_'CUP AND RING:' AN OLD PROBLEM SOLVED_
History and antiquity supply our curious minds with many pleasant
profitless exercises. Even in these days of education there are still
many persons who have heard of the Man in the Iron Mask, and would like
to know who he was. Nobody, of course, reads the 'Letters of Junius,'
but many would be glad to be certain as to who wrote them.
My riddle is infinitely more remote, but it has this merit: that
I think I can unriddle it. If ever you roamed on that moor of the
Cheviot Hills which is near Chatton Park (I think on Lord Tankerville's
ground), you may have noticed, engraved on the boulders, central
cup-like depressions, surrounded by incised concentric circles. Who
hollowed out these devices, why, and in what age?
I remember putting these questions when I first saw the 'scalps' of
whinstone, just swelling out of the turf among the heather, on a
beautiful day of September. It was a lonely spot, where victual never
grew; about us were the blue heights of the Cheviots, below us the
_fabulosus amnis_ of Till, that drowns three men to one drowned by
Tweed. My friend told me that some said the stones were places of
Druid human sacrifice, and others, men of common sense, held that the
herd-boys carved the circles out of sheer idleness.
But these answers will not pass. There were no herd-boys nor Druids in
Central Australia, nor on the Rio Negro in Brazil, among the Waimara
Indians, nor in Fiji, nor in Georgia of old, nor in Zululand, where
these decorative markings occur with others of primeval character. In
our own country they are found, not only on scalps of rock, but on
the stones of 'Druid circles,' from Inverness-shire to Lancashire,
Cumberland, and the Isle of Man. They also occur on great stones
arranged in avenues; on cromlechs (one huge horizontal stone supported
on others which are erect); on the stones of chambered _tumuli_
(artificial mounds) in Yorkshire; on stone 'kist' or coffins, in
Scotland, Ireland, and in Dorset; on prehistoric obelisks, or solitary
'standing stones,' in Argyll; on walls in underground Picts' houses
in the Orkneys and Forfarshire; in prehistoric Scottish forts; near
old camps; as well as on isolated rocks, scalps, and stones. Analogous
double spirals occur at New Grange, in Ireland, at the entrance of the
great gallery leading to the domed chamber; in Scandinavia; in Asia
Minor; in China and Zululand; in Australia, India, America, North and
South, and in Fiji.[1]
Now, who made these marks, when, and why? Sir James Simpson says: 'They
are archæological enigmas, which we have no present power of solving.'
He cites some guesses. The markings are 'archaic maps or plans of old
circular camps and cities.' They are sundials--but they occur in dark
chambers of sepulchres, or underground houses! They stand for sun, or
moon, or for Lingam worship. They are Roman, or they are Phœnician--a
theory on which much learning has been wasted.
To all these guesses Sir James Simpson opposed the solution that
the markings are merely decorative. 'From the very earliest historic
periods in the architecture of Egypt, Assyria, Greece, &c, down to our
own day, circles, single or double, and spirals have formed, under
various modifications, perhaps the most common types of lapidary
decoration.' It appears in Polynesian tattooing, this love of spirals
and volutes. But, added Sir James, 'that they were emblems or symbols,
connected in some way with the religious thoughts and doctrines of
those that carved them, appears to me to be rendered probable, at
least, by the position and circumstances in which we occasionally
find them placed,' as on the lids of stone coffins and mortuary urns.
Their date must be 'very remote.' They preceded writing and tradition.
They are found in company with polished neolithic stone weapons, as
in Brittany, without any remains of the metals, save in one case, of
gold. The markings are certainly, in Australia, earlier than the use
of metals. Sir James found by experiment that the markings could be
made even on Aberdeen granite with a flint celt and a wooden mallet. He
reckoned them earlier than the arrival of the Celtic race, and asked
for evidence of their existence in Africa, America, or Polynesia. He
did not know the Fijian example in Williams's work on the Fijians, nor
the American and Australian examples.
Sir James did not live to hear much about these mysterious marks
in remote and savage lands. But, in 1875, Professor Daniel Wilson
discovered, or rather reported his discovery of, cups and rings on
a granite boulder in Georgia. The designs are quite of the familiar
orthodox sort, and rocks covered with deep cup-marks occur in Ohio.[2]
Now there are romantic antiquaries, all for Druids and Phœnicians;
and there are sardonic antiquaries, who like to rub the gilt off
the gingerbread. Dr. Wilson was of the latter class, and explained
the cups as holes made by early men in grinding stone pestles. The
concentric rings may have been drawn round the cups 'for amusement.'
This is clamping, but early man did not use stone kists and the inner
walls of sepulchres as grindstones; yet on these the marks occur. Nor
would he climb an almost inaccessible rock to find his grindstone;
yet the summit of such a rock has the decorations, in the parish of
Tannadyce (Forfarshire). We may, therefore, discard Dr. Wilson's
theory as a general solution of the problem. Sir James Simpson left
it with the answer that the marks are decorative, _plus_ religious
symbolism.[3] His guess, as I think I can prove, or, at least, cause
to seem probable, was correct. The cups and circles, with other marks,
were originally decorative, with a symbolical and religious meaning in
certain cases. How I have reached this conclusion I go on to show.
When you want to understand an old meaningless custom or belief, found
in the middle of civilisation, you try to discover the belief or custom
in some region where it possesses intelligible life. Then you may
reckon that, where you now find it without meaning, it once meant what
it now does where it is full of vitality, or meant something analogous.
The place where the concentric circles and other markings have a living
and potent signification I discovered by pure accident. I had been
reading the proofs of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's valuable book on the
'Native Tribes of Central Australia' (Macmillan). There I had noted
plenty of facts about the native churinga, or 'sacred things,' flat
oval pieces of wood or stone, covered with concentric circles, cups,
and other decorations, which are read, or deciphered, as records of
the myths and legendary history of the native race. These churinga
are of various sizes, down to a foot or less in length. I did not
think of them in connection with our cups, circles, and so forth on
our boulders and standing stones. But a friend chanced to come into
my study, who began to tell me about the singular old site, Dumbuck,
discovered by Mr. W. A. Donnelly (July 1898), under high-tide mark in
the Clyde estuary, near Dumbarton. 'The odd thing,' said my friend,
'is that they have found small portable stones, amulets marked in the
same way as the cup and ring marked rocks,' and he began to sketch
a diagram. 'Why, that's a churinga,' said I, 'a Central Australian
churinga,' enlightened by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. My friend, after
being informed as to churinga, told me that other examples had been dug
up, also by Mr. Donnelly, in an ancient fort near the other site, at a
place called Dunbuie. Here, then, I had things very like churinga, and
of the same markings as our boulders, kists, and so on, in two Scottish
sites, where I understand neither pottery nor metal has yet been
detected. Next, I found that the marks which the Australians engrave on
their small churinga, they also _paint_ on boulders, rock-walls, and
other fixtures in the landscape, on sacred ground, tabooed to women.
The startling analogy between Australian and old Scottish markings
_saute aux yeux._
On the cover of Sir James Simpson's book, stamped in gold, is a
central set of six concentric circles, surrounding a cup. From the
inmost circle a groove goes to the circumference of the outer circle
(the circles often occur without this radial groove), and there the
line gives a wriggle, suggesting that the circle was evolved out of a
spiral. Above and below this figure are a similar one with three and
another with four concentric circles; at each side are two-circled and
one-circled specimens with the wriggled line, and two cups and circles
with no wriggle. Now compare fig. 131, p. 631, of Messrs Spencer and
Gillen. Here we have the churinga ilkinia, or sacred rock-drawing, in
red and white, of the honey ant totem in the Warramunga tribe. Here
are, first, seven concentric circles, through the centre of which goes
a straight line of the same breadth (only found among the Warramunga),
while to each extremity are added two concentric circles of small
dimensions, ending in a cross. Around, as on Sir James's cover, are
smaller sets of less numerous concentric circles, exactly like Sir
James's, except for the radial groove which ends in a wriggle. Again
(fig. 124, p. 615), we have two sets of concentric circles with white
dots answering to cups, and, where the third set of circles should be,
is a volute, as at New Grange, in Ireland, and in many other examples
in our islands.
Now, in Central Australia the decorative motives, or analogous motives,
of the permanent rock-paintings are repeated on the small portable
churinga, which are deciphered by the blacks in a religious, or
rather in a mythical, sense. It is, therefore, arguable that the
small portable Scottish cup and circle marked stones, only recently
discovered, bore the same relation to the engravings on permanent
stones, scalps, and boulders as do the Australian churinga to the
Australian sacred rock-paintings. They may have been portable sacred
things.
I have been unable to visit Dumbuck, now in course of excavation, and
have only seen some casts and pen-and-ink sketches sent to me by Mr.
Donnelly. But I have examined the similar objects from Dunbuie, in
the museum at Edinburgh. The antiquaries looked dubiously on them,
because they had seen no such matters before (they might have done so
in Ireland), because a shell, with a very modern scratched face, was
among the finds, and because a few of the markings on one or two stones
look recent and fresh. But I argue that a Dumbarton humourist wishing
to hoax us Monkbarnses would hardly 'salt' an old site with objects
unknown to Scottish antiquaries, yet afterwards discovered in Central
Australia. How could the idea occur to him? A forger would forge things
known, such as flint weapons; he would not forge novelties, which,
later, are found to tally with savage sacred things in actual use.
Many of the Dunbuie finds are engraved in Mr. Millar's paper on
Dunbuie.[4] But he has not engraved the most unmistakable churinga, a
small oval slab of stone, with an ornament of little cups following
its outline (much as in an Irish instance), and provided, like stone
churinga in Australia, with a hole for suspension.
He does engrave certain hitherto unheard-of articles-spearheads of
slate, two supplied with suspension holes. One (p. 294) has a pattern
of the simplest, like a child's drawing of a larch, which recurs in
Australia.[5] That these slate spear-heads, pierced for suspension,
were used in war I doubt, though some Australians do use spear-heads
'of a flinty slate;' and where flint is so scarce, as in Scotland, hard
slate may be used--for example, in North America.[6] I rather regard
the slate weapons as amulets, or churinga, analogous to the very old
and rare boomerang-shaped churinga of the Arunta (lizard totem) of
Central Australia. Mr. Millar observes: 'They have all been saturated
with oil or fat, as water does not adhere to them, but runs off as from
a greasy surface.' Now the Australian churinga are very frequently
rubbed with red ochre, and made greasy with 'hand grease'--a singular
coincidence. Footmarks are among the sacred Australian rock-paintings
with a legendary sense. They also occur, engraved on rock in Brittany,
Ireland, on 'The Fairy Stone' (ilkinia) in Glenesk, and on 'The
Witches' Stone' at Monzie, associated with cups and concentric
circles.[7] These close analogies point all in one direction.
Meaningless in Europe, what meaning have these designs in Australia?
Though certainty is impossible, I take it that they were first purely
decorative, before the mythical and symbolical meaning was read into
them by the savages. They occur on the mystic 'bull-roarers' of Central
Queensland, but I do not learn that in Queensland the circles and
so on are interpreted or deciphered as among the Arunta.[8] Still,
they occur here in a religious connection--the bull-roarer being
swung at the mysteries--and they are carved on trees at mysteries
held far south in New South Wales.[9] But even in Central Australia
the markings sometimes occur as purely decorative, on one rock or
other object, while on others they are sacred, and are interpreted as
records of legends,[10] according to Spencer and Gillen. There are
'ordinary rock-paintings,' and certain other drawings, in many cases
not distinguishable from some of the first series, so far as their
form is concerned, but belonging to a class all of which are spoken
of as churinga ilkinia, and are regarded as sacred because they are
associated with totems. Each local totemic group has certain of these
specially belonging to the group, and in very many cases preserved
on rock-surfaces in spots which are strictly _tabu_ to the women,
children, and uninitiated men.' One of the commonest I represents a
snake coming out of a hole in a rock,' which the wriggle out of the cup
in our circle-marked stones would stand for fairly well. Some designs
are only 'play-work;' others exactly similar, on another spot, have a
definite meaning. The meaning is read, where the spot is sacred ground.
The concentric circles are 'believed, on good ground, to have been
derived from an original spiral.' 'It is much more easy to imagine
a series of concentric circles originating out of a spiral than to
imagine a spiral originating out of a series of concentric circles.' In
this country the spiral seems to be later than the circle.
These devices not only occur on fixed rocks and portable churinga, they
are also painted on the bodies of boys when initiated in the mysteries:
'concentric circles with radiating lines preponderate.'
In Mr. Haddon's 'Decorative Art of British New Guinea' he describes
designs of concentric circles and spirals which are clearly derivatives
of drawings of the human face.[11] Thus our concentric circles and
spirals _may,_ in the last resort, have been derived from drawings of
the human face, though _diablement changés en route_.
What, then, however we interpret the origin, decorative or symbolic, of
the sacred designs, is their significance as understood by the Arunta
of Central Australia at the present time?
The Arunta are totemistic--that is, they believe in close relations
which bind up the groups of their society with certain plants and
animals. But they differ vastly from other totemistic races all over
the world, and even in Australia. So much do they differ that it may
be doubted whether their totems can properly be called totems at all.
Elsewhere a man of a given totem--say the emu--cannot marry a woman of
that stock; it is incest. The children inherit their totem, either from
the mother, or, less frequently, the father. Any local group in a given
region contains persons of various totems. People may not kill, eat, or
make any use of the plants and animals which, in each case, are their
totems.
Among the Arunta all is otherwise. A child's totem may be that of
his father, of his mother, or different from that of either parent.
A man may marry a woman of his own totem, which elsewhere is incest,
and capitally punished. Thus, father is a grub; mother is a grub; one
child may be a grub, another an emu. Moreover, here totems are _local_;
almost every one in a given place will be, for example, a lizard or a
plum tree. Usually people do eat their own totems, though sparingly, at
magical rites, intended to multiply the animal or plant with which it
is associated, in the interests of the general food supply. The Grubs
work a rite to cause plenty of grubs, and they give the other groups a
lead by eating sparingly of the first fruits of the grubs. This bears,
in my opinion, no strong analogy to the so-called 'totem-sacrament.' To
work the magic, the men of the grub or other totem must eat a little of
it. This probably confirms their relation to the grub, but involves no
_religious_ element. They do not adore the grub. If any one likes to
call this a 'totem-sacrament,' he is rather easily satisfied. Nor does
it agree with the notion that a man's totem is the receptacle of his
'life' or 'soul;' if so, why should he encourage his neighbour to kill
and eat it? Nay, he even helps them to destroy it.
Whether Arunta totemism is the most archaic kind, from which all other
totemism has varied, or whether it is a private 'sport' from the main
stock, does not concern us here, and is matter of conjecture. The
Arunta, and other Central Australian tribes, look back to a mythic
past, when ancestors, closely connected with this or that plant or
animal, perhaps transformations of such animal or plant, roamed the
country in groups, each of the same totem name, each feeding freely on
its own totem.
This was 'the Alcheringa time,' and existing rites are explained
by 'ætiological myths,'stating how such or such a mummery, still
practised, was originally practised in the Alcheringa. Nothing of the
sort, of course, need have been the case, and such myths cannot tell us
what the manners and customs of that dim age really were. Demeter was a
woman of the Greek Alcheringa, and the Eleusinian rites were explained
by the Greeks as originating in her Alcheringa adventures. But these
obviously were invented purely to account for the rites themselves, not
_vice versâ_.
Now, among the Arunta the blacks of to-day are regarded as
reincarnations of the Alcheringa fabulous ancestors. Each of these
carried about (both men and women) churinga, the portable decorated
stones. When an Alcheringite died, a rock or tree rose to mark the
place, but his or her spirit 'remained in the churinga.' Plenty of
churinga were dropped at different sites, and round these now hover
the spirits associated with them. In one place is a crowd of wild
cat ghosts; at another, a mob of frog or lizard or emu ghosts. These
want to be reincarnated. Consequently, a woman who desires to have a
baby goes to one of them (in Argyll she would slide down a cup-marked
rock!), a woman who does _not_ want to have a baby keeps away. A
child's totem is derived, not from father or mother, but from the totem
of the ghosts at the place where the woman thinks she conceived it.
When the baby is born her relations hunt the spot, and find for it the
churinga left by the spirit which is reincarnated in it.
Thus, first there is the fabulous Alcheringite, himself a
transformation of an emu, lizard, water, fire, or what not. Then there
is his spirit haunting, after his death, a spot where churinga of his
totem were deposited. That spirit enters into and is born again from a
passing woman, and the spirit's churinga is found and is henceforth the
child's churinga--an oval plate of stone, with cup and ring or other
decorations.[12] All these churinga are kept at sacred central stores,
caves, or crevices. Each member of the tribe is represented by her or
his 'churinga nanja' in these repositories. Women may not go near these
sacred stores, nor may they see a churinga.[13] If they do, their eyes
are burned out with a fire stick. A man's churinga is _not_, to him,
like the egg in which was the life of the giant in the fairy tale. If
it comes to grief, he does not die, but expects bad luck, as we do if
we break a mirror. Not till he has been through the mysteries and the
most cruel mutilations, and just before he has been painted with the
pattern on the sacred rock of his totem, can a man see the store-houses
of the churinga. Now, in the witchetty grub totem this sacred painting
tallies with the lines incised, under concentric circles, on the
covering of a stone kist at Tillicoutry.[14] There are circles above
the lines in the Australian example, or rather circular dabs of paint,
called 'the decorated eyes,' painted on the rocks; the corresponding
patterns are incised on the portable churinga. In Scotland the patterns
are incised both on fixed rocks and portable stones; the latter at
Dumbuck and Dunbuie.
I observe many patterns common to both regions. There are the
concentric circles, the spiral, the marks like horseshoes, the tree
pattern, the witchetty grub pattern, the volute, the long sinuous
snake-like pattern, and a number of these recur in Brazil, on the banks
of the Rio Negro.[15] Now, though we have those patterns on _rocks_ in
Ohio, Brazil, Australia, in this country, in France, in Asia Minor,
I only know the patterns _on portable small stones_ in Australia, at
Dunbuie, on the Dumbuck site, and, I think, in a cairn near Lough
Crew, in County Meath. The curious, for this last case, may consult
'Proceedings of Scottish Society of Antiquaries,' 1893, p. 299, where
in figs. 6 and 7 he will see what in Australia would be called two
stone churinga, with any number of Scoto-Australian patterns on large
stones. On one the pattern is like that of a stone from Dunbuie.
In Australia members of each totem decipher the marks, purely
conventional, as representative of the totem, and of adventures in
the Alcheringa time. For example, a mark like two croquet hoops, or
horseshoes, is 'an old woman gathering frogs.' The concentric circles
are frogs; the dots round them are tracks of women; dull, often
dirty, stories are told about the adventures of the Alcheringites
commemorated by the patterns. At the sacred pattern-painted rocks,
magic ceremonies, extremely puerile, are performed to ensure a
supply of the edible totem which the pattern represents. Some event
occurred there in the Alcheringa; the rite repeats what, in myth, was
then done, and the stomachs of the men are rubbed with the churinga
'for luck.' Such are the uses of the churinga. Did they once exist
wherever the similarly decorated fixed rocks exist? Did the makers
of the decorations in Scotland decipher the churinga as the Central
Australians do now? Were the dwellers by Clyde (much more advanced
in culture than the Australians) totemists, looking on their small
decorated stones as associated with the spirits of Alcheringa
ancestors? Do women in Argyll slide down a cup-marked rock, in hope of
offspring, because totemistic ghosts once hovered round it, eager to be
reincarnated? The fact of the sliding is attested by a chief of Clan
Diarmid.
Nobody can answer! I have shown these decorated rocks and small stones
to have a living significance, a vital legendary symbolism, in Central
Australia. I cannot prove that they had the same significance in County
Meath or Dumbartonshire. The Australians may have begun with mere
decoration, and later added a symbolism suited to their amazing theory
of life. In our country the decorations may have quite a different
symbolical sense, but probably they had some sense. Otherwise, why
engrave them, not only on rocks, but on small stones pierced for
suspension? Perhaps men believed in an Alcheringa time on the Clyde;
perhaps they multiplied salmon and deer by magical mummeries at the
engraved rocks; perhaps these were sacred places, tabooed to women. Or
quite a different set of fables and customs may have crystallised in
Scotland round marked rocks and inscribed small stones. I cannot prove
that, as in Australia, Clydesdale boys of old, when initiated in the
mysteries, were painted with the pattern on their sacred totem rock and
stone or wood churinga. But, if not these rites, other rites were, I
conceive, connected with the decorative patterns found in so many still
savage countries.
One piece of evidence rather points in this direction. The Australian
stone churinga are shaped like the wooden churinga, and these are
shaped like the _tundun_, or 'bull-roarer.' Now the bull-roarer (which
occurs in Australia where stone churinga do not) is a sacred oval piece
of wood, not to be seen by women, which is whirled at the mysteries,
and makes a windy, roaring noise. The same object is used, for the
same purpose, at the mysteries in America, Africa, and, of old, in
Greece.[16] The roaring noise is taken to be the voice of Tundun, son
of Mungan-ngaur, 'Our Father' in the heavens, among the Kurnai, and of
gods or culture heroes of other names in other tribes. Now, in Celtic
Scotland (as also in England) this instrument, the tundun, occurs as
a mere toy, in Gaelic named _strannam._ Does it descend from a sacred
object of savage mysteries, and are the Australian stone churinga--in
shape like the tundun, and like the tundun tabooed to women--mere
lapidary modifications of the wooden tundun? However this may be, the
_strannam_ looks like a link in the long chain which binds us to the
prehistoric past.
While correcting the proof-sheets of this article I read, in the
_Glasgow Herald_ (January 7, 1899), an article on Dumbuck and Dunbuie,
by Dr. Munro, the eminent authority on crannogs, or pile-dwellings,
and, generally on prehistoric Scotland. Dr. Munro, as I understand him,
does not regard Dumbuck as an older than mediæval site, nor as a true
crannog. The incised stones he looks on either as of most singular
character (if genuine) or as forgeries of to-day, the opinion which he
seems to prefer. He was then unacquainted with similar objects in any
part of the world. I have here provided references to similar objects
from Central Australia, and I suggest examination of the _apparently_
similar Irish objects, figured in 'Proceedings of Scottish Society
of Antiquaries,' 1893, p. 299, figs. 6 and 7. Not having seen these
stones I can only offer the hint suggested by the illustrations in
'Proceedings.' Why a forger should forge such unknown objects, and
place them at Dunbuie, in 1895, before the Central Australian stones
had been described, I cannot guess. Nor can I enough deplore the
stupidity of the same hypothetical forger in not 'salting' Dunbuie and
Dumbuck with neolithic implements, whether antique or made by some
Flint Jack of to-day. Both his sins of omission and of commission
_donnent furieusement à penser_. Dr. Munro, however, as I gather from
his article on Dumbuck in 'The Reliquary' (April 1901), still declines
to recognise the Dumbuck decorated portable stones as of genuine
antiquity.
[1] For India see _Archaic-logical Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on
Rocks in Kumaon, India_, by Mr. J. H. Bivett-Carnac, Calcutta, 1883.
The form of the Jew's harp is common to India and Scotland.
[2] _Proceedings S.A.S_., June 1875. 'Ohio Rock Markings.'
[3] _Ancient Sculpturings of Cups, Circles, &c_. Edinburgh, 1871.
[4] _Proceedings S.A.S_. vol. xxx. 1896, pp. 291-316.
[5] Spencer and Gillen, p. 632, Nos. 14-23. 'Ilkinia and Plum Tree
Totem.'
[6] The evidence for Australian slate spear-heads is not strong. Capt.
King acquired a bundle of bark in a raid on natives. It contained
'several, spear-heads, most ingeniously and curiously made of stone ...
the stone was covered with red pigment, and appeared to be _of a flinty
slate_.'--See _The Picture of Australia_, p. 243. London, 1829.
[7] Simpson, pp. 182-184.
[8] Both, _Natives of N. W. Queensland_, p. 129, pi. xvii.
[9] _Journal Anthrop. Institute_, May 1895, p. 410, pi. 21, fig. 7.
[10] Some wooden churinga are engraved, as 'Australian Magic Sticks,'
in Ratzel's popular _History of Mankind_, i. 379. They exactly answer
to the churinga of the Arunta.
[11] Royal Irish Academy, _Cunningham Memoirs_, No. x. 1894.
[12] For cups, see Spencer and Gillen, p. 129; for concentric circles,
see p. 131.
[13] The tribal stores of churinga are _not_ the same as the places
where churinga were dropped in the Alcheringa.
[14] _Proceedings S.A.S_. vol. xxix. p. 193. Spencer and Gillen, fig.
132, No. 6.
[15] _S.A.S_. 1884-5, vol. vii. pp. 388-394. Compare, for County Meath,
the same work, 1892-93, pp. 297-338.
[16] See the author's _Custom and Myth: The Bull Roarer_. Prof. Haddon
has discovered many other instances; see also _The Golden Bough_, iii.
423 _et seq._