first, for there is none in some of them and gross

misrepresentations in others, nor as it respects myself personally, for

this shall have no influence on my conduct--plainly perceiving, and I am

accordingly preparing my mind for it, the obloquy which disappointment

and malice are collecting to heap upon me. But I am alarmed at the

effect it may have on and the advantage the French government may be

disposed to take of the spirit which is at work to cherish a belief

in them, that the treaty is calculated to favor Great Britain at their

expense. Whether they believe or disbelieve these tales, the effect it

will have upon the nation will be nearly the same; for, whilst they

are at war with that power, or so long as the animosity between the two

nations exists, it will, no matter at whose expense, be their policy,

and it is to be feared will be their conduct, to prevent us from being

on good terms with Great Britain, or her from deriving any advantages

from our trade, which they can hinder, however much we may be benefited

thereby ourselves. To what length this policy and interest may carry

them is problematical, but, when they see the people of this country

divided, and such a violent opposition given to the measures of

their own government, pretendedly in their favor, it may be extremely

embarrassing, to say no more of it."

"To sum the whole up in a few words, I have never, since I have been in

the administration of the government, seen a crisis which in my judgment

has been so pregnant with interesting events, nor one from which more

is to be apprehended, whether viewed on one side or the other. From New

York there is, and I am told will further be, a counter current, but how

formidable it may appear, I know not. If the same does not take place at

Boston and other towns, it will afford but too strong evidence that the

opposition is in a manner universal, and would make the ratification

a very serious business indeed. But, as it respects the French, even

counter resolutions would, for the reasons I have already mentioned, do

little more than weaken, in a small degree, the effect the other side

would have."

"I have written, and do now enclose the letter, the draught of which was

approved by the heads of departments, to the selectmen of the town of

Boston; but if new lights have been had upon the subject, since it was

agreed to, or if upon reconsideration any alteration should be deemed

necessary, I request you to detain it until I see you. Let me also

request that the same attention may be given to the draught of a letter

to Portsmouth and the Chamber of Commerce at New York as was recommended

on that occasion. I am, etc."

"_To Edmund Randolph, Secretary of State._"

"Private."

"Mount Vernon, _July 31, 1795._

"My Dear Sir.--On Wednesday evening I sent the packet, now under cover

with this, to the post-office in Alexandria, to be forwarded next

morning at the usual hour, 4 o'clock, by the Baltimore mail. But,

behold! when my letter-bag was brought back from the office and emptied,

I not only got those which were addressed to me, among which yours

of the 27th was one, but those also which I had sent up the evening

before."

"I have to regret this blunder of the postmaster on account of the

enclosures, some of which I wished to have got to your hands without

delay, that they might have undergone the consideration and acting upon

which were suggested in the letter accompanying them. On another account

I am not sorry for the return of the packet, as I resolved thereupon and

on reading some letters which I received at the same time, to wait your

acknowledgment of the receipt of my letter of the 24th instant before I

would set out, as I should thereby be placed on a certainty whether your

journey hither or mine to Philadelphia would, under all circumstances,

be deemed most eligible, or whether the business could not be equally

well done without either; repeating now what I did in my letter of the

24th, that I do not require more than a day's notice to repair to the

seat of government, and that if you and the confidential officers with

you are not clear in the measures which are best to be pursued in the

several matters mentioned in my last, my own opinion is, and for the

reasons there given, that difficult and intricate or delicate questions

had better be settled there, where the streams of information are

continually flowing in, and that I would set out accordingly. To be wise

and temperate, as well as firm, the present crisis most eminently calls

for. There is too much reason to believe, from the pains which have

been taken before, at, and since the advice of the Senate respecting

the treaty, that the prejudices against it are more extensive than is

generally imagined. This I have lately understood to be the case in this

quarter, from men who are of no party, but well disposed to the present

administration. How should it be otherwise, when no stone has been left

unturned that could impress on the minds of the people the most arrant

misrepresentation of facts: that their rights have not only been

neglected, but absolutely sold; that there are no reciprocal advantages

in the treaty; that the benefits are all on the side of Great Britain;

and, what seems to have had more weight with them than all the rest, and

to have been most pressed, that the treaty is made with the design to

oppress the French, in open violation of our treaty with that nation,

and contrary, too, to every principle of gratitude and sound policy? In

time, when passion shall have yielded to sober reason, the current may

possibly turn; but, in the meanwhile, this government, in relation

to France and England, may be compared to a ship between the rocks of

Scylla and Charybdis. If the treaty is ratified, the partisans of the

French, or rather of war and confusion, will excite them to hostile

measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments; if it is not, there is

no foreseeing all the consequences which may follow as it respects Great

Britain."

"It is not to be inferred from hence that I am disposed to quit the

ground I have taken, unless circumstances more imperious than have yet

come to my knowledge should compel it, for there is but one straight

course, and that is to seek truth and pursue it steadily. But these

things are mentioned to show that a close investigation of the subject

is more than ever necessary, and that they are strong evidences of the

necessity of the most circumspect conduct in carrying the determination

of government into effect, with prudence as it respects our own people,

and with every exertion to produce a change for the better from Great

Britain."

"The memorial seems well designed to answer the end proposed, and by

the time it is revised and new dressed you will probably (either in

the resolutions, which are or will be handed to me, or in the newspaper

publications, which you promised to be attentive to) have seen all the

objections against the treaty which have any real force in them, and

which may be fit subjects for representation in the memorial, or in

the instructions, or both. But how much longer the presentation of the

memorial can be delayed without exciting unpleasant sensations here,

or involving serious evils elsewhere, you, who are at the scene of

information and action can decide better than I. In a matter, however,

so interesting and pregnant with consequences as this treaty, there

ought to be no precipitation, but, on the contrary, every step should be

explored before it is taken and every word weighed before it is uttered

or delivered in writing."

"The form of the ratification requires more diplomatic experience and

legal knowledge than I possess or have the means of acquiring at this

place, and, therefore, I shall say nothing about it. I am, etc."

The answer to the selectmen of Boston, already referred to, is too

characteristic to be omitted. It is as follows:

"_To the Selectmen of the Town of Boston._"

"United States, _July 28, 1795._

"Gentlemen.--In every act of my administration I have sought the

happiness of my fellow-citizens. My system for the attainment of this

object has uniformly been to overlook all personal, local, and partial

considerations; to contemplate the United States as one great whole; to

consider that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid

reflection, and to consult only the substantial and permanent interests

of our country. Nor have I departed from this line of conduct on the

occasion which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter of

the 13th instant."

"Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have weighed with

attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view.

But the constitution is the guide which I can never abandon. It has

assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice

and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed that these two

branches of government would combine, without passion and with the best

means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success

of our foreign relations will always depend; that they ought not to

substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek

truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed

investigation." "Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of

executing the duty before me. To the high responsibility attached to

it, I freely submit; and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these

sentiments known, as the ground of my procedure. While I feel the most

lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country,

I can no otherwise deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my

conscience."

"With due respect, I am, gentlemen, your obedient

"George Washington."

In nearly the same terms Washington replied to other committees and

public bodies who thought proper to remonstrate against his exercising

the constitutional right of signing the treaty.

In the afternoon of the 11th of August (1795), Washington arrived

in Philadelphia, and, on the next day, the question respecting the

immediate ratification of the treaty was brought before the Cabinet.

Randolph, Secretary of State, maintained, singly, the opinion that,

during the existence of the provision order, and during the war between

Britain and France, this step ought not to be taken. This opinion,

however, did not prevail. The resolution was adopted to ratify the

treaty immediately and to accompany the ratification with a strong

memorial against the provision order, which should convey, in explicit

terms, the sense of the American government on that subject. By this

course the views of the executive were happily accomplished. The order

was revoked and the ratifications of the treaty were exchanged.

Washington was most probably determined to adopt this course by the

extreme intemperance with which the treaty was opposed and the rapid

progress which this violence was apparently making. It was obvious that,

unless this temper could be checked, it would soon become so extensive

and would arrive at such a point of fury as to threaten dangerous

consequences. It was obviously necessary either to attempt a diminution

of its action, by rendering its exertions hopeless and by giving to

the treaty the weight of his character and influence, or to determine

ultimately to yield to it. A species of necessity, therefore, seems to

have been created for abandoning the idea, if it was ever taken up, of

making the ratification of the treaty dependent on the revocation of the

provision order. The soundness of the policy which urged this decisive

measure was proved by the event. The confidence which was felt in the

judgment and virtue of Washington induced many who, swept away by the

popular current, had yielded to the common prejudices, to re-examine

and discard opinions which had been too hastily embraced; and many

were called forth by a desire to support the administration in measures

actually adopted, to take a more active part in the general contest

than they would otherwise have pursued. The consequence was that more

moderate opinions respecting the treaty began to prevail.

In a letter from Mount Vernon of the 20th of September (1795), addressed

to General Knox, who had communicated to him the change of opinion which

was appearing in the eastern States, Washington expressed in warm terms

the pleasure derived from that circumstance, and added: