THE CAMPAIGN OF 1902—DRIVING CAPITAL FROM THE STATE—THE POLITICAL
MINISTER—VICTORY.
The political campaign of 1902 in Idaho was one of the most notable ever
waged in the United States. It was interesting to the entire country
because it was understood that if the Co-operative Commonwealth was
victorious the changes which would be effected in the government, laws
and industrial system of the state would be radical and sweeping. The
moneyed interests all over the country were alarmed, but it may be said
that in those times the “moneyed interests” were always in a state of
alarm at every suggestion of a reform which proposed the betterment of
the condition of the masses.
As a result of this “alarm” a system of colonization in Idaho was begun
with a view to outvoting the co-operators on election day. But the
extent of the Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth was little
understood by the business and moneyed interests of the nation. They
supposed it to be practically confined to Idaho when in truth it had its
branches throughout the entire country. The effort to colonize voters in
Idaho was rendered abortive except in the mining regions of the northern
part of the state, and even there the colonizers were not as successful
as they supposed. The Brotherhood, secretly giving the most useful aid
to co-operators, caused many ardent friends to be enlisted as colonists
of the enemy, and these, immediately on arrival in Idaho, communicated
with our leaders and we were kept constantly informed as to the
movements of the opposition.
The Brotherhood numbered one million members outside of Idaho and if we
had asked them to contribute to our financial strength they could and
would have sent us from one to five million dollars. This, however, was
deemed unnecessary, and we confined our expenditures to the education of
the masses with regard to our purposes, and the prevention of the gross
frauds which we expected the opposition to perpetrate. Great speakers of
national fame were sent from all parts of the country to discuss the
issues of this campaign. Competition and co-operation had here locked
horns and this tremendous issue was to be fought out once for all.
The principal argument made by the opposition was that the success of
co-operation, besides destroying personal liberty, would drive out all
the capital in the state, and all the capital approaching the state away
from it. To this position, which was depicted on every opposition stump,
our great leader, President Thompson, always made but one reply.
“Drive capital from the state!” exclaimed he. “Prevent its entrance!
Why! Let them take every dollar of gold and silver and every item of
what they call credit away forever. Let them leave us the land and
ability to labor and we will speedily reverse the order. Instead of
Idaho being a suppliant at the door of capital, we shall soon see
capital, so boastful and arrogant now, an abject suppliant at the door
of Idaho.
“Instead of capital directing industry we shall find industry directing
and controlling capital. But how will they withdraw capital? Will they
fill up the mines they have dug? Will they tear up the rails they have
laid? Will they stop their trains on the boundary line or rush through
without stopping? Will they transport the houses and farms on which they
hold mortgages? They can, of course, do none of these things, nor do
they contemplate it. But they say we intend to repudiate our
indebtedness to them. In the great record of the Omniscient Lawgiver, in
which the list of those moral obligations which ought to be kept are
found, it is not probable that all the debts of the people are numbered,
but into that we shall never inquire. All moral and legal obligations
which rest upon it shall be strictly and fully paid.”
The fight waxed warmer as election day approached. Every effort was made
to stir up the basest passions against the Co-operative Commonwealth. We
heard of a riot and what amounted almost to a pitched battle in the
mining regions of the Coeur d’Alene Mountains, and learned, to our
surprise, that we had a large number of adherents among the Trade
Unionists and the Miners’ Unions of that section. An equally great
surprise was that, although our movement was in no sense hostile to any
church, and as a matter of fact encouraged all religious denominations
in their work, the ministers of the gospel were, as a rule, among our
most bitter opponents and, excepting those who presided over
co-operators of their own denominations, they were disposed to denounce
us as opposed to morals. I regret to say that from this class of
campaign speakers and political workers came the most outrageous
misrepresentations of the campaign.
I beg to be understood aright. I make no charge against the church, or
against ministers. God knows that I have the highest regard for both,
but I have noticed not only in connection with the campaign of 1902 but
other great campaigns before and since that when they step out of their
true sphere into politics these amiable, innocent and estimable
gentlemen generally become the catspaws of the most unscrupulous
political monkeys. They are undeniably caught by men who make the
loudest professions of honesty, justice and virtue, when in truth those
who proclaim their merits in these regards with the greatest vigor are
not necessarily the most sincere or deserving. Vigor of tongue does not
always indicate a healthy conscience, but it generally catches the
political minister.
The day before election Thompson and I met at the Co-opolitan. The work
of the campaign was now practically completed as far as speaking was
concerned. Thompson had certainly done his duty, for he had spoken in
every county seat and every considerable town in the state. Everywhere
he had been welcomed by great crowds and everywhere it had been
acknowledged that he was a man of commanding genius. Indeed, all this
was conceded by the newspaper press throughout the Union. But he told me
confidentially that he did not trust the appearances which seemed so
flattering and cited several instances to show the uncertainty of
political events. I was a younger man and my enthusiasm caused me to
entertain no doubt of the complete success of our entire programme.
Election day passed off without incident. The vote was heavy. Every
woman of voting age, as well as every man, voted, and the vote cast was
more than twice as large as the state had ever cast in any previous
election, the grand total being 190,000. Of these our ticket received
115,000, giving us a majority of 40,000. We had elected more than
two-thirds of both houses of the legislature and the victory for the
Co-operative Commonwealth was complete.
How we shouted, and went nearly mad with joy in Co-opolis. The total
vote of our city, numbering 6,661, had been cast for the entire ticket.
I have not mentioned the fact that in the distribution of political
honors I had received the nomination, equivalent to election, for state
senator, and I may now say that I was unanimously elected.
I did not vote for myself.
I was the only candidate. When the result of the election was known we
appointed the following evening for a grand jollification. It was an
occasion to be remembered. The army, 7,000 strong, not all residents of
Co-opolis, as some were permanently stationed in the country, marched
through the streets, with music furnished by the city band. This band
consisted of one hundred first-class musicians, and was one of the best
in the entire western country. There were other amateur bands which were
drilled to a high degree of excellence, and the army marched to such
music. There was a grand illumination in the evening, and a magnificent
display of fireworks.