CHAPTER IX

VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN

Spectacular as were the exploits of the American navy on the sea, they

were of far less immediate consequence in deciding the destinies of the

war than were the naval battles fought on fresh water between hastily

improvised squadrons. On Lake Erie Perry's victory had recovered a lost

empire and had made the West secure against invasion. Macdonough's

handful of little vessels on Lake Champlain compelled the retreat of ten

thousand British veterans of Wellington's campaigns who had marched down

from Canada with every promise of crushing American resistance. This was

the last and most formidable attempt on the part of the enemy to conquer

territory and to wrest a decision by means of a sustained offensive. Its

collapse marked the beginning of the end, and such events as the capture

of Washington and the battle of New Orleans were in the nature of

episodes.

That September day of 1814, when Macdonough won his niche in the naval

hall of fame, was also the climax and the conclusion of the long

struggle of the American armies on the northern frontier, a confused

record of defeat, vacillation, and crumbling forces, which was redeemed

towards the end by troops who had learned how to fight and by new

leaders who restored the honor of the flag at Chippawa and Lundy's Lane.

Although the ambitious attempts against Canada, so often repeated, were

so much wasted effort until the very end, they ceased to be inglorious.

The tide turned in the summer of 1814 with the renewal of the struggle

for the Niagara region where the British had won a foothold upon

American soil.

In command of a vigorous and disciplined American army was General Jacob

Brown, that stout-hearted volunteer who had proved his worth when the

enemy landed at Sackett's Harbor. He was not a professional soldier but

his troops had been trained and organized by Winfield Scott who was now

a brigadier. After two years of dismal reverses, the United States was

learning how to wage war. Incompetency was no longer the badge of high

military rank. A general was supposed to know something about his trade

and to have a will of his own.

With thirty-five hundred men, Jacob Brown made a resolute advance to

find and join battle with the British forces of General Riall which

garrisoned the forts of St. George's, Niagara, Erie, Queenston, and

Chippawa. Early in the morning of July 3, 1814, the American troops in

two divisions crossed the river and promptly captured Fort Erie. They

then pushed ahead fifteen miles until they encountered the British

defensive line on the Chippawa River where it flows into the Niagara.

The field was like a park, with open, grassy spaces and a belt of

woodland which served as a green curtain to screen the movements of both

armies. Riall boldly assumed the offensive, although he was aware that

he had fewer men. His instructions intimated that liberties might be

taken with the Americans which would seem hazardous "to a military man

unacquainted with the character of the enemy he had to contend with, or

with the events of the last two campaigns on that frontier." The

deduction was unflattering but very much after the fact.

The British attack was unlooked for. It was the Fourth of July and in

celebration Winfield Scott had given his men the best dinner that the

commissary could supply and was marching them into a meadow in the cool

of the summer afternoon for drill and review. The celebration, however,

was interrupted by firing and confusion among the militia who happened

to be in front, and Scott rushed his brigade forward to take the brunt

of the heavy assault. General Jacob Brown rode by at a gallop, waving

his hat and cheerily shouting, "You will have a battle." He was hurrying

to bring up his other forces, but meanwhile Scott's column crossed a

bridge at the double-quick and faced the enemy's batteries.

Exposed, taken by surprise, and outnumbered, Winfield Scott and his

regiments were nevertheless equal to the occasion. A battalion was sent

to cover one flank in the dense woodland, while the main body drove

straight for the columns of British infantry and then charged with

bayonets at sixty paces. The American ranks were steady and unbroken

although they were pelted with musketry fire, and they smashed a British

counter-charge by three regiments before it gained momentum. Handsomely

fought and won, it was not a decisive battle and might be called no more

than a skirmish but its significance was highly important, for at

Chippawa there was displayed a new spirit in the American army.

Riall retreated with his red-coated regulars to a stronger line at

Queenston, while Jacob Brown was sending anxious messages to Commodore

Chauncey begging him to use his fleet in cooperation and so break the

power of the enemy in Upper Canada. "For God's sake, let me see you," he

implored. But again the American ships on Lake Ontario failed to seize

an opportunity, and in this instance Chauncey's inactivity dismayed not

only General Brown but also the Government at Washington. The fleet

remained at Sackett's Harbor with excuses which appeared inadequate:

certain changes were being made among the officers and crews, and again

"the squadron had been prevented being earlier fitted for sea in

consequence of the delay in obtaining blocks and iron-work." Chauncey

subsequently fell ill, which may have had something to do with his lapse

of energy. The whole career of this naval commander on Lake Ontario had

disappointed expectations, even though the Secretary had commended his

"zeal, talent, constancy, courage, and prudence of the highest order."

The trouble was that Chauncey let slip one chance after another to win

the control of Lake Ontario in pitched battle. Always too intent on

building more ships instead of fighting with those he had, he is

therefore not remembered in the glorious companionship of Perry and

Macdonough.

This failure to act at the moment when Jacob Brown was so valiantly

endeavoring to wrest from the British the precious Niagara peninsula was

responsible for the desperate and inconclusive battle of Lundy's Lane.

Winfield Scott frankly blamed the unsuccessful result upon the freedom

with which the British troops and supplies were moved on Lake Ontario.

For ten days Jacob Brown had remained in a painful state of suspense and

perplexity, until finally the word came that nobody knew when the

American fleet would sail. As he had feared, the British command, able

to move its troops unmolested across the lake, planned to attack him in

the rear and to cut his communications on the New York side of the

Niagara River. For this purpose two enemy brigs were filled with troops

and were sent over to Fort Niagara with more to follow.

It was to parry this threat that Brown moved his forces and brought

about the clash at Lundy's Lane. "As it appeared," he explained, "that

the enemy with his increased strength was about to avail himself of the

hazard under which our baggage and stores were on our side of the

Niagara, I conceived the most effectual method of recalling him from the

object was to put myself in motion towards Queenston. General Scott with

his brigade were accordingly put in march on the road leading thither."

The action was fought about a mile back from the torrent of the Niagara,

below the Falls, where the by-road known as Lundy's Lane joined the main

road running parallel with the river. Here Scott's column came suddenly

upon a force of British redcoats led by General Drummond. Scott

hesitated to attack, because the odds were against his one brigade, but,

fearing the effect of a retreat on the divisions behind him, he sent

word to Brown that he would hold his ground and try to turn the enemy's

left toward the Niagara. It was late in the day and the sun had almost

set. Gradually Scott forced the British wing back, and Brown threw in

reinforcements until the engagement became general. The fight continued

furious even after darkness fell and never have men employed in the

business of killing each other shown courage more stubborn. Both sides

were equally determined and they fought until exhaustion literally

compelled a halt.

Later in the evening fresh troops were hurled in on both sides, and

they were at it again with the same impetuosity. A small hill, over

which ran Lundy's Lane, was the goal the Americans fought for. They

finally stormed it, "in so determined a manner," reported the enemy,

"that our artillery men were bayoneted in the act of loading and the

muzzles of the enemy's guns were advanced within a few yards of ours."

Back and forth flowed the tide of battle in bloody waves, until

midnight. Then sullenly and in good order the Americans retired three

miles to camp at Chippawa. Next day the enemy resumed the position and

held it unattacked.

It is fair to call Lundy's Lane a drawn battle. The casualties were

something more than eight hundred for each side, and the troops engaged

were about twenty-five hundred Americans and a like number of British.

Both the shattered columns soon retired behind strong defenses. General

Drummond led the British troops into camp at Niagara Falls, and General

Ripley, in temporary command of the American brigades, Scott and Brown

having been wounded, occupied the unfinished works of Fort Erie, on the

Canadian side, just where the waters of Lake Erie enter the Niagara

River.

The British determined to bombard these walls and intrenchments with

heavy guns and then carry them by infantry assault. But this plan failed

disastrously. On the 15th of August the British charged in three columns

the bastions and batteries only to be savagely repulsed at every point

with a loss of nine hundred men killed, wounded, or prisoners, while the

defenders had only eighty-five casualties. Then Drummond settled down to

besiege the place and succeeded in making it so uncomfortable that Jacob

Brown, now recovered from his wound, organized a sortie in force which

was made on the 17th of September. In the action which followed, the

British batteries were overwhelmed and the American militia displayed

magnificent steadiness and valor. Jacob Brown proudly informed the

Governor of New York that "the militia of New York have redeemed their

character--they behaved gallantly. Of those called out by the last

requisition, fifteen hundred have crossed the state border to our

support. This reinforcement has been of immense importance to us; it

doubled our effective strength, and their good conduct cannot but have

the happiest effect upon our nation."

This bold stroke ended the Niagara campaign. The British fell back, and

the American army was in no condition for pursuit. In ten weeks Jacob

Brown had fought four engagements without defeat and, barring the battle

of New Orleans, his brief campaign was the one operation of the land war

upon which Americans could look back with any degree of satisfaction.

The scene now shifted to Lake Champlain. The main work was the building

up of an army to resist the menacing preparations for a British invasion

from Montreal. Among the new American generals who had gained promotion

by merit instead of favor was George Izard, trained in the military

schools of England and Prussia, and an aide to Alexander Hamilton during

his command of the army of the United States. Izard had been sent to

Plattsburg in May, 1814, on the very eve of the great British campaign,

and found everything in a deplorable state of unreadiness and

inefficiency. While he was manfully struggling with these difficulties,

Secretary Armstrong directed him to send four thousand of his men to the

assistance of Jacob Brown on the Niagara front. General Izard obediently

and promptly set out, although the defense of Lake Champlain was thereby

deprived of this large body of troops. The expedition was almost barren

of results, however, and at a time when every trained soldier was needed

to oppose the march of the British veterans, Izard was at Fort Erie,

idle, waiting to build winter quarters and writing to the War

Department: "I confess I am greatly embarrassed. At the head of the most

efficient army the United States have possessed during this war, much

must be expected of me; and yet I can discern no object which can be

achieved at this point worthy of the risk which will attend its

attempt."

Izard had already predicted that the withdrawal of his forces from

Plattsburg would leave northeastern New York at the mercy of the British

and he spoke the truth. No sooner had his divisions started westward

than the British army, ten thousand strong, under General Prevost,

crossed the frontier and marched rapidly toward the Saranac River and

then straight on to Plattsburg. Possession of this trading town the

British particularly desired because through it passed an enormous

amount of illicit traffic with Canada. Both Izard and Prevost agreed in

the statement that the British army was almost entirely fed on supplies

drawn from New York and Vermont by way of Lake Champlain. "Two thirds of

the army in Canada are supplied with beef by American contractors,"

wrote Prevost, and there were not enough highways to accommodate the

herds of cattle which were driven across the border.

To protect this source of supply by conquering the region was the task

assigned the splendid army of British regulars who had fought under

Wellington. The conclusion of the Peninsular campaign had released them

for service in America, and England was now able for the first time to

throw her military strength against the feeble forces of the United

States. It was announced as the intention of the British Government to

take and hold the lakes, from Champlain to Erie, as territorial waters

and a permanent barrier. To oppose the large and seasoned army which was

to effect these projects, there was an American force of only fifteen

hundred men, led by Brigadier General Alexander Macomb. All he could do

was to try to hold the defensive works at Plattsburg and to send forward

small skirmishing parties to annoy the British army which advanced in

solid column, without taking the trouble to deploy.

On the 6th of September Sir George Prevost with his army reached

Plattsburg and encamped just outside the town. From a ridge the British

leader beheld the redoubts, strong field works, and blockhouses, and at

anchor in the bay the little American fleet of Commodore Thomas

Macdonough. To Prevost it looked like a costly business to attempt to

carry these defenses by assault and he therefore decided to await the

arrival of the British ships of Captain George Downie. A combined attack

by land and sea, he believed, should find no difficulty in wiping out

American resistance.

Such was the situation and the weighty responsibility which confronted

Macdonough and his sailors. It was the most critical moment of the war.

With a seaman's eye for defense Macdonough met it by stationing his

vessels in a carefully chosen position and prepared with a seaman's

foresight for every contingency. Plattsburg Bay is about two miles wide

and two long and lies open to the southward, with a cape called

Cumberland Head bounding it on the east. It was in this sheltered water

that Macdonough awaited attack, his ships riding about a mile from the

American shore batteries. These guns were to be captured by the British

army and turned against him, according to the plans of General Prevost,

who was urging Captain Downie to hasten with his fleet and undertake a

joint action, for, as he said, "it is of the highest importance that

the ships, vessels, and gunboats of your command should combine a

cooperation with the division of the army under my command. I only wait

for your arrival to proceed against General Macomb's last position on

the south bank of the Saranac."

These demands became more and more insistent, although the largest

British ship, the _Confiance_, had been launched only a few days before

and the mechanics were still toiling night and day to fit her for

action. She was a formidable frigate, of the size of the American

_Chesapeake_, and was expected to be more than a match for Macdonough's

entire fleet. Captain Downie certainly expected the support of the army,

which he failed to receive, for he clearly stated his position before

the naval battle. "When the batteries are stormed and taken possession

of by the British land forces, which the commander of the land forces

has promised to do at the moment the naval action commences, the enemy

will be obliged to quit their position, whereby we shall obtain decided

advantage over them during the confusion. I would otherwise prefer

fighting them on the lake and would wait until our force is in an

efficient state but I fear they would take shelter up the lake and would

not meet me on equal terms."

Compelled to seek and offer battle in Plattsburg Bay, the British

vessels rounded Cumberland Head on the morning of the 11th of September

and hove to while Captain Downie went ahead in a boat to observe the

American position. He perceived that Macdonough had anchored his fleet

in line in this order: the brig _Eagle_, twenty guns, the flagship

_Saratoga_, twenty-six guns, the schooner _Ticonderoga_, seven guns, and

the sloop _Preble_, seven guns. There was also a considerable squadron

of little gunboats, or galleys, propelled by oars and mounting one gun.

Opposed to this force was the stately _Confiance_, with her three

hundred men and thirty-seven guns, such a ship as might have dared to

engage the _Constitution_ on blue water, and the _Chub_, _Linnet_, and

_Finch_, much like Macdonough's three smaller vessels, besides a

flotilla of the tiny, impudent gunboats which were like so many hornets.

Macdonough was a youngster of twenty-eight years to whom was granted

this opportunity denied the officers who had grown gray in the service.

The navy, which was also very young, had set its own stamp upon him, and

his advancement he had won by sheer ability. Self-reliant and

indomitable, like Oliver Hazard Perry, he had wrestled with obstacles

and was ready to meet the enemy in spite of them. His fame among naval

men outshines Perry's, and he is rated as the greatest fighting sailor

who flew the American flag until Farragut surpassed them all.

The battle of Plattsburg Bay was contested straight from the shoulder

with little chance for such evolutions as seeking the weather gage or

wearing ship. With one fleet at anchor, as Nelson demonstrated at the

Nile, the proper business of the other was to drive ahead and try to

break the line or turn an end of it. This Captain Downie proceeded to

attempt in a brave and highly skillful manner, with the _Confiance_

leading into the bay and proposing to smash the _Eagle_ with her first

broadsides. The wind failed, however, and the British frigate dropped

anchor within close range of the _Saratoga_, which displayed

Macdonough's pennant, and pounded this vessel so accurately that forty

American seamen, or one-fifth of the crew, were struck down by the first

blast of the British guns.

Meanwhile the _Linnet_ had reached her assigned berth and fought the

American _Eagle_ so successfully that the latter was disabled and had to

leave the line. To balance this the _Chub_ was so badly damaged that

she drifted helpless among the American ships and was compelled to haul

down her colors. The _Finch_ committed a blunder of seamanship and by

failing to keep close enough to the wind, which soon died away, she

finally went aground and took no part in the battle. The _Preble_ was

driven from her anchorage and ran ashore under the Plattsburg batteries,

and the _Ticonderoga_ played no heavier part than to beat off the little

British galleys.

The decisive battle was therefore fought by four ships, the American

_Saratoga_ and _Eagle_, and the British _Confiance_ and _Linnet_. It was

then that Macdonough acquitted himself as a man who did not know when he

was beaten. The _Confiance_, which must have towered like a ship of the

line, had so cruelly mauled the _Saratoga_ that she seemed doomed to be

blown out of water. So many of his gunners were killed by the

double-shotted broadsides that Macdonough jumped from the quarter-deck to

take a hand himself and encourage the survivors. He was sighting a gun

when a round shot cut the spanker boom, and a fragment of the heavy spar

knocked him senseless.

Recovering his wits, however, he returned to his gun. But another shot

tore off the head of the gun captain and flung it in Macdonough's face

with such force that he was hurled across the deck. At length all but

one of the guns along the side exposed to the _Confiance_ had been

smashed or dismounted, and this last gun broke its fastening bolts,

leaped from its carriage with the heavy recoil, and plunged into the

main hatch. Silenced, shot through and through, her decks strewn with

dead, the _Saratoga_ might then have struck her colors with honor. But

Macdonough had not begun to fight. Prepared for such an emergency, he

let go a stern anchor, cut his bow cable, and "winded" or turned his

ship around so that her other side with its uninjured row of guns was

presented to the _Confiance_. Captain Downie had by this time been

killed, and the acting commander of the British flagship endeavored to

execute the same maneuver, but the _Confiance_ was too badly crippled to

be swung about. While she floundered, the Saratoga reduced her to

submission. One of the surviving officers stated that "the ship's

company declared they would no longer stand to their quarters nor could

the officers with their utmost exertions rally them." The ship was

sinking, with more than a hundred ragged holes in her hull and fivescore

men dead or hurt. Fifteen minutes later the plucky _Linnet_ surrendered

after a long and desperate duel with the _Eagle_. The British galleys

escaped from the bay under sail and oar because no American ships were

fit to chase them, but the Royal Navy had ceased to exist on Lake

Champlain. For more than two hours the battle had been fought with a

bulldog endurance not often equaled in the grim pages of naval history.

And more nearly than any other incident of the War of 1812 it could be

called decisive.

The American victory made the position of Prevost's army wholly

untenable. With the control of Lake Champlain in Macdonough's hands, the

British line of communication would be continually menaced. For the ten

thousand veterans of Wellington's campaigns there was nothing to do but

retreat, nor did they linger until they had marched across the Canada

border. Though the way had lain open before them, they had not fought a

battle, but were turned out of the United States, evicted, one might

say, by a few small ships manned by several hundred American sailors. As

Perry had regained the vast Northwest for his nation so, more

momentously, did Macdonough avert from New York and New England a tide

of invasion which could not otherwise have been stemmed.

[Illustration: _THOMAS MACDONOUGH_

Painting by J. W. Jarvis. In the City Hall, New York, owned by the

Corporation. Reproduced by courtesy of the Municipal Art Commission of

the City of New York.]

[Illustration: _JACOB BROWN_

Painting by J. W. Jarvis. In the City Hall, New York, owned by the

Corporation. Reproduced by courtesy of the Municipal Art Commission of

the City of New York.]

The Fight for a Free Sea: A Chronicle of the War of 1812 The Chronicles of America Series, Volume 17 · 第 9 / 10 章