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THE INFLUENCE
OF
INDIA AND PERSIA
ON THE
POETRY OF GERMANY
BY
ARTHUR F.J. REMY, A.M., Ph.D.
SOMETIME FELLOW IN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
Copyright 1901, Columbia University Press,
New York
Manufactured in the United States of America
TO
Prof. William H. Carpenter, Ph.D.
Prof. Calvin Thomas, A.M.
Prof. A.V. Williams Jackson, L.H.D., Ph.D.
OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
IN GRATITUDE
PREFACE.
The Oriental movement which manifested itself so strikingly in German
literature during the nineteenth century is familiar to every student of
that literature. Although the general nature of this movement is pretty
clearly understood, no systematic investigation of it, so far as I know,
has ever been undertaken. In the following pages an attempt is made to
trace the influence which the Indo-Iranian East--the Semitic part is not
considered--exerted on German poetry. The work does not claim to be
exhaustive in the sense that it gives a list of all the poets that ever
came under that influence. Nor does it pretend to be anything like a
complete catalogue of the sources whence the poets derived their
material. The performance of such a task would have required far more
time and space than were at my disposal. A selection was absolutely
necessary. It is hoped that the material presented in the case of each
poet is sufficient to give a clear idea of the extent to which he was
subject to Oriental influence, as well as of the part that he took in
the movement under discussion.
It is my pleasant duty to acknowledge the obligations under which I am
to various scholars. In the first place, my sincere thanks are due to
Professor Jackson, at whose suggestion this investigation was undertaken
and whose encouragement and advice have never been wanting. I am also
indebted for helpful suggestions to Professors Carpenter and Thomas of
the Germanic department, who kindly volunteered to read the
proof-sheets. Furthermore, I wish to thank Mr. Yohannan for assistance
rendered in connection with the transliteration of some of the
lithographic editions of Persian authors. And, finally, I am indebted to
the kindness of Dr. Gray for the use of several rare volumes which
otherwise would have been inaccessible to me.
Arthur F.J. Remy.
New York, May 1, 1901.
List of Works most frequently consulted.
Bahāristān. The Bahāristān by Jāmī. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society
for Private Subscribers only. Benares, 1887.
Bhartṛhari. Śatakatrayam, 2d ed. Nirṇaya Sāgara Press. Bombay, 1891.
Quotations are from this edition.
Bodenstedt, Friedr. Martin. Gesammelte Schriften. 12 Bde. Berlin, 1865.
Tausend und ein Tag im Orient in vols. i and ii.
References to Mirza Schaffy songs are based on this edition.
Firdausī. See Shāh Nāmah.
Goethe's Werke. 36 Bde. Berlin (Hempel), 1879.
Quotations are from this edition.
Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Hrsg. von W. Geiger und E. Kuhn.
Strassburg, 1896 ----.
Gulistān. The Gulistān of Shaiḵẖ Muṣlihu'd dīn Saʻdī of Shīrāz, ed. John
Platts. 2d ed. London, 1874.
Quotations are from this edition.
---- or Rose garden. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society for Private
Subscribers only. Benares, 1888.
H̱āfiḍ. Die Lieder des Hafis. Persisch mit dem Commentare des Sudi hrsg.
von Herm. Brockhaus. Leipzig, 1863.
Quotations are from this edition.
Hammer, Jos. von. Geschichte der schönen Redekünşte Persiens, mit einer
Blüthenlese aus zweyhundert persischen Dichtern. Wien, 1818.
Heine. Heinrich Heines sämtliche Werke in 12 Bden. Stuttgart (Cotta),
s. a.
Herder. Sämmtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan. 32 Bde. Berlin, 1877.
Hitōpadēśa. The Hitōpades'a of Nārāyana Pandit, ed. Godabole and Parab.
3d ed. Nirṇ. Sāg. Press. Bombay, 1890.
Quotations are from this edition.
Jackson, A.V. Williams. Zoroaster, the Prophet of ancient Iran. New
York, 1899.
Mohl. See Shāh Nāmah.
Piper, Paul. Höfische Epik. 4 pts. KDNL. iv.
---- Spielmannsdichtung. 2 pts. KDNL. ii.
Platen. Platens sämtliche Werke. Stuttgart (Cotta), s. a.
References are based on this edition.
Rückert. Friedrich Rückert's gesammelte poetische Werke. 12 Bde. Fkft.
a. M., 1882.
References are based on this edition.
Schack, Ad. Friedr. Graf von. Gesammelte Werke. 3 Aufl. 10 Bde.
Stuttgart, 1897.
Shāh Nāmah. Firdusii Liber Regium qui inscribitur Shah Name, ed. Vullers
(et Landauer). Tom. 3. Lugd. 1877-1884.
---- Le Livre des Rois par Abou'l Kasim Firdousi, traduit et commenté
par Jules Mohl. 7 vols. Paris, 1876-1878.
Abbreviations.
BLVS. Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in
Stuttgart. Tübingen.
Böhtl. Otto Böhtlingk, Indische Sprüche, St.
Petersburg, 1870-1873. 2 Aufl. 3 Bde.
Grdr. iran. Phil. Grundriss der iranischen Philologie.
Gul. Gulistān, ed. Platts.
H̱. H̱āfiḍ, ed. Brockhaus.
H.E. Höfische Epik, ed. Piper in KDNL.
JAOS. Journal American Oriental Society.
KDNL. Deutsche National-Litteratur, ed. Jos.
Kürschner. (Berlin) u. Stuttgart.
K.S. Translations of the Gulistān and Bahāristān,
printed for the Kama Shastra Society.
Red. Geschichte der schönen Redekünste Persiens.
Sh. N. Shāh Nāmah.
ZDMG. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellschaft.
CONTENTS.
Chapter I.
INTRODUCTION.
Page
Information of Mediæval Europe concerning India and
Persia--Travellers--India and Persia in Mediæval
German Poetry, 1
Chapter II.
FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF
SIR WILLIAM JONES.
Travels to India and Persia--Olearius and his Work--Progress
of Persian Studies--Roger--India's Language
and Literature remain unknown--Oriental
Influence in German Literature, 9
Chapter III.
HERDER.
Herder's Interest in the Orient--Fourth Collection of his
Zerstreute Blätter--His Didactic Tendency and
Predilection for Saʻdī, 16
Chapter IV.
GOETHE.
Enthusiasm for Śakuntalā--Der Gott und die Bajadere;
der Paria--Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology--Origin
of the Divan--Oriental Character of the
Work--Inaugurates the Oriental Movement, 20
Chapter V.
SCHILLER.
Schiller's Interest in Śakuntalā--Turandot, 28
Chapter VI.
THE SCHLEGELS.
Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier--Foundation of
Sanskrit Study in Germany, 30
Chapter VII.
PLATEN.
His Oriental Studies--Ghaselen--Their Persian
Character--Imitation of Persian Form--Translations, 32
Chapter VIII.
RÜCKERT.
His Oriental Studies--Introduces the Ghasele--Östliche
Rosen; Imitations of H̱āfiḍ--Erbauliches und
Beschauliches--Morgenländische Sagen und
Geschichten--Brahmanische Erzählungen--Die Weisheit des
Brahmanen--Other Oriental Poems, 38
Chapter IX.
HEINE.
Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel--Influence
of India's Literature on his Poetry--Interest in the
Persian Poets--Persian Influence on Heine--His
Attitude toward the Oriental Movement, 57
Chapter X.
BODENSTEDT.
Lieder des Mirza Schaffy--Are Original Poems--Nachlass--Aus
Morgenland und Abendland--Sakuntala,
a Narrative Poem, 64
Chapter XI.
THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.
Some less known Poets who attempted the Oriental
Manner, 72
Chapter XII.
VON SCHACK.
His Fame as Translator of Firdausī--Stimmen vom
Ganges--Sakuntala, compared with the Original in
the Mahābhārata--His Oriental Scholarship in his
Original Poems--Attitude towards Hafizian Singers, 74
Chapter XIII.
CONCLUSION.
Summary of Results Attained--Persian Tendency predominates
over Indic--Reason for this--Estimate of the Value
of the Oriental Movement in German Literature. 79
TRANSCRIPTION.
For the transcription of Sanskrit words the system of the _Zeitschrift
der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_ has been followed; for that
of Persian words the system of the Grundriss der iranischen Philologie
has been adopted, with some variations however, e.g. ع is indicated by
ʻ. To be consistent, such familiar names as Hāfiz and Nizāmī appear as
H̱āfiḍ and Nidāmī; Omar Khayyām as ʻUmar Xayyām; and the word ghazal,
the German _Ghasele_, is written _γazal_.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
Information of Mediæval Europe Concerning India and
Persia--Travellers--India and Persia in Mediæval German
Poetry.
The knowledge which mediæval Europe had of India and Persia was mostly
indirect, and, as might be expected, deficient both in correctness and
extent, resting, as it did, on the statements of classical and patristic
writers, on hearsay and on oral communication. In the accounts of the
classic writers, especially in those of Pliny, Strabo, Ptolemy, truth
and fiction were already strangely blended. Still more was this the case
with such compilers and encyclopædists as Solinus, Cassiodorus and
Isidorus of Sevilla, on whom the mediæval scholar depended largely for
information. All these writers, in so far as they speak of India, deal
almost entirely with its physical description, its cities and rivers,
its wealth of precious stones and metals, its spices and silks, and in
particular its marvels and wonders. Of its religion we hear but little,
and as to its literature we have only a few vague statements of
Arrian,[1] Aelian[2] and Dio Chrysostomus.[3] When the last mentioned
author tells us that the ancient Hindus sang in their own language the
poems of Homer, it shows that he had no idea of the fact that the great
Sanskrit epics, to which the passage undoubtedly alludes, were
independent poems. To him they appeared to be nothing more than versions
of Homer. Aelian makes a similar statement, but cautiously adds εἴ τι
χρὴ πιστεύειν τοις ὑπὲρ τούτων ἱστορουσιν. Philostratus represents the
Hindu sage Iarchas as well acquainted with the Homeric poems, but
nowhere does his hero Apollonius of Tyana show the slightest knowledge
of Sanskrit literature.[4]
Nor do the classic authors give us any more information about the
literature of Persia, though the Iranian religion received some
attention. Aristotle and Theopompus were more or less familiar with
Zoroastrian tenets,[5] and allusions to the prophet of ancient Iran are
not infrequent in classic writers. But their information concerning him
is very scanty and inaccurate. To them Zoroaster is simply the great
Magian, more renowned for his magic art than for his religious system.
Of the national Iranian legends, glimpses of which we catch in the
Avesta (esp. Yt. 19), and which must have existed long before the
Sassanian period and the time of Firdausī, the Greek and Roman authors
have recorded nothing.
* * * * *
But Europe was not limited to the classic and patristic writers for
information about the Orient. The points of contact between the Eastern
and Western world were numerous even before the Portuguese showed the
way to India. Alexandria was the seat of a lively commerce between the
Roman Empire and India during the first six centuries of the Christian
era; the Byzantine Empire was always in close relations, hostile or
friendly, with Persia; the Arabs had settled in Spain, Southern Italy
and Sicily; and the Mongols ruled for almost two centuries in Russia.
All these were factors in the transmission of Oriental influence.[6]
And, as far as Germany is concerned, we must remember that in the tenth
century, owing to the marriage of the emperor Otto II to the Greek
princess Theophano, the relations between the German and Byzantine
Empires were especially close. Furthermore the Hohenstaufen emperor,
Frederick II, it will be remembered, was a friend and patron of the
Saracens in Italy and Sicily, who in turn supported him loyally in his
struggle against the papacy. Above all, the crusades, which brought the
civilization of the West face to face with that of the East, were a
powerful factor in bringing Oriental influence into Europe. The effect
they had on the European mind is shown by the great number of French and
German poems which lay their scene of action in Eastern lands, or, as
will be shown presently, introduce persons and things from India and
Persia.[7]
Of course it is as a rule impossible to tell precisely how and when the
Oriental influence came into Europe, but that it did come is absolutely
certain. The transformation of the Buddha-legend into the Christian
legend of Barlaam and Josaphat, the migration of fables and stories, and
the introduction of the game of chess furnish the clearest proofs of
this.
* * * * *
But direct information about the East was also available. A number of
merchants and missionaries penetrated even as far as China, and have
left accounts of their travels. Such an account of India and Ceylon was
given as early as the sixth century by Cosmas, surnamed Indicopleustes.
The names of Benjamin of Tudela (about 1160 A.D.) and of Marco Polo
(1271-1295) are familiar to every student of historical geography. The
Mongol rulers during the period of their dominion over China were in
active communication with the popes and allowed Western missionaries
free access to their realm. A number of these missionaries also came to
India or Persia, for instance Giovanni de Montecorvino (1289-1293),[8]
Odorico da Pordenone (1316-1318),[9] Friar Jordanus (1321-1323, and
1330)[10] and Giovanni de Marignolli (1347).[11] In the fifteenth
century Henry III of Castile sent Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo as ambassador
to Timur, and towards the end of that century several Venetian
Ambassadors, Caterino Zeno (1472), Josaphat Barbaro (1473) and Ambrosio
Contarini (1473), were at the Persian Court in order to bring about
united action on the part of Venice and Persia against the Turks.[12]
These embassies attracted considerable attention in Europe, as is shown
by numerous pamphlets concerning them, published in several European
countries.[13] In this same century Nicolo de Conti travelled in India
and the account of his wanderings has been recorded by Poggio.[14]
As we see, most of these travellers are Italians. We know of but one
German, before the year 1500, who went further than the Holy Land, and
that is Johann Schildberger of Munich, whose book of travel was printed
in 1473. Taken prisoner while fighting in Turkish service against Timur
at Angora, he remained in the East from 1395 to 1417, and got as far as
Persia. His description of that country is very meagre; India, as he
expressly states,[15] he never visited, his statements about that land
being mostly plagiarized from Mandeville.[16]
These accounts, however, while they give valuable information concerning
the physical geography, the wealth, size, and wonderful things of the
countries they describe, have little or nothing to say about the
languages or literatures. All that Conti for instance has to say on this
important subject is contained in a single sentence: "Loquendi idiomata
sunt apud Indos plurima, atque inter se varia."[17]
In these accounts it was not so much truthfulness that appealed to the
public, as strangeness and fancifulness. Thus Marco Polo's narrative,
marvelous as it was, never became as popular as the spurious memoirs of
Mandeville, who in serving up his monstrosities ransacked almost every
author, classic or mediæval, on whom he could lay his hands.[18] In fact
a class of books arose which bore the significant name of _Mirabilia
Mundi_ and purported to treat of the whole world, and especially of
India. Such are, for instance, _Les Merveilles de l'Inde_ by Jean
Vauquelin, _Fenix de las maravillas del mondo_ by Raymundus Lullius, and
similar works by Nicolaus Donis, Arnaldus de Badeto and others.[19] But
the great store-house of Oriental marvels on which the mediæval poets
drew for material was the Alexander-romance of pseudo-Callisthenes, of
which there were a number of Latin versions, the most important being
the epitome made by Julius Valerius and the _Historia de Preliis_
written by the archpresbyter Leo in the tenth century. The character of
the Oriental lore offered in these writings is best shown by a cursory
examination of the work last mentioned.[20] There we are introduced to a
bewildering array of _mirabilia_, snakes, hippopotami, scorpions,
giant-lobsters, forest-men, bats, elephants, bearded women, dog-headed
people, griffins, white women with long hair and canine teeth,
fire-spouting birds, trees that grow and vanish in the course of a
single day, mountains of adamant, and finally sacred sun-trees and
moon-trees that possess the gift of prophecy. But beyond some vague
reference to asceticism not a trace of knowledge of Brahmanic life can
be found. While the Brahman King Didimus is well versed in Roman and
Greek mythology, he never mentions the name of any of his own gods. Of
real information concerning India there is almost nothing.
* * * * *
From what we have seen thus far we shall not expect in mediæval
literature conscious imitation or reproduction of works from Persian or
Sanskrit literature. Whatever influence these literatures exerted in
Europe was indirect. If a subject was transmitted from East to West it
was as a rule stripped of its Oriental names and characteristics, and
even its Oriental origin was often forgotten. This is the case with the
greater part of the fables and stories that can be traced to Eastern
sources and have found their way into such works as the _Gesta
Romanorum_, or the writings of Boccaccio, Straparola and Lafontaine.
Sometimes, however, the history of the origin is still remembered, as
for instance in the famous _Buch der Beispiele_, where the preface
begins thus: "Es ist von den alten wysen der geschlächt der welt dis
buoch des ersten jn yndischer sprauch gedicht und darnach in die
buochstaben der Persen verwandelt,...."[21]
Poems whose subjects are of Eastern origin are not frequent in the
German literature of the middle ages. The most striking example of such
a poem is the "Barlaam und Josaphat" of Rudolph von Ems (about 1225),
the story of which, as has been conclusively proved, is nothing more or
less than the legend of Buddha in Christian garb.[22] The well known
"Herzmaere" of the same author has likewise been shown to be of Indic
origin.[23] Then there is a poem of the fourteenth or fifteenth century
on the same subject as Rückert's parable of the man in the well, which
undoubtedly goes back to Buddhistic sources.[24] Besides these we
mention "Vrouwenzuht" (also called "von dem Zornbraten") by a poet
Sībote of the thirteenth century,[25] and Hans von Bühel's "Diocletianus
Leben" (about 1412), the well known story of the seven wise masters.[26]
* * * * *
The great interest which the East aroused in Europe, especially after
the period of the first crusades, is shown by the great number of poems
which have their scene of action in Oriental lands, especially in India
or Persia, or which introduce persons and things from those countries.
To indulge this fondness for Oriental scenery poets do not hesitate to
violate historical truth. Thus Charlemagne and his paladins are sent to
the Holy Land in the "Pèlerinage de Charlesmagne"[27] and in the poem
called the "Karl Meinet," a German compilation of various legends about
the Frankish hero.[28] Purely Germanic legends like those of
Ortnit-Wolfdietrich and King Rother were orientalized in much the same
manner.[29] As might be expected, it is in the court-epic and
minstrel-poetry (_Spielmannsdichtung_) where this Oriental tendency
manifests itself most markedly. A typical poem of this kind is "Herzog
Ernst." The hero, a purely German character, is made to go through a
series of marvelous adventures in the East some of which bear a
striking resemblance to those of Sindbad.[30] The later strophic version
(14th century) and the prose-version of the _Volksbuch_ (probably 15th
century) localize some of these adventures definitely in the _fernen
India_.[31] Probably under the influence of this story the author of the
incompleted "Reinfrit von Braunschweig" (about 1300) was induced to send
his hero into Persia, to meet with somewhat similar experiences.[32]
Heinrich von Neustadt likewise lays the scene of Apollonius' adventures
in the golden valley Crysia bordering on India.[33] In the continuation
of the Parzifal-story entitled "Der Jüngere Titurel," which was written
by Albrecht von Scharffenberg (about 1280), the Holy Grail is to be
removed from a sinful world and to be carried to the East to be given to
Feirefiz, half brother to Parzifal.[34] The meeting of Feirefiz with the
knights furnishes the poet an opportunity of bringing in a learned
disquisition on Prester John and his _drī India die wīten_, and finally
this mythical monarch offers his crown to Parzifal, who henceforth is
called _Priester Johanni_. In the poem of "Lohengrin", of unknown
authorship, the knight when about to depart declares he has come from
India where there is a house fairer than that at Montsalvatsch.[35]
Princes and princesses from India or Persia abound in the poems of the
court-writers and minstrels. Thus in "Solomon und Morolf" Salme is the
daughter of the King of _Endian_;[36] in Wolfram's "Willehalm" King
Alofel of Persia and King Gorhant from the _Ganjes_ figure in the battle
of Alischanz.[37] In Konrad von Würzburg's "Trojanischer Krieg" the
kings Panfilias of Persia and Achalmus of India are on the Trojan
side.[38] In the same poet's "Partenopier" the Sultan of Persia is the
hero's chief rival.[39] In "Der Jüngere Titurel" Gatschiloe, a princess
from India, becomes bearer of the Grail; similarly in a poem by Der
Pleiaere, Flordibel, who comes to the Knights of the Round Table to
learn courtly manners, reveals herself as a princess from India.[40]
According to a poem of the fourteenth century the father of St.
Christopher is king of Arabia and Persia.[41] Even the folk-epic
"Kudrun" knows of Hilde of India, Hagen's wife.[42]
Again, wonderful things from India are abundant in this class of poetry.
The magic lance which Wigalois receives, when he is about to do battle
with a fire-spitting dragon, is from that land.[43] So also is the magic
ring given to Reinfrit when he sets out on his crusade.[44] Wigamur's
bride Dulceflur wears woven gold from the castle Gramrimort in
India,[45] and in the "Nibelungen" Hagen and Dancwart, when going to the
Isenstein, wear precious stones from that land.[46]
To some poets India and Persia are a sort of Ultima Thule to denote the
furthest limits of the earth, as for instance, when in the "Rolandslied"
Ganelun complains that for the ambition of Roland even Persia is not too
far,[47] or, when in the "Willehalm" King Tybalt, whose daughter has
been carried off, lets his complaint ring out as far as India.[48]
Examples might be multiplied. But they would all prove the same thing.
India and Persia were magic names to conjure with; their languages and
literatures were a book with seven seals to mediæval Europe.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Indica, ch. 10.
[2] Var. Hist. xii. 48.
[3] De Homero, Oratio liii., ed. Dindorf, Lips. 1857, vol. ii. p. 165.
[4] Apollonii Vita, iii. 19 et passim.
[5] See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 8.
[6] See Benfey, Pantschatantra, Vorrede, p. xxiv and note.
[7] See Gaston Paris, La Littérature Française au Moyen Age, Paris,
1888, p. 49 seq. A striking illustration of oral transmission is the
origin of the tradition about Prester John, for which see Cathay and the
Way thither, ed. Henry Yule, Lond. 1866, Hakluyt Soc. No. 36, 37, vol.
i. p. 174 and n. 1.
[8] Yule, op. cit. vol. i. pp. 165-167 and p. 197 seq.
[9] Ib. pp. 1-161; Latin text in appendix i of vol. ii.
[10] Mirabilia Descripta, ed. Henry Yule, London, 1863. Hakluyt Society,
No. 31.
[11] Yule, Cathay, vol. ii. pp. 311-381.
[12] For their accounts see the publications of the Hakluyt Society,
1859 and 1873. Nos. 26 and 49.
[13] See Paul Horn, Gesch. Irans in Islamitischer Zeit, in Grdr. iran.
Phil. II. p. 578 and note 4; also p. 579. See also Bibl. Asiat. et
Afric. par H. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1841, under the years 1508, 1512,
1514, 1515, 1516, 1535, 1543, 1579, 1583, etc.
[14] English tr. in R.H. Major, India in the Fifteenth Century, London,
1857. Hakluyt Society, No. 22.
[15] Hans Schiltbergers Reisebuch ed. Val. Langmantel (BLVS. vol. 172)
Tübingen, 1885, p. 79: "In der grossen India pin ich nicht gewesen...."
[16] Ibid. p. 164.
[17] Friedr. Kunstmann, Die Kenntnis Indiens im 15^ten Jahrhunderte,
München, 1863, p. 59; Major, op. cit. p. 31.
[18] See Albert Bovenschen, Quellen für die Reisebeschreibung des Joh.
v. Mandeville, Berl. 1888.
[19] See Grässe, J.G.Th., Lehrbuch einer allgem. Literärgesch., 9 vols.,
Dresd. u. Leipz. 1837-59, Vol. II. pt. 2, pp. 783-785.
[20] Latin text publ. by Oswald Zingerle as an appendix to Die Quellen
zum Alexander des Rudolf v. Ems in Weinhold Germ. Abhandl. Breslau.
1885, pt. iv.
[21] Das Buch der Beispiele der alten Weisen, ed. Wilh. Ludw. Holland,
Stuttg. 1860, BLVS. vol. 56.
[22] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 562-632. Joseph Langen, Johannes von Damaskus,
Gotha, 1879, pp. 239-255, esp. p. 252, n. 1.
[23] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 216-219.
[24] Vetter, Lehrhafte Litteratur des 14. u. 15. Jahrhunderts (KDNL.
vol. 12), I. pp. 496-499. For a bibliography of this poem see C. Beyer,
Nachgelassene Ged. Friedr. Rückert's, Wien, 1877, pp. 311-320. For a
translation of the version in the Mahābhārata see Boxberger, Rückert
Studien, p. 94 seq. A translation of a Buddhist sutta on the same
subject is given in Edm. Hardy, Indische Religionsgeschichte, Leipz.
1898, pp. 72, 73. Cf. also E. Kuhn, in Böhtlingks Festgruss, Stuttg.
1888, pp. 74, 75.
[25] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 531, 532. See also Hagen, Gesammtabenteuer, i.
LXXXV and n. 2.
[26] Edited by Keller, Quedl. 1841. See art. by Goedeke in Orient und
Occident, iii. 2. pp. 385 seq.
[27] See edition by Koschwitz, in Altfranz. Bibl., vol. ii. p. 7 seq.,
and consult Gaston Paris, La Poésie du Moyen Age, Paris, 1887, p. 119
seq.
[28] See ed. Adelb. von Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 45), pp. 507
seq. Cf. also Uhland's König Karls Meerfart.
[29] Jiriczek, Die deutsche Heldensage, Leipz. 1897, pp. 144, 153.
[30] On this see Karl Bartsch, Herzog Ernst, Wien, 1869, Einl. p. cliii.
[31] Bartsch, op. cit. p. 204 seq. and p. 279 seq.
[32] See ed. Bartsch, Tüb. 1871 (BLVS. vol. 108), ll. 16749 seq.
[33] Piper, H.E. iii. p. 389.
[34] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 530 seq.
[35] See ed. by Heinr. Rückert, Quedlinb. u. Leipz. 1858, l. 7141 seq.
p. 189.
[36] Piper, Spielmannsdichtung, I. p. 215. See also ed. by Hagen u.
Büsching in Ged. d. Mittel., Berl. 1808, i. l. 6.
[37] Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach (KDNL, vol. 5), I. p. 214.
[38] See ed. v. Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 44), ll. 24840, 24939,
pp. 296, 298.
[39] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 299, 300.
[40] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 325.
[41] Piper, Die geistliche Dichtung des Mittelalters (KDNL. vol. 3), ii.
pp. 71, 72.
[42] See ed. Bartsch (KDNL. vol. 6), pp. 26, 27.
[43] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 222.
[44] See ed. Bartsch, l. 15067, p. 440.
[45] See ed. by Hagen in Ged. d. Mittel. i. p. 46, l. 4462 seq.
[46] Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Friedr. Zarncke, Leipz. 1894, p. 62, v. 3.
[47] Piper, Spielm., p. 30.
[48] Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach, i. p. 208; cf. Dante's Paradiso, cant.
29, ll. 100-102.