CO-OPOLIS A CONVENTION CITY—A MENACE TO LIBERTY.
It was a bright day in the latter part of June, 1902, that the first
state convention of the Co-operative Commonwealth met in our city of
Co-opolis to place in nomination a full state ticket for the state of
Idaho. It was considered that the co-operators were strong enough to
take possession of the political machinery of the state. The National
Brotherhood, using Co-opolis as a basis for its operations in the state,
had directed many colonies to Co-opolis and we had taken charge of them
as they came, absorbed most of them in our own Industrial Army, and
others we had assisted to establish themselves in some fertile valley in
the state where they could put their own peculiar ideas and methods of
co-operation into practice.
We now had fifty thousand male and female voters, upon whose solid
support we could count to carry out our designs. Most of this population
was settled through the southern, central and western part of the state,
and there were at least forty cities and villages entirely devoted to
our cause. Co-opolis contained a population of fifteen thousand
souls—men, women and children. Its Industrial Army was 7,000 strong, and
its members, working not more than seven hours a day, accomplished the
most remarkable results.
Co-opolis itself, while not comparable with the present great city, was
at that time the fairest city on the face of the earth. I say this not
because it could or did boast of massive structures, splendid palaces or
costly monuments, for these were absent, but because there was not a
mean or dilapidated building in it and there was not a pauper among all
its people. Millionaires were not numerous, but there were several rich
men, all of whom, except Thompson, whose father had died leaving him a
vast estate, and Henderson, who had always been accounted wealthy, were
visitors, or resided in the city to have the advantage of its hotel and
climate. These latter, be it said in passing, boarded at the Co-opolitan
hotel or rented cottages of the Association. There were some excellent
buildings, among which were numbered the great store of the Department
of Commerce, which had now grown to vast proportions. The building was
four stories high and occupied nearly an ordinary city block. The larger
part of the goods exposed for sale were produced in Co-opolis.
In the next block to this structure, on the site of the present
Co-opolitan Hall, was one which more modern Co-opolis has placed there,
but which had a seating capacity of 10,000, and was the largest and best
equipped in the state. With the grounds belonging to it the hall
occupied an entire block. The next block contained a very sightly high
school edifice and its grounds.
All the avenues in the city were so laid out that they consisted each of
a park fifty feet wide with a driveway of equal width on each side and
resembled in some respects the boulevards of Paris. The parks were
well-kept lawns, surrounded by young trees and traversed by gravel
walks. The driveways were all paved with asphalt, as were also the
country roads extending in every direction for one mile beyond the city
proper. All avenues and streets were lined with young, thrifty trees,
planted by the Association.
All buildings were required to be at least fifty feet apart, and the
spaces between were arranged according to the taste of the occupants of
the houses. There were no fences in the city. Commonwealth Avenue
contained the several department offices and storage buildings. There
were three electric railroads, which were owned in common by all the
cities, co-operative towns and communities of the state which at this
time centered in Co-opolis. The longest was one hundred and fifty miles
and extended to Boise, the Capital of the state.
The transcontinental roads also entered the city. But the application of
electricity to nearly all locomotion had enabled the city to preserve
its streets from being marred and rendered unsightly and dangerous by
street railroads. The electric motorcycles, bicycles and tricycles,
operated by storage batteries, which plied rapidly along the smooth and
clean asphalt streets, were the pleasing harbingers of that system by
which we are now enabled to travel on similar roads throughout the
length and breadth of fair and favored Idaho.
The scene presented by the streets of Co-opolis, on this convention day,
was inspiring. Everywhere the American flag was displayed, and
sentiments of patriotism filled the air. It was a gala day. Not only had
the delegates to the convention congregated in the city, but friends and
enemies seemed to have thought the event an extremely important one and
came from all parts of the state, as well as from Western Oregon. At
nine o’clock in the morning groups of people—men and women—wandered
through the streets, viewing the city, and all the public vehicles,
motorcycles, bicycles, tricycles and carriages, were employed in the
same service. For the accommodation and refreshment of visitors the
Commerce department had caused little refreshment fountains to be
stationed in different parts of the city, along the avenues, and in the
parks, containing cool and pleasant drinks, and lunch counters, in
charge of members of that department, were also located in places. These
supplied the public needs at nominal prices. There were also pavilions
in the parks every six blocks where tired wanderers could rest
themselves.
As the chief of the Messenger and Publishing departments I had charge of
the telephones, telegraphs and public press of the Association. The
Daily Co-opolitan was the only newspaper which this department published
at that time, but the department was required by our law to publish
whatever any member or association of members was willing to pay for at
reasonable rates. The Co-opolitan, however, had no mission but the
publication of news, public opinions as represented by articles
appearing in other papers, and such articles as might be contributed, if
the contributors signed them. Anonymous editorials or articles were
prohibited and nothing appeared while the paper was under my charge
except what my judgment or that of my staff approved. My position was
one of great importance, because I was practically in control of public
opinion. I hope I did not abuse my power and at this time am not
conscious that I did so. The opportunity for such abuse has since been
removed by the establishment of many other papers all printed and
distributed by the Association, but controlled and edited by persons who
advocate their own views.
Seated in the general office of my department that morning running over
the columns of the Co-opolitan, I noticed an editorial copied from the
Boston Transcript of recent date entitled “A Menace to Liberty.” I
immediately read it and found that it was a direct attack on the
Co-opolitan Association. It classed the movement with the Mormon
occupation of Utah; declared that it was hostile to a republican form of
government; asserted that the men who had become most prominent in
pushing it to the front were designing and ambitious persons who sought
only their own aggrandizement and alleged that it had become so powerful
in Idaho as to threaten to take control of the state and set up a
government which the constitution of the nation forbade. It was
particularly severe on John Thompson. “This man,” it said, “is reported
to be an illiterate but able man, possessed of great executive force,
who has conceived the entire plan and has superintended with remarkable
diligence and ability the details of its development. As President of
the company he is the practical uncrowned king of Idaho. This scheme to
embrace a state within the dominion of one company is the most daring
and dangerous yet attempted by corporate greed. Should it succeed, grave
constitutional questions will arise and congress will be called upon to
deal with this new menace to liberty and good morals as it did with the
Mormon question.
“There is this difference, however, that the monopolistic octopus now
threatening Idaho is entrenched behind an unfortunate system which
recognizes the independence of states and the obnoxious doctrine of
state rights, while the Mormons, being in a territory which was directly
within the jurisdiction of congress, were struck down by the sentiment
of the entire Union made effective by national legislation. But as our
people found means to rend the veil of this obnoxious doctrine, to
strike down slavery in the South, so it will find a way to rend it again
and strike down such institutions as this so-called Co-operative
Commonwealth or Co-opolitan Association.”
I threw the paper down upon the floor with an expression and feeling of
indignation. I knew that our movement had attracted wide attention, but
never before had I seen any indication of hostility. The newspaper press
of the United States had generally treated the undertaking as an
experiment which would teach a useful lesson if successful, but waved it
aside as purely idealistic and not likely to succeed. Now one of the
most conservative and reputable metropolitan dailies in the country,
ignoring all its former expressions of approval, had deliberately
reversed itself, suppressed facts, falsified the truth, and, on the eve
of the success of the co-operative programme in Idaho, had begun a
campaign for its destruction. So entirely consumed was I, for the
moment, by my own passion that I did not notice the entrance of
President Thompson and was somewhat startled when he saluted me.
“Brother Braden,” said he, “you seem to be disturbed about something.”
“Yes,” I replied. “Look at that article from the Boston Transcript and
see whether I, and we, have not cause to be troubled.”
“I have seen it,” calmly rejoined he. “But,” he continued, “I am not
surprised. Having read extensively and seen much I have learned that men
are quite likely to view with complacency, and sometimes approval, the
development of an idea, but the moment that idea becomes formidable they
attack it. I expect, in fact, that we will win the coming election in
this state, but when we call our constitutional convention I am by no
means certain that we will get the majority of delegates.”
“Indeed,” said I, “I have never heard you talk so doubtfully before.”
“I know it, Braden,” replied Thompson. “The occasion has never before
arisen. You will find, however, that the battle for the Co-operative
Commonwealth has just begun. I have come over to see you now about the
convention. Our friends are asking me to be the candidate for governor.
I have not been inclined to accept, but I would be glad if you will give
me your opinion as to whether I ought to do so.”
“You must do so,” I exclaimed. “I have not expected anything else. I
know that you consider your position as President of the Co-operative
Commonwealth an objection to your assuming other duties. It is not. You
should retain both positions. Why, sir, I expect that when the new
constitution is framed it will provide for a President whose term of
office will be commensurate with the term of our President and that the
officers of one will be the officers of the other. I expect that this
dual character will continue to exist until every trace of property
individualism has disappeared and that then, instead of the Co-operative
Commonwealth being Idaho, Idaho will be the Co-operative Commonwealth.”
It was evident that the view so expressed made an impression on
Thompson. We talked it over for nearly an hour and when the time arrived
for the convention to meet it was practically decided that, if the
convention should so desire, Thompson would accept the nomination for
governor.