A MEETING OF THE CO-OPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH—COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO VISIT
IDAHO.
After the introduction of the subject to my notice, in the manner
described in the foregoing pages, I spent nearly all of my time for at
least a month in the study of such books as had been suggested to me,
treating upon the condition of labor in what is ordinarily called the
Christian world. I was engaged in this occupation when Thompson returned
from his trip to the South and West. To say that I had become convinced
that Thompson’s plan of co-operation and the establishment of a
Co-operative Commonwealth was practicable would not be true, but in all
my researches I had kept his plan in mind and confessed that I was
anxious to see it put into practice.
I was not convinced by any means that it would succeed, but I wanted to
observe its workings and believed that it could do no evil. Therefore
when I again met Thompson about the middle of March, I made haste to
assure him that I was prepared to approve his theories and desirous of
taking some part in the experiment which I hoped would be tried. Upon
learning this, Thompson informed me that he was already a member of the
Co-operative Commonwealth, that a meeting of some of the most
influential projectors would be held that evening, and that he would
like to have me present. I readily accepted the invitation and at the
appointed time and place met him that evening, and together we went to
the meeting.
I was quite surprised upon entering the little hall where his friends
had assembled to find myself in the midst of well-dressed, refined,
intellectual and apparently practical men. Thompson introduced me to a
number of these as a friend who was interested in the Co-operative
Commonwealth and who would, as he thought, contribute to its success.
Although I felt that this recommendation of me was premature, yet I made
no objection to it, because I preferred to accept the cordial reception
which his introduction seemed to procure for me. We spent about half an
hour in conversation on subjects involving the co-operative idea. I had
little to say, personally, but rather confined myself to asking
questions until the meeting was called to order. But from what was told
me in answer to my questions I was deeply impressed by the apparent
sincerity and general benevolence which pervaded the assemblage.
I confess that I rather expected to find a somewhat motley crowd of men,
with wild staring eyes, shaggy, unkempt heads and beards, indulging with
furious gestures and loud voices in bitter and irrational denunciation
of the government and public institutions of my country.
Instead of that these men were as sleek, as mild, as quiet and
gentlemanly as an equal number of bank presidents might be. Perhaps more
so. At any rate, I have seen bank presidents and directors congregate
together in less orderly conventions and have heard from them far more
expressions of contempt for our government and its laws than these men
uttered. The truth was that the gentlemen whom I now had the honor to
meet were more fervently patriotic than any similar assemblage I had
ever seen. Men who come together in the name of a church, a party, a
bank, a business enterprise or even a particular charity, are not prone
to hold country above all other objects. But these men, gathering in the
name of humanity, held their country to be, by reason of its location,
character, condition and opportunities, the most suitable field for
whatever was and is best in the human race.
When the meeting opened Thompson, who was evidently held in great
esteem, assumed the position of presiding officer. He began with a brief
statement of its purposes.
“Gentlemen,” said he, “this meeting is called for a purpose with which
you are doubtless all familiar. Lest there should be persons among you,
however, who are not fully informed, I deem it proper to make a brief
statement at this time. The present business and financial depression,
spreading as it does throughout most of Christendom, has produced a
feeling of unrest among those classes of people who feel it most. This
unrest is admitted by all who have eyes with which to observe, and minds
with which to analyze, to be fraught with danger. It threatens our
security, it threatens our homes, it threatens morals and religion, it
threatens the stability of our institutions, the existence of the
republic and the durability of Christian civilization.
“It is the protest of blind Samson against the exactions of the
Philistines. It is the human heart overflowing with bitterness at the
injustice of men and classes. Ere the pillars of the temple tremble and
the walls of the temple fall upon us, we offer a remedy and ask that it
be applied. In justice to ourselves, let me say, that we propose this
remedy experimentally. We do not, by any means, know whether the human
system is capable of receiving it, but we are absolutely certain that it
can do no injury. We are also equally certain that the attempt to apply
it will improve the condition of those who actively participate in our
plan. I ought also to say that if our remedy is accepted and applied
with earnestness and intelligence it will not fail.
“There are in the American states over 200,000 voters who believe that
the true theory of economics is that the machinery of production belongs
to the people in common. These are convinced that in the theory so
expressed lies the remedy for those economic evils which produce the
extremes of great poverty and great wealth. They are also ready to
participate in some concerted movement which will enable them to
establish a Co-operative Commonwealth in one of our American states. Our
plan is to direct all those who believe in this system of economics into
one state, enable them to establish themselves there in comparative
comfort and ultimately, by colonizing a sufficient number of them, to
take possession of the political machinery of that state, adopt a new
constitution and through it establish the Co-operative Commonwealth.
“We who have enlisted in this enterprise believe that our own grand
republic, with its system of interdependent yet sovereign states, offers
the field for an experiment and an example which may enlighten the
world. The example of Utah, although disapproved as to its purpose,
presents an instance of a commonwealth developing under the influence of
an idea.
“When the idea is pure and exalted, and at the same time furnishes hope
to hungry and struggling millions, how much more likely is it to develop
a masterpiece among states.
“The Co-operative Commonwealth is already organized.
“It even now numbers 3,000 votes, representing 15,000 people—men, women
and children—in its membership.
“A fund of $100,000 has been accumulated and is now available to
establish co-operative colonies and is rapidly increasing. No colonies,
it is true, have been established, for the reason that we have not yet
selected the state for that purpose. This selection is the special
purpose of our meeting to-night.
“Let me express to you, my friends, the belief that we are now meeting
in the most important convention which we have ever held, because our
success depends undeniably upon the proper location of our Co-operative
Commonwealth. Strong arguments can be produced in favor of the South and
the West, and I have heard more favorable mention of Tennessee than of
any of the states. I hope, gentlemen, that you will discuss this matter
fully and deliberately as becomes the dignity and high purpose of men
who, perhaps, are about to give to the world its most enduring and most
beneficent commonwealth.”
So the meeting was declared open for discussion. The gentlemen who
participated were not partisans of any particular section or state and
were evidently disposed to be deliberate and cautious in their
selection. Most of them presented arguments in favor of Tennessee. Some
were in favor of the state of Washington. As I listened to the
discussion I was conscious of a deep feeling of interest developing
within me. It seemed to me that intuitively I comprehended the motives
and purposes of these men and that I had a stronger grasp upon the
details of their design than they. A great inspiration seized upon me
which seemed to swing my mind over every detail and to light up every
feature of this subject. When all who intended appeared to have spoken,
the chairman suggested that Mr. Braden might, perhaps, present some
views which would be worthy of consideration. I could not forbear
compliance and spoke as follows:
“Gentlemen—I feel a deep and profound sympathy for the objects of this
meeting. When I say this I do not want to be understood as expressing
favor for any plan whereby the thoughtful, conservative statesmanship of
modern society is to be set aside, and experimental statesmanship is to
be substituted for it. I am convinced that the social system which
Christendom accepts to-day is the best which humanity has ever employed,
and that it would be the worst of crimes to destroy it without
furnishing some practical model for a new and better one.
“The United States presents a plan which is sufficiently elastic, an
area sufficiently extensive, and opportunities sufficiently varied and
abundant, to make it proper that one state should be devoted to the
development of the co-operative system. I, for one, am fully convinced
that a state should be selected in which the obstacles to your efforts
will be but few and slight. For instance, you ought not to concentrate
your efforts on Tennessee if there is another area, less populous, less
prejudiced and less attached to the present system.
“The vote of Tennessee is 321,190. Its population approaches 2,000,000.
You must, in order to gain control of Tennessee, increase its population
by nearly 2,000,000 co-operators casting a vote of nearly 300,000. This
assumes that a portion of the present population is not opposed to the
Co-operative Commonwealth. It is plain to me that it will take you a
generation to accomplish your purpose.
“The same objections apply in a less degree to Washington. The
population of that state is 450,000 and its vote 93,435. To direct our
colonies to a territory not yet admitted into the Union, like Arizona,
New Mexico and Oklahoma, would subject them to repressive congressional
legislation from which in a state they would be free. As for Wyoming,
with a population of 60,000 and a vote of 21,000, it does not present a
field for our operations as suitable as some others.
“For my part I am greatly prepossessed in favor of Idaho. It has an area
of about 86,000 square miles, a population of about 90,000 and a vote of
about 30,000. Its vote is now increased by, probably, 15,000 on account
of the extension of the right of suffrage of women. This will be an
advantage to your colonists, because the proportion of married men among
you will be greater than that of the shifting population of the mining
camps. It is evident that you will control the state as soon as you have
50,000 men and women there. Already the Co-operative Commonwealth
numbers 3,000 men and this means 6,000 votes. But I make no doubt that
100,000 men, to say nothing of their wives, are ready to go to Idaho
with your colonies if you choose that location.
“But you ask, what manner of place is Idaho? I reply, that in my
journeyings throughout my beloved country I have found its superior
nowhere in what goes to produce a great commonwealth. Its name signifies
‘Light on the Mountains.’ It has valleys of great breadth and fertility,
mountains covered with extensive forests, lakes of enchanting beauty,
navigable rivers, swift streams, unlimited water power, inexhaustible
mineral resources.
“It has 12,000,000 acres of land which can be reclaimed by irrigation
and made lavishly productive, and there is plenty of water available for
the purpose. It has seven million acres of forest lands. You, perhaps,
have no very great acquaintance with Idaho. This, in my opinion, should
induce you to select a committee to visit the state incognito to examine
and report on its resources. You will find that it is capable of
supporting a population of 10,000,000 people. These can engage in
manufacture, farming, grazing, fruit culture, mining, wool growing and
all the pursuits followed by the people of Pennsylvania or New England.
The climate is not so warm as that of Tennessee, but in my judgment that
is an advantage. It is much warmer than in any northern state east of
the Rockies and north of the Ohio river. It is dry and healthful.
“Gentlemen, I shall not enter into a further description of Idaho, but
beg you to make an investigation. Remember that in states whose
opportunities are famous those opportunities have been occupied. If you
can find a state which is but little known you will find its
opportunities, open for you to take possession of and control. Idaho is
such a state.”
My remarks produced a deep impression. I was followed by several
gentlemen who heartily approved the suggestion to appoint a committee of
investigation and to send the committee to Idaho, to report after a
month’s absence. A motion to that effect was carried providing that the
chairman and two others, to be appointed by him, should constitute that
committee. The chairman did me the honor to appoint me, and also
appointed Henry B. Henderson, a gentleman of great wealth, a reformer of
thirty years’ standing, and one of the truest and best men who ever
graced the planet with an unselfish life. The assembly then adjourned to
meet again a month after, when the committee was to make its report.