THE LEGION WON'T MEET AT CHICAGO
We have arrived at what is the most significant event of this session
of the caucus, if not of the entire gathering. The caucus has already
shown its spirit in ousting the Soldiers and Sailors Council because,
in its opinion, it could not measure up to one hundred per cent.
Americanism, and now we shall see what the same simon-pure brand of
red, white, and blueism is demanded of the second largest city in the
United States.
It came about in the most dry, matter-of-fact way. Let the minutes of
the meeting form the introduction for it.
THE CHAIRMAN: "Next is the report of the Committee on the Next Meeting
Place and Time."
SECRETARY WOOD (reading): "From the Committee on Next Meeting Place
and Time, to the Chairman of the American Legion; action of the
Committee.
"Meeting called to order at 10:30 A.M. this day at the Shubert
Jefferson Theater.
"Charles S. Caldwell, of New Mexico, unanimously elected chairman.
"Frank M. Ladd, Jr., of Alabama, Secretary.
"The majority of the States being represented as per attached list
voted unanimously for Chicago as next meeting place. Date being set as
November 10, 11, and 12, 1919.
"Respectfully submitted,
"CHARLES S. CALDWELL, _Chairman_,
"FRANK M. LADD, JR., _Secretary_."
MR. SEXTON (of Illinois): "When you consider your place for your next
convention tell Chicago what you want, and in response to that Chicago
will answer you. 'We will give you whatever you want.'"
Then the excitement started. Mr. Dietrick of Pennsylvania moved to
amend the report of the committee. "By striking out the word Chicago
and substituting therefore the city from the State which furnished
more soldiers than another state--the city of Pittsburgh."
This elicited great applause--especially from the Pennsylvania
delegation. Mr. Stems of Louisiana got the floor--
"I want to tell you what took place in that committee," he said. "The
committee selected a place to the best interest of this organization
and not to the best interest of any one specific locality, and the
question was argued in a very quiet, organized, gentlemanly manner. A
number of the delegates put up towns that did not get enough support
to get the meeting, so they withdrew their names. It was all to the
interest of the organization so it was unanimously adopted by that
committee, without any dissenting vote, that Chicago be unanimously
adopted as the place for the next convention for the best of all
interests concerned. I am from New Orleans, Louisiana, which is a
convention city and I will not offer my city to you as a convention
city at this time because I do not think it is to the best interest of
your country."
[Illustration: Bennett C. Clark
Who presided at the Paris Caucus]
[Illustration: Eric Fisher Wood Secretary]
When Mr. Stem took his seat at least a dozen delegates clamored for
recognition from the chair. Colonel J.F.J. Herbert succeeded in
getting it. It was he who then fired the gun which, if not heard
around the world at least made Chicago's ear drums rattle.
"Mr. Chairman," he began--
Colonel Lindsley rapped for order.
A man near me whispered, "There's Herbert of Massachusetts. I think
Boston is too far east for this convention, at least for the first
one."
Colonel Lindsley got order, and you could have heard a pin drop,
while the following statement was made by the Massachusetts leader:
"As the spokesman for my delegation on this question of next meeting
place I want to say that if no other body and if no other party of
this caucus wants or believes it is its duty to rebuke any city or the
representative of any city for Un-Americanism during the time when the
soldiers of that city were offering their lives in defense of the
world, then Massachusetts stands ready to offer that rebuke.
Massachusetts will not agree willingly to having a convention of
soldiers and sailors in the Great War, go to a city that has as its
first citizen, by vote, one who can not measure up in any small part
when the test is one hundred per cent. Americanism."
When Colonel Herbert reached this point one delegate with a big voice
from a big State (Texas) let out a loud yell of approval. This was the
signal for blast after blast of vocal vociferousness which fairly
raised the roof. Men stood on their seats, and cheered. "You're dead
right" and "Get a new mayor, Chicago," while others began to point at
placards advertising Chicago which had been placed on the walls of the
theater by members of the Illinois delegation. Colonel Herbert stood
for fully five minutes before order was sufficiently restored for him
to proceed.
"The hall has been placarded with invitations, reading, 'The American
Legion, Chicago wants you in November,'" he said. "I believe that this
convention, this convention of soldiers and sailors should say,
'Chicago, you cannot have American soldiers in Chicago when there is a
possibility that the chief representative of that city may not believe
it is his duty to come before the Convention and welcome it.' If these
placards read, 'American Legion, Chicago _soldiers_ want you in
November,' our answer might be different. The answer of Massachusetts
would be different but when your placard reads, 'Chicago wants you in
November' the answer of Massachusetts is, 'Chicago cannot have us in
November'--or any other time until Chicago has an American for Mayor
in an American city.
"The literature circulated through the caucus reads, 'Chicago pledges
itself to go any other city one better on anything this convention
requires.' This convention first requires that Chicago shall reach a
standard different from the standard of being the most despised city
in America, and when it has reached that standard, it is then in a
position to say whether it can go one better. It has not yet reached
par. Until Chicago reaches par, Massachusetts votes no!"
A large poster reading "Chicago bids you Welcome," had been placed
over the seats directly in the center of the stage; Captain Osborne
pulled it down. This was the signal for similar action all over the
house. Chicago banners, dropped from the boxes, were hurled to the
floor. Other banners which had been on the theater walls just out of
reach were torn down by men who climbed on the shoulders of their
fellow delegates in order to reach them. Only during the ovation given
Colonel Roosevelt, did the cheering reach such intensity.
These men were cheering for Americanism. They wanted one hundred per
cent. Americanism, untainted and unvarnished by a hyphen or an "ism,"
especially when the word pacific precedes the latter. Everyone felt
sorry for the Illinois delegation, for it was realized that Colonel
Herbert's remarks were intended solely to reflect upon the person he
specially mentioned and not upon the thousands of soldiers and sailors
who went from Illinois and Chicago and did more than their part in
writing glorious history.
Just how this was impressed upon the men from Illinois let the minutes
show. The chairman recognized "the gentleman from Chicago."
MR. CUMMINGS (of Chicago): "Gentlemen, I don't believe there is a
single delegate to this caucus who would be so unfair as to impugn the
patriotism of 650,000 men who rallied to the colors of this country
by saying: 'Because Chicago had a mayor of which they are all ashamed
that they are not patriotic.' Had the men who were serving the colors
in France been in Chicago, they would have had no apology to offer for
their mayor. (Applause.) He was elected in a three-cornered fight
where he did not receive a majority vote in Chicago, but had the
opposition to him been solidified he would have been snowed under, for
Chicago is patriotic. I consider that an insult has been handed to
every man in Illinois who rallied to the colors.
"The Tank Corps of which I am a member, and an enlisted man
originally, gave from Chicago 11,250 enlisted men, volunteers in the
most hazardous branch of the service. They gave 11,250 men as against
11,000 which the rest of the country contributed. If that doesn't
bespeak patriotism for Chicago, I don't know how you are going to
gauge it. I am saying that in the invitation which was extended to you
we are speaking for the boys of khaki and blue who rallied to the
colors from Illinois, and who are here to-day, extending the
invitation to you notwithstanding the fact that we are cursed by a
mayor who is not our choice. We would throw him out if we had the
chance, but we are extending the invitation to you on behalf of
750,000 men from Illinois and we do not feel that you are going to
impugn their patriotism, that you are going to insult them by saying
they are members of an unpatriotic community."
MR. HAWKINS (of Oklahoma): "The great State of Illinois stands
unchallenged in the patriotism of its soldiers throughout the world. I
am only sorry that you didn't leave enough patriots at home to elect a
patriotic mayor of that great city. You are in the embarrassing
position of having a man who has repudiated the things we went out to
die for. Either you have got to repudiate us or repudiate him."
"We'll repudiate him next time when the boys get home," shouted
several of the Illinois crowd.
Then other speakers tried to make it plain that the Legion's attack
was solely against the municipal head of Chicago, but some of the men
of Illinois let the incident rankle. How it came out (and it was ended
happily) will develop. Meantime the attention of the caucus was
diverted from the Chicago incident by the manifestation of that desire
which is in every true American's heart, namely to be a booster for
his own home town. In less time than it takes to tell it, Los Angeles,
Minneapolis, Atlantic City, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Indianapolis,
Kansas City, and Chicago were being voted upon. While the delegates
were voting, a small body of soldiers and sailors were gathered
together in a wing of the theater, seriously discussing the incident
which was developed by Colonel Herbert's speech. They desired that it
should be made more plain to everyone just what Colonel Herbert meant
and that the millions of patriotic simon-pure Americans who live in
Illinois should not take undue umbrage of the incident. Therefore
while the vote on the convention city was being counted, Colonel Luke
Lea was recognized by the chairman and asked unanimous consent to
present for consideration the following resolution:
"RESOLVED, That the action of the caucus of the American Legion in
refusing to accept the invitation to hold its next convention in
Chicago is no reflection upon the splendid patriotism of the men and
women of that great city, who have loyally proved their Americanism by
supporting our Army and Navy and all war activities.
"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, That this caucus records its admiration of
the valor and heroism of the thousands and thousands of Chicago's sons
whose pure patriotism has been proven on the battlefields of France."
"I would like to say something in support of the motion," Colonel Lea
said. "It is very proper for me to offer it for I had the privilege of
serving for three months with the great Thirty-third Division of
Illinois and I know what wonderful soldiers they are."
The resolution was adopted by unanimous vote.
No booster ever had a better time than had those who attended the St.
Louis Caucus. Local pride assumed its highest pitch during the vote,
and at length Minneapolis won it. The date was set for November
10-11-12th.
Just before adjournment Colonel Herbert arose to a question of
personal privilege.
"I would like, if possible," he said, "to have the attention for a few
minutes of every man that is in this theater. Intentionally or
otherwise, and I think it was otherwise, the soldiers of Illinois have
felt that I was not just to them in the remarks that I made bearing on
the report of the Committee on the Next Meeting Place. I meant to say,
and I believe now that I did say, that if those banners that were hung
in this theater had read, 'American Legion, Chicago's _soldiers_
invite you next November.' Massachusetts' answer would have been
'Yes.' I believe I said that. The men of Illinois believe I did not
say it. The men of Illinois believe that when I sat down after making
the few remarks I did, that I had a sardonic smile on my lips and they
say that I have insulted them to the heart and I say to them: 'If
there is anything that I can say, anything that I can do, as soldier
to soldier to remove from your mind, or from the minds of any man who
may have been in this theater, any belief that there was any feeling
except of highest admiration, the highest respect, and the deepest
affection on the part of the soldiers of Massachusetts for the
soldiers of Illinois, then I want to correct that impression, because
I want you, the soldiers of Illinois, to know that we recognize in
Massachusetts that no better soldiers wore the khaki, no better
sailors wore the blue, than the men of Illinois. My remarks were, as I
stated, for the purpose of saying Massachusetts would, if no other
State would, take such action to rebuke the city of Chicago; would say
to Chicago that if it would have the right to invite Americans to meet
in that city, first Americanize the City Hall. That was my chief
purpose of rising to my feet. If Chicago's soldiers, if Illinois'
soldiers still think that I have not made reparation for what they
believe was the intention of my remarks, then I say to them that no
higher respect, no deeper affection exists for them than in the hearts
of the men of Massachusetts."
Colonel Herbert's assault upon Chicago's mayor in itself is only half
significant. It is only wholly so when its reception is considered.
Colonel Herbert will have none of Chicago until it has purged itself
of its municipal leader. He remembered, perhaps, the assertion that it
is "the sixth largest German city in the world." He might have said as
much in a newspaper interview as he said on the floor of the caucus
had he been asked about the Illinois city as a meeting place for
soldiers, and, perhaps, the editor would have given to it a half
column of space; in the larger dailies, less. But when men of the
army, navy, and marine corps, from every battlefield in France, from
every State in the union, voice their approval so thunderously; when
they stand on their seats and cheer; when they so positively overrule
the recommendation of committeemen who have studiously considered the
matter, presumably from all angles, it means much. No wonder
Metropolitan dailies devoted columns to it.
Those of you who have become low-spirited over your own particular
view of the future; those of you who have talked about "the good old
days"; or, the Spirit of '76, take heart. Take counsel of the Spirit
of '19, based on the deeds of '17 and '18, on the mistakes of '14,
'15, and '16. '19 is all right!
Read the constitution of the American Legion to-night just before
you go to bed. Think of this second day's session when the
Bolsheviki-tainted organization was thrown out, when the second
largest city in America was told to "clean house" and redecorate in
red, white, and blue. Then go to bed and know that all's right with
the United States.
A large number of the delegates attended, on the second evening, a
dance and supper at Sunset Inn given in honor of the Legion by the
ladies of St. Louis. For most though, there was work in plenty to do.
Some of the committees hadn't yet reported and there was an all
important meeting of the executive committee in the Statler Hotel.
I said _all important_ by design. The caucus had taken up a great deal
of time with the proceedings already recounted and it was the purpose
of the executive committee on adjournment-eve to get down to brass
tacks. It certainly did that. It was agreed to recommend to the caucus
that the Legion should attempt to help get returning soldiers and
sailors positions and that a legal department should be established
which would aid men to get back pay and allotments, while still
another department would look after their insurance and instruct them
how to change it to policies of a permanent character. Needless to say
these conclusions were not arrived at without a great deal of helpful
discussion.
Then too this executive meeting was all important because it let
several persons who claimed to be dissatisfied, air their grievances,
thereby clearing the atmosphere of considerable cloudiness. For the
most part these malcontents didn't seem at first to distinguish
between the caucus and the November convention. They didn't seem to
catch at first hand the spirit of the A.E.F. caucus which positively
refused to take action on large questions of policy until the Home
Army could be consulted. The principal leaders of the caucus in St.
Louis determined upon the same course, as has been previously
explained, and rightly so. One thing one element wanted to do was to
elect permanent officers. "How could you do that when more than a
million men entitled to a vote are still in France?" they were asked.
They couldn't answer. Another element wanted to go on record against
universal military training while still others were for endorsing it.
Someone else wanted this city to be chosen as permanent headquarters
while another wanted some other town selected. There was some
grumbling to the effect that the caucus had been too "rowdy." Then,
too, everybody was more or less tired out and a darker view of things
was natural.
The silver lining was there, however, as it always is. This time it
took the rotund form of a preacher from Alabama. Inzer was his name
and his folks and Colonel Roosevelt's away back five or six
generations ago in Georgia had been the same people, so let's
introduce him as Colonel Roosevelt's cousin. Chaplain Inzer had been
ready to embark at Newport News with his regiment when the Bolsheviki
menace grew quite serious in the Pacific northwest and he was ordered
to proceed to Seattle and was there during all the stirring times
which culminated in making Ole Hanson famous.
It might truthfully be said that the "silver lining" quite properly
had a silver tongue. When he had spoken just about a hundred words
even the grouches were holding onto their chairs if they weren't using
their hands for purposes of applause. And many a man, who thought he'd
talked his voice silent dug deep down in his vocal chords and brought
forth something that could easily be labeled a cheer! This preacher
told everybody who might have the slightest idea of making trouble
just where to get off. But I am not going to try to remember his
speech and perhaps improperly quote the chaplain. The speech was so
good that they made him do it again at the very opening of the caucus
the next morning, so I'm going to lead off with it in my story of the
proceedings of the last day, just as the stenographers recorded it.