GOETHE.
Enthusiasm for Śakuntalā--Der Gott und die Bajadere; Der
Paria--Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology--Origin of the
Divan--Oriental Character of the Work--Inaugurates the Oriental
Movement.
In _Wahrheit und Dichtung_ (B. xii. vol. xxii. p. 86) Goethe tells us
that he first became acquainted with Hindu fables through Dapper's book
of travel,[86] while pursuing his law studies at Wetzlar, in 1771. He
amused his circle of literary friends by relating stories of Rāma and
the monkey _Hanneman_ (i.e. Hanuman), who speedily won the favor of the
audience. The poet himself, however, could not get any lasting pleasure
from monstrosities; misshapen divinities shocked his aesthetic sense.
The first time that Goethe's attention was turned seriously to Eastern
literature was in 1791, when, through Herder's efforts, he made the
acquaintance of Kālidāsa's dramatic masterpiece _Śakuntalā_, which
inspired the well known epigram "Willst du die Blüte des frühen," etc.,
an extravagant eulogy rather than an appreciative criticism. That the
impression was not merely momentary is proved by the fact that five
years later the poet took the inspiration for his _Faust_ prologue from
Kālidāsa's work.[87] Otherwise it cannot be said that the then just
awakening Sanskrit studies exercised any considerable influence on his
poetic activity. For his two ballads dealing with Indic subjects, "Der
Gott und die Bajadere" and "Der Paria", the material was taken, not from
works of Sanskrit literature, but from a book of travel. The former poem
was completed in 1797, though the idea was taken as early as 1783 from
a German version of Sonnerat's travels, where the story is related
according to the account of Abraham Roger[88] in _De Open-Deure_. There
the account is as follows: "'t Is ghebeurt ... dat Dewendre, onder
Menschelijcke ghedaente, op eenen tijdt ghekomen is by een sekere Hoere,
de welcke hy heeft willen beproeven of sy oock ghetrouw was. Hy
accordeert met haer, ende gaf haer een goet Hoeren loon. Na den loon
onthaelde sy hem dien nacht heel wel, sonder dat sy haer tot slapen
begaf. Doch 't soude in dien nacht ghebeurt zijn dat Dewendre sich
geliet of hy stierf; ende storf soo sy meynde. De Hoere die wilde met
hem branden, haer Vrienden en konde het haer niet afraden; de welcke
haer voor-hielden dat het haer Man niet en was. Maer nadien dat sy haer
niet en liet gheseggen, soo lietse het yver toestellen om daer in te
springen. Op't uyterste ghekomen zijnde, ontwaeckte Dewendre, ende
seyde, dat hy hem hadde ghelaten doot te zijn, alleenlijck om te
ondervinden hare trouwe; ende hy seyde haer toe, tot een loon van hare
ghetrouwigheyt, dat sy met hem na Dewendrelocon (dat is een der platsen
der gelucksaligheyt) gaen soude. Ende ghelijck den Bramine seyde, ist
alsoo gheschiet."[89]
It will be seen that Goethe has changed the story considerably and for
the better. How infinitely nobler is his idea of uniting the maiden with
her divine lover on the flaming pyre from which both ascend to heaven!
It may also be observed that Goethe substitutes Mahādēva, i.e. Śiva, for
Dewendre[90] and assigns to him an incarnation, though such incarnations
are known only of Viṣṇu.
* * * * *
The "Paria," a trilogy consisting of "Gebet," "Legende" and "Dank des
Paria," was begun in 1816, but not finished until December, 1821. Even
then it was not quite complete. The appearance of Delavigne's _Le Paria_
and still more of Michael Beer's drama of the same name, spurred Goethe
to a final effort and the poem was published in October, 1823.
The direct source is the legend which Sonnerat tells of the origin of
the Paria-goddess Mariatale.[91] Indirectly, however, the sources are
found in Sanskrit literature. Two parts may be distinguished: The story
of the temptation and punishment, and the story of the interchange of
heads.[92] The former story is that of the ascetic Jamadagni and his
wife Rēṇukā, who was slain by her son Rāma at the command of the ascetic
himself, in punishment for her yielding to an impure desire on beholding
the prince Citraratha. Subsequently at the intercession of Rāma she is
again restored to life through Jamadagni's supernatural power. The story
is in _Mahābhārata_ iii. c. 116 seq.[93] and also in the _Bhāgavata
Purāṇa_, Bk. ix. c. 16,[94] though here the harshness of the original
version is somewhat softened.[95]
The second story is found in the _Vētālapañcaviṃs'ati_, being the sixth
of the "twenty-five tales of a corpse-demon," which are also found in
the twelfth book of the _Kathāsaritsāgara_.[96] It relates how
Madanasundarī, whose husband and brother-in-law had beheaded themselves
in honor of Durgā, is commanded by the goddess to restore the corpses to
life by joining to each its own head, and how by mistake she
interchanges these heads.
The two stories were fused into one and so we get the legend in the form
in which Sonnerat presents it. Goethe followed this form closely without
inventing anything. He did, however, put into the poem an ethical
content and a noble idea. Both the Indic ballads are a fervent plea for
the innate nobility of humanity.
* * * * *
Here the influence of India on Goethe's work ends. The progress of
Sanskrit studies could not fail to excite the interest of the poet whose
boast was his cosmopolitanism,[97] but they did not incite him to
production. For India's mythology, its religion and its abstrusest of
philosophies he felt nothing but aversion. Especially hateful to him
were the mythological monstrosities:
Und so will ich, ein für allemal,
Keine Bestien in dem Göttersaal!
Die leidigen Elephantenrüssel,
Das umgeschlungene Schlangengenüssel,
Tief Urschildkröt' im Weltensumpf,
Viel Königsköpf' auf einem Rumpf,
Die müssen uns zur Verzweiflung bringen,
Wird sie nicht reiner Ost verschlingen.[98]
Goethe classed Indic antiquities with those of Egypt and China, and his
attitude towards the question of their value is distinctly expressed in
one of his prose proverbs: "Chinesische, Indische, Aegyptische
Altertümer sind immer nur Curiositäten: es ist sehr wohl gethan, sich
und die Welt damit bekannt zu machen; zu sittlicher und aesthetischer
Bildung aber werden sie uns wenig fruchten."[99]
After all, Goethe's Orient did not extend beyond the Indus. It was
confined mainly to Persia and Arabia, with an occasional excursion into
Turkey.
To this Orient he turned at the time of Germany's deepest political
degradation, when the best part of its soil was overrun by a foreign
invader, and when the whole nation nerved itself for the life and death
struggle that was to break its chains. The aged poet shrank from the
tumult and strife about him and took refuge in the East. The opening
lines of the first Divan poem express the motive of this poetical
_Hegire_.
The history of the composition of the _Divan_ is too well known to
require repetition. It is given with great detail in the editions
prepared by von Loeper and Düntzer.[100] Suffice it to say that the
direct impulse to the composition of the work was the appearance, in
1812, of the first complete version of Persia's greatest lyric poet
H̱āfiḍ, by the famous Viennese Orientalist von Hammer. The bulk of the
poems were written between the years 1814 and 1819,[101] although in
the work as we now have it a number of poems are included which arose
later than 1819 and were added to the editions of 1827 and 1837.[102]
The idea of dividing the collection into books was suggested by the fact
that two of H̱āfiḍ's longer poems bear the titles مغنی نامه، ساقی نامه,
i.e. "book of the cup-bearer" and "book of the minstrel," as well as by
the seven-fold division which Sir William Jones had made of Oriental
poetry.[103] For the heroic there was no material, nor were some of the
other divisions suitable for Goethe's purpose. So only the _Buch der
Liebe_ and the _Buch des Unmuts_ (to correspond to satire) could be
formed. Other books were formed in an analogous manner until they were
twelve in number. The poet originally intended to make them of equal
length, but this intention he never carried out, and so they are of very
unequal extent, the longest being that of _Suleika_ (53 poems) and the
shortest those of Timur and of the Parsi (two poems each).
The great majority of the Divan-poems are not in any sense translations
or reproductions, but entirely original compositions inspired by the
poet's Oriental reading and study. The thoroughness and earnestness of
these studies is attested by the explanatory notes which were added to
the _Divan_ and were published with it in 1819,[104] and which show
conclusively, that, although Goethe could not read Persian poetry in the
original, he nevertheless succeeded admirably in entering into its
spirit.
We have mentioned Hammer's translation of H̱āfiḍ as the direct impulse
to the composition of the _Divan_. It was also the principal source from
which the poet drew his inspiration for the work. A single verse would
often furnish a theme for a poem. Sometimes this poem would be a
translation, e.g. "Eine Stelle suchte der Liebe Schmerz," p. 54 (H̱.
356. 8); but more often it was a very free paraphrase, e.g. the motto
prefixed to _Buch Hafis_, a variation of the motto to Hammer's version
(H̱. 222. 9). As an example of how a single verse is developed into an
original poem we may cite "Über meines Liebchens Äugeln," p. 55, where
the first stanza is a version of H̱. 221. 1, all the others being free
invention. Other Persian poets besides H̱āfiḍ also furnished material.
Thus the opening passage of Saʻdī's _Gulistān_ was used for "Im
Athemholen," p. 10, where the sense, however, is altered and the line
"So sonderbar ist das Leben gemischt" is added. A number of poems are
based on the _Pand Nāmah_ of ʻAṭṭār, e.g. pp. 58, 60,[105] and two are
taken from Firdausī, namely "Firdusi spricht," p. 75 (Sh. N. i. p. 62,
couplet 538; Mohl, i. 84; Fundgruben. ii. 64) and "Was machst du an der
Welt?" p. 96 (Sh. N. i. p. 482, coupl. 788, 789; _Red._ p. 58). But it
was not only the poetical works of Persia that were laid under
contribution; sayings, anecdotes, descriptions, remarks of any kind in
books of travel and the like were utilized as well. Thus Hammer in the
preface to his version of H̱āfiḍ relates the _fatvā_ or judgment which a
famous _muftī_ of Constantinople pronounced on the poems of the great
singer, and this gave Goethe the idea for his "Fetwa," p. 32.[106] In
the same preface[107] is related the well known reply which H̱āfiḍ is
reported to have given to Timur, when called to account by the latter
for the sentiment of the first couplet of the famous eighth ode, and
this inspired the poem "Hätt' ich irgend wol Bedenken," p. 133.
Similarly "Vom heutigen Tag," p. 94, is based on the words of an
inscription over a caravansery at Ispahan found in Chardin's book. The
story of Bahrāmgūr and Dilārām inventing rhyme[108] gave rise to the
poem "Behramgur, sagt man," p. 153. And so we might cite poems from
other sources, _Qurān_, Jones' _Poeseos_, Diez' _Buch des Kabus_, etc.,
but the examples we have given are sufficient to show how Goethe used
his material.
Throughout the _Divan_ Persian similes and metaphors are copiously
employed and help to create a genuine Oriental atmosphere. The adoration
of the dust on the path of the beloved, p. 23 (cf. H̱. 497. 10); the
image of the candle that is consumed by the flame as the lover is by
yearning, p. 54 (cf. H̱. 414. 4); the love of the nightingale for the
rose, p. 125 (cf. H̱. 318. 1); the lover captive in the maiden's
tresses, p. 46 (cf. H̱. 338. 1); the arrows of the eye lashes, p. 129
(cf. H̱. 173. 2); the verses strung together like pearls, p. 193 (cf.
H̱. 499. 11), are some of the peculiarly Persian metaphors that occur.
Allusions to the loves of Yūsuf and Zalīχā, of Laīlā and Majnūn and of
other Oriental couples are repeatedly brought in. Moreover, a whole book
is devoted to the _sāqī_ so familiar to students of H̱āfiḍ, and Goethe
does not shrink from alluding to the subject of boy-love, p. 181.
A great many of the poems, however, do not owe their inspiration to the
Orient, and many are completely unoriental. Such are, for instance,
those of the _Randsch Namah_, expressing, as they do, Goethe's opinions
on contemporary literary and aesthetic matters. Again, many are inspired
by personal experiences, and, as is now well known, the whole _Buch
Suleika_ owes its origin to the poet's love for Marianne von Willemer;
some of its finest poems have been proved to have been written by this
gifted lady. Such poems, written under the impressions of some actual
occurrence, were sometimes subsequently orientalized. Some striking
illustrations of this are given by Burdach in the essay which we cited
before and to which we refer.
As the _Divan_ was an original work, though inspired by Oriental
sources, Goethe did not feel the necessity of imitating the extremely
artificial forms of his Oriental models. Besides, he knew of these forms
only indirectly through the work of Jones. What Hammer's versions could
teach him on this point was certainly very little. Perhaps he did not
realize what an essential element form is in Persian poetry, that, in
fact, it generally predominates over the thought, and this so much that
the unity of a _γazal_ is entirely dependent on the recurrence of the
rhyme. Instead of such recurrent rhyme he employs changing rhyme and
free strophes. Only twice does he attempt anything like an imitation of
the _γazal_, but in neither case does he satisfy the technical rules of
this poetic form.[109]
From all this we see that Goethe in the _Divan_ preserves his poetic
independence. He remains a citizen of the West, though he chooses to
dwell for a time in the East. As a rule he takes from there only what he
finds congenial to his own nature. So we can understand his attitude
towards mysticism. He has no love for it; it was utterly incompatible
with his own habit of clear thinking. Speaking of Rūmī, the prince of
mystics, he doubts if this poet could give a clear account of his own
doctrine;[110] the grades by which, according to S̱ūfī-doctrine, man
rises to ultimate union with the Godhead he calls follies.[111]
Therefore to him H̱āfiḍ was the singer of real love, real roses and real
wine, and this conception of the great lyric poet was also adopted by
all the later Hafizian singers.[112] Unfortunately it cannot be said
that it is quite correct. For even if we ignore the mystical
interpretation which Oriental commentators give to the wine of H̱āfiḍ,
we cannot possibly ignore the fact that the love of which he sings is
never the ideal love for woman, but mostly the love for a handsome
boy.[113]
With the _Divan_ Goethe inaugurated the Oriental movement in German
poetry, which Rückert, Platen and Bodenstedt carried to its culmination.
These later Hafizian singers remembered gratefully what they owed the
sage of Weimar. Rückert pays his tribute to him in the opening poem of
his _Östliche Rosen_, where he hails him as lord of the East as he has
been the star of the West.[114] And Platen offers to him reverentially
his first _Ghaselen_:
Der Orient sei neu bewegt,
Soll nicht nach dir die Welt vernüchtern,
Du selbst, du hast's in uns erregt:
So nimm hier, was ein Jüngling schüchtern
In eines Greisen Hände legt.[115]
The poetic spirit of the Orient had been brought into German literature;
it was reserved for Rückert and Platen to complete the work by bringing
over also the poetic forms.
FOOTNOTES:
[86] Asia, Oder: Ausführliche Beschreibung, etc. See Benfey, Orient u.
Occident, i. p. 721, note.
[87] See Düntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz. 1882, p. 68.
[88] This information is given by Düntzer in his Goethe ed. (KDNL. vol.
82), vol. i. p. 167, note. The French ed. of Sonnerat, Paris, 1783, does
not contain the story. The German version to which Düntzer refers has
not been accessible to me.
[89] Roger, De Open-Deure, Leyden, 1651, pp. 166, 167, chap. xi.
[90] It is to be noted that in Sanskrit literature _dēvēndra_ is an
epithet of Śiva as well as of Indra.
[91] Voyage aux Indes et à la Chine, Paris, 1782, i. 244 seq.
[92] See Benfey, Goethes Gedicht Legende und dessen indisches Vorbild in
Or. u. Occ. i. 719-732. Benfey erroneously supposes the material of the
poem to have been derived from Dapper.
[93] Bombay edition; cf. also Engl. trans. of Mahābh. ed. Roy, vol. iii.
p. 358 seq.
[94] Nirṇ. Sāg. Press ed. Bomb. 1898, p. 407 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. in
Wealth of India ed. Dutt, Calc. 1895, pp. 62, 63.
[95] For other Sanskrit sources see Petersb. Lex. sub voce _rēnukā_.
[96] Nirṇ. Sāg. Press ed., Bombay, 1889, p. 481 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr.
by Tawney, vol. ii. p. 261 seq.
[97] See for instance his discussion of Śakuntalā, Gītagōvinda and
Mēghadūta in Indische Dichtung, written 1821. Vol. 29, p. 809.
[98] Vol. ii. p. 352.
[99] Sprüche in Prosa, vol. 19, p. 112.
[100] See also Konrad Burdach, Goethe's West-Östlicher Divan, Goethe
Jahrbuch, vol. xvii. Appendix.
[101] More than 200 poems out of 284 date from the years 1814, 1815
alone. Loeper in vol. vi. preface, p. xxviii.
[102] Loeper, ibid. p. xv.
[103] Poeseos, The Works of Sir William Jones, ed. Lord Teignmouth,
London, 1807, vol. vi. chapters 12-18.
[104] Based mainly on information contained in Hammer's Gesch. der
schönen Redekünste Persiens, Wien, 1818.
[105] Given in Fundgruben des Orients, Wien, 1809, vol. ii. pp. 222,
495, in the French translation of de Sacy.
[106] Op. cit. p. xxxiv.
[107] Ibid. pp. xvi, xvii.
[108] Red. p. 35; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, Torino, 1894,
vol. i. p. 7. This story inspired also the scene between Helena and
Faust. Faust, Act iii. See Düntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz., 1882, ii. p.
216.
[109] In tausend Formen, p. 169; Sie haben wegen der Trunkenheit, p.
178.
[110] Noten u. Abhandlungen, p. 260.
[111] Ibid. p. 264.
[112] That Goethe knew of the mystic interpretation to which H̱āfiḍ is
subjected by Oriental commentators is evident from "Offenbar Geheimnis,"
p. 38, and from the next poem "Wink," p. 39.
[113] See Paul Horn, Was verdanken wir Persien?, in Nord u. Süd, Sept.
1900, p. 389.
[114] Rückert's Werke, vol. v. 286.
[115] Platen, Werke, i. p. 255.