We have been forced to enter at such length into the discussion of the
speech and martyrdom of Stephen, that we cannot afford space to do more
than merely glance at the proceedings of his colleague Philip, as we
pass on to more important points in the work before us. The author
states that a great persecution broke out at the time of Stephen's
death, and that all [------] the community of Jerusalem were scattered
abroad "except the Apostles" [------]. That the heads of the Church, who
were well known, should remain unmolested in Jerusalem, whilst the whole
of the less known members of the community were persecuted and driven to
flight, is certainly an extraordinary and suspicious statement.(1) Even
apologists are obliged to admit that the account of the dispersion of
the whole Church is hyperbolic;(2) but exaggeration and myth enter
so largely and persistently into the composition of the Acts of the
Apostles, that it is difficult, after any attentive scrutiny, seriously
to treat the work as in any strict sense historical at all. It has been
{180}
conjectured by some critics, as well in explanation of this statement
as in connection with theories regarding the views of Stephen, that
the persecution in question was limited to the Hellenistic community to
which Stephen belonged, whilst the Apostles and others, who were known
as faithful observers of the law and of the temple worship,(1) were not
regarded as heretics by the orthodox Jews.(2) The narrative in the Acts
does not seem to support the view that the persecution was limited to
the Hellenists;(3) but beyond the fact vouched for by Paul that about
this time there was a persecution, we have no data whatever regarding
that event. Philip, it is said, went down to the city of Samaria,
and "was preaching the Christ"(4) to them. As the statement that "the
multitudes with one accord gave heed to the things spoken" to them by
Philip is ascribed to the miracles which he performed there, we are
unable to regard the narrative as historical, and still less so when we
consider the supernatural agency by which his further proceedings are
directed and aided. We need only remark that the Samaritans, although
only partly of Jewish origin, and rejecting the Jewish Scriptures with
the exception of the Pentateuch, worshipped the same God as the Jews,
were circumcised, and were equally prepared as a nation to accept the
Messiah. The statement that the Apostles Peter and John went to Samaria,
in order, by the imposition of hands, to bestow the gift of the Holy
Spirit to the
{181}
converts baptized by Philip, does not add to the general credibility of
the history.(1) As Bleek(2) has well remarked, nothing is known or said
as to whether the conversion of the Samaritans effected any change in
their relations towards the Jewish people and the temple in Jerusalem;
and the mission of Philip to the Samaritans, as related in the Acts,
cannot in any case be considered as having any important bearing on the
question before us. We shall not discuss the episode of Simon at all,
although, in the opinion of eminent critics, it contains much that is
suggestive of the true character of the Acts of the Apostles. An "Angel
of the Lord" [------] speaks to Philip, and desires him to go to the
desert way from Jerusalem to Gaza,(3) where the Spirit tells him(4) to
draw near and join himself to the chariot of a man of Ethiopia who had
come to worship at Jerusalem, and was then returning home. Philip runs
thither, and hearing him read Isaiah, expounds the passage to him, and
at his own request the Eunuch is at once baptized. "And when they came
up out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord caught away [------] Philip,
and the eunuch saw him no more; for he went on his way rejoicing; but
Philip was found at Azotus."(5) Attempts have of course been made to
explain naturally the supernatural features of this narrative.(6) Ewald,
who is master of the art of rationalistic explanation, says, with regard
to the order given by the angel: "he felt impelled as by the power and
the clear voice of an angel" to go in that
{182}
direction; and the final miracle is disposed of by a contrast of the
disinterestedness of Philip with the conduct of Gehazi, the servant of
Elisha: it was the desire to avoid reward, "which led him all the more
hurriedly to leave his new convert"; "and it was as though the Spirit of
the Lord himself snatched him from him another way," &c, &c. "From Gaza
Philip repaired rapidly northward to Ashdod, &c."(l) The great mass
of critics reject such evasions, and recognise that the Author relates
miraculous occurrences. The introduction of supernatural agency in
this way, however, removes the story from the region of history. Such
statements are antecedently, and, indeed, coming from an unknown writer
and without corroboration, are absolutely incredible, and no means exist
of ascertaining what original tradition may have assumed this mythical
character. Zeller supposes that only the personality and nationality
of the Eunuch are really historical.(2) All that need here be added is,
that the great majority of critics agree that the Ethiopian was probably
at least a Proselyte of the Gate,(3) as his going to Jerusalem to
worship seems clearly to indicate.(4) In any
{183}
case, the mythical elements of this story, as well as the insufficiency
of the details, deprive the narrative of historical value.(1) The
episodes of Stephen's speech and martyrdom and the mission of Philip
are, in one respect especially, unimportant for the inquiry on which we
are now more immediately engaged. They are almost completely isolated
from the rest of the Acts: that is to say, no reference whatever is
subsequently made to them as forming any precedent for the guidance of
the Church in the burning question which soon arose within it. Peter, as
we shall see, when called upon to visit and baptize Cornelius, exhibits
no recollection of his own mission to the Samaritans, and no knowledge
of the conversion of the Ethiopian. Moreover, as Stephen plays so small
a part in the history, and Philip does not reappear upon the scene after
this short episode, no opportunity is afforded of comparing one part of
their history with the rest. In passing on to the account of the baptism
of Cornelius, we have at least the advantage of contrasting the action
attributed to Peter with his conduct on earlier and later occasions, and
a test is thus supplied which is of no small value for ascertaining the
truth of the whole representation. To this narrative we must now address
ourselves.
As an introduction to the important events at Caesarea, the Author of the
Acts relates the particulars of a visit which Peter pays to Lydda
and Joppa, during the course of which he performs two very remarkable
miracles. At the former town he finds a certain man named AEneas,
{184}
paralysed, who had lain on a bed for eight years. Peter said to him:
"AEneas, Jesus the Christ healeth thee; arise and make thy bed." And he
arose immediately.(1) As the consequence of this miracle, the writer
states that: "All who dwelt at Lydda and the Sharon saw him, who turned
to the Lord."(2) The exaggeration of such a statement(3) is too palpable
to require argument The effect produced by the supposed miracle is
almost as incredible as the miracle itself, and the account altogether
has little claim to the character of sober history.
This mighty work, however, is altogether eclipsed by a miracle which
Peter performs about the same time at Joppa. A certain woman, a
disciple, named Tabitha, who was "full of good works," fell sick in
those days and died, and when they washed her, they laid her in an upper
chamber, and sent to Peter at Lydda, beseeching him to come to them
without delay. When Peter arrived they took him into the upper chamber,
where all the widows stood weeping, and showed coats and garments which
Dorcas used to make while she was with them. "But Peter put them all
out, and kneeled down and prayed; and, turning to the body, said:
Tabitha, arise. And she opened her eyes, and when she saw Peter she sat
up. And he gave her his hand, and raised her up, and when he called the
saints and the widows, he presented her alive." Apparently, the raising
of the dead did not produce as much effect as the cure of the paralytic,
for the writer only adds here: "And it was known throughout all Joppa;
and many believed in the Lord."(4) We shall hereafter have to speak
of the perfect calmness and absence of surprise with which these early
writers relate
{185}
the most astonishing miracles. It is evident from the manner in which
this story is narrated that the miracle was anticipated.(1) The [------]
in which the body is laid cannot have been the room generally used for
that purpose, but is probably the single upper chamber of such a house
which the author represents as specially adopted in anticipation of
Peter's arrival.(2) The widows who stand by weeping and showing the
garments made by the deceased complete the preparation. As Peter is sent
for after Dorcas had died, it would seem as though the writer
intimated that her friends expected him to raise her from the dead. The
explanation of this singular phenomenon, however, becomes clear when
it is remarked that the account of this great miracle is closely traced
from that of the raising of Jairus' daughter in the Synoptics,(3) and
more especially in the second Gospel.(4) In that instance Jesus is sent
for; and, on coming to the house, he finds people "weeping and wailing
greatly." He puts them all forth, like Peter; and, taking the child
by the hand, says to her: "'Talitha koum,' which is being interpreted:
Maiden, I say unto thee, arise. And immediately the maiden arose and
walked."(5) Baur and others(6) conjecture that even the name "Tabitha,
which by
{186}
interpretation is called Dorcas," was suggested by the words [------],
above quoted. The Hebrew original of [------] signifies "Gazelle," and
they contend that it was used, like [------], in the sense generally
of: Maiden.(l) These two astonishing miracles, reported by an unknown
writer, and without any corroboration, are absolutely incredible, and
cannot prepossess any reasonable mind with confidence in the narrative
to which they form an introduction, and the natural distrust which they
awaken is folly confirmed when we find supernatural agency employed at
every stage of the following history.
We are told(2) that a certain devout centurion, named Cornelius, "saw
in a vision plainly" [------] an angel of God, who said to him: "Thy
prayers and thine alms are come up for a memorial before God. And now
send men to Joppa, and call for one Simon, who is surnamed Peter, whose
house is by the sea side." After giving these minute directions, the
angel departed,
[------]
{187}
and Cornelius sent three messengers to Joppa. Just as they approached
the end of their journey on the morrow, Peter went up to the housetop to
pray about the sixth hour, the usual time of prayer among the Jews.(1)
He became very hungry, and while his meal was being prepared he fell
into a trance and saw heaven opened, and a certain vessel descending as
it had been a great sheet let down by four corners, in which were all
four-footed beasts and creeping things of the earth and birds of the
air. "And there came a voice to him: Rise, Peter; kill and eat. But
Peter said: Not so Lord; for I never ate anything common or unclean. And
the voice came unto him again a second time: What God cleansed call not
thou common. This was done thrice; and straightway the vessel was taken
up into heaven." While Peter "was doubting in himself" what the vision
which he had seen meant, the men sent by Cornelius arrived, and "the
Spirit said unto him: Behold men are seeking thee; but arise and get
thee down and go with them doubting nothing, for I have sent them."
Peter went with them on the morrow, accompanied by some of the brethren,
and Cornelius was waiting for them with his kinsmen and near friends
whom he had called together for the purpose. "And as Peter was coming
in, Cornelius met him, and fell at his feet and worshipped. But Peter
took him up, saying: Arise; I myself also am a man."(2) Going in, he
finds many persons assembled, to whom he said: "Ye know how it is an
unlawful thing for a man that is a Jew to keep company with, or come
unto one of another nation; and yet God showed me that I should not call
{188}
any man common or unclean. Therefore also I came without gainsaying when
sent for. I ask, therefore, for what reason ye sent for me?" Cornelius
narrates the particulars of his vision and continues: "Now, therefore,
we are all present before God to hear all the things that have been
commanded thee of the Lord. Then Peter opened his mouth and said: Of
a truth I perceive that God is no respecter of persons, but in every
nation he that feareth him and worketh righteousness is acceptable to
him," and soon. While Peter is speaking, "the Holy Spirit fell on all
those who heard the word. And they of the circumcision who believed were
astonished, as many as came with Peter, because that on the Gentiles
also has been poured out the gift of the Holy Spirit; for they heard
them speak with tongues and magnify God. Then answered Peter: Can any
one forbid the water that these should not be baptized, which have
received the Holy Spirit as well as we? And he commanded them to be
baptized in the name of the Lord."
We shall not waste time discussing the endeavours of Kuinoel, Neander,
Lange, Ewald, and others, to explain away as much as possible the
supernatural elements of this narrative, for their attempts are
repudiated by most apologists, and the miraculous phenomena are too
clearly described and too closely connected with the course of the story
to be either ignored or eliminated. Can such a narrative, heralded by
such miracles as the instantaneous cure of the paralytic AEneas, and
the raising from the dead of the maiden Dorcas, be regarded as sober
history? Of course many maintain that it can, and comparatively few have
declared themselves against this.(1) We have, however, merely the
{189}
narrative of an unknown author to set against unvarying experience, and
that cannot much avail. We must now endeavour to discover how far this
episode is consistent with the rest of the facts narrated in this book
itself, and with such trustworthy evidence as we can elsewhere bring to
bear upon it. We have already in an earlier part of our inquiry pointed
out that in the process of exhibiting a general parallelism between the
Apostles Peter and Paul, a very close _pendant_ to this narrative has
been introduced by the author into the history of Paul. In the story
of the conversion of Paul, the Apostle has his vision on the way to
Damascus,(1) and about the same time the Lord in a vision desires
Ananias ("a devout man, according to the law, having a good report of
all the Jews that dwell" in Damascus),(2) "arise, and go to the street
which is called Straight, and inquire in the house of Judas for one
named Saul of Tarsus; for behold he prayeth, and saw in a vision a
man named Ananias coming in and putting his hand on him that he might
receive sight." On this occasion also the gift of the Holy Spirit is
conferred and Saul is baptized.(3) Whilst such miraculous agency is so
rare elsewhere, it is so common in the Acts of the Apostles that the
employment of visions and of angels, under every circumstance, is one of
the characteristics of the author, and may therefore be set down to his
own imagination.
No one who examines this episode attentively, we
{190}
think, can doubt that the narrative before us is composed in apologetic
interest,(1) and is designed to have a special bearing upon the problem
as to the relation of the Pauline Gospel to the preaching of the Twelve,
Baur(2) has acutely pointed out the significance of the very place
assigned to it in the general history, and its insertion immediately
after the conversion of Paul, and before the commencement of his
ministry, as a legitimation of his apostleship of the Gentiles. One
point stands clearly out of the strange medley of Jewish prejudice,
Christian liberalism, and supernatural interference which constitute
the elements of the story: the actual conviction of Peter regarding the
relation of the Jew to the Gentile, that the Gospel is addressed to the
former and that the Gentile is excluded,(3) which has to be removed by
a direct supernatural revelation from heaven. The author recognises that
this was the general view of the primitive church, and this is the only
particular in which we can perceive historical truth in the narrative.
The complicated machinery of visions and angelic messengers is used to
justify the abandonment of Jewish restrictions, which was preached by
Paul amidst so much virulent opposition. Peter anticipates and justifies
Paul in his ministry of the uncircumcision, and the overthrow of Mosaic
barriers has the sanction and seal of a divine command. We have to see
whether the history itself
{191}
does not betray its mythical character, not only in its supernatural
elements, but in its inconsistency with other known or narrated
incidents in the apostolical narrative. There has been much difference
of opinion as to whether the centurion Cornelius had joined himself in
any recognised degree to the Jewish religion before this incident, and
a majority of critics maintain that he is represented as a Proselyte
of the Gate.(1) The terms in which he is described, [------], certainly
seem to indicate this, and probably the point would not have been
questioned but for the fact that the writer evidently intends to deal
with the subject of Gentile conversion, with which the representation
that Cornelius was already a proselyte would somewhat clash.(2) Whether
a proselyte or not, the Roman centurion is said to be "devout and
fearing God with all his house, giving much alms to the people, and
praying to God always;"(3) and probably the ambiguity as to whether he
had actually become affiliated in any way to Mosaism is intentional.
When Peter, however, with his scruples removed by the supernatural
communication with which he had just been favoured, indicates their
previous strength by the statement: "Ye know how it is an unlawful thing
for a man that is a Jew to keep company with or come unto
{192}
one of another nation,"(1) the author evidently oversteps the mark,
and betrays the unhistorical nature of the narrative; for such an
affirmation not only could not have been made by Peter, but could only
have been advanced by a writer who was himself a Gentile, and writing
at a distance from the events described. There is no injunction of the
Mosaic law declaring such intercourse unlawful,(2) nor indeed is such a
rule elsewhere heard of, and even apologists who refer to the point have
no show of authority by which to support such a statement(3) Not only
was there no legal prohibition, but it is impossible to conceive that
there was any such exclusiveness practised by traditional injunction.(4)
As de Wette appropriately remarks, moreover, even if such a prohibition
existed as regards idolaters, it would still be inconceivable how it
could apply to Cornelius: "a righteous man and fearing God, and of good
report among all the nation of the Jews."(5) It is also inconsistent
with the zeal for proselytism displayed by the Pharisees,(6) the
strictest sect of the Jews; and the account given by Josephus of the
{193}
conversion of Izates of Adiabene is totally against it.(1) There is a
slight trait which, added to others, tends to complete the demonstration
of the unhistorical character of this representation. Peter is said to
have lived many days in Joppa with one Simon, a tanner, and it is in
his house that the messengers of Cornelius find him.(2) Now the tanner's
trade was considered impure amongst the Jews,(3) and it was almost
pollution to live in Simon's house. It is argued by some commentators
that the fact that Peter lodged there is mentioned to show that he had
already emancipated himself from Jewish prejudices.(4) However this may
be, it is strangely inconsistent that a Jew who has no objection to live
with a tanner should, at the same time, consider it unlawful to hold
intercourse of any kind with a pious Gentile, who, if not actually a
Proselyte of the Gate, had every qualification for becoming one. This
indifference to the unclean and polluting trade of the tanner, moreover,
is inconsistent with the reply which Peter gives to the voice which bids
him slay and eat:--"Not so, Lord, for I never ate anything common or
unclean." No doubt the intercourse to which Peter refers indicates, or
at least includes, eating and drinking with one of another country,
and this alone could present any intelligible difficulty, for the mere
transaction of business or conversation with strangers must have been
daily necessary to the Jews. It must be remarked, however, that, when
Peter makes the statement which we are discussing, nothing whatever is
said of eating with the Centurion or sitting with him
{194}
at table. This leads to a striking train of reflection upon the whole
episode. It is a curious thing that the supernatural vision, which is
designed to inform Peter and the Apostles that the Gentiles might be
received into the Church, should take the form of a mere intimation that
the distinction of clean and unclean animals was no longer binding, and
that he might indifferently kill and eat One might have thought that,
on the supposition that Heaven desired to give Peter and the Church a
command to admit the Gentiles unconditionally to the benefits of the
Gospel, this would be simply and clearly stated. This was not done at
all, and the intimation by which Peter supposes himself justified in
considering it lawful to go to Cornelius is, in the first place, merely
on the subject of animals defined as clean and unclean. Doubtless the
prohibition as to certain meats might tend to continue the separation
between Jew and Gentile, and the disregard of such distinctions of
course promoted general intercourse with strangers; but this by no means
explains why the abrogation of this distinction is made the intimation
to receive Gentiles into the Church. When Peter returns to Jerusalem
we are told that "they of the circumcision"--that is to say, the whole
Church there, since at that period all were "of the circumcision,"
and this phrase further indicates that the writer has no historical
stand-point--contended with him. The subject of the contention we might
suppose was the baptism of Gentiles; but not so: the charge brought
against him was:--"Thou wentest in to men uncircumcised, and didst
eat with them."(1) The subject of Paul's dispute with Peter at Antioch
simply was that, "before that certain came from James, he did eat with
{195}
the Gentiles; but when they came he withdrew, fearing them of the
circumcision."(1) That the whole of these passages should turn merely on
the fact of eating with men who were uncircumcised, is very suggestive,
and as the Church at Jerusalem make no allusion to the baptism of
uncircumcised Gentiles, it would lead to the inference that nothing was
known of such an event, and that the circumstance was simply added to
some other narrative; and this is rendered all the more probable by the
fact that, in the affair at Antioch as well as throughout the Epistle
to the Galatians, Peter is very far from acting as one who had been the
first to receive uncircumcised Gentiles freely into the Church.
It is usually asserted that the vision of Peter abrogated the
distinction of clean and unclean animals so long existing in the Mosaic
law,(2) but there is no evidence that any subsequent gradual abandonment
of the rule was ascribed to such a command; and it is remarkable that
Peter himself not only does not, as we shall presently see, refer to
this vision as authority for disregarding the distinction of clean and
unclean meats, and for otherwise considering nothing common or unclean,
but acts as if such a vision had never taken place. The famous decree
of the Council of Jerusalem, moreover, makes no allusion to any
modification of the Mosaic law in the case of Jewish Christians,
whatever relaxation it may seem to grant to Gentile converts, and there
is no external evidence of any kind whatever that so important an
{196}
abolition of ancient legal prescriptions was thus introduced into
Christendom.
We have, however, fortunately one test of the historical value of this
whole episode, to which we have already briefly referred, but which
we must now more closely apply. Paul himself, in his Epistle to the
Galatians, narrates the particulars of a scene between himself and Peter
at Antioch, of which no mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles,
and we think that no one can fairly consider that episode without being
convinced that it is utterly irreconcilable with the supposition that
the vision which we are now examining can ever have appeared to Peter,
or that he can have played the part attributed to him in the conversion
and baptism of uncircumcised Gentiles. Paul writes: "But when Cephas
came to Antioch, I withstood him to the face, because he was condemned.
For before that certain came from James, he did eat with the Gentiles,
but when they came he withdrew and separated himself, fearing them of
the circumcision, and the other Jews also joined in his hypocrisy."(1)
It will be remembered that, in the case of Cornelius, "they of the
circumcision" in Jerusalem, at the head of whom was James, from whom
came those "of the circumcision" of whom Peter was afraid at Antioch,
contended with Peter for going in "to men uncircumcised and eating with
them,"(2) the very thing which was in question at Antioch. In the Acts,
Peter is represented as defending his conduct by relating the divine
vision under the guidance of which he acted, and the author states as
the result that, "When they heard these things they held their peace and
glorified God, saying: Then to the Gentiles also God gave repentance
{197}
unto life."(1) This is the representation of the author of the vision
and of the conversion of Cornelius, but very different is Peter's
conduct as described by the Apostle Paul, very dissimilar the phenomena
presented by a narrative upon which we can rely. The "certain who came
from James" can never have heard of the direct communication from Heaven
which justified Peter's conduct, and can never have glorified God in the
manner described, or Peter could not have had any reason to fear them;
for a mere reference to his vision, and to the sanction of the Church of
Jerusalem, must have been sufficient to reconcile them to his freedom.
Then, is it conceivable that after such a vision, and after being taught
by God himself not to call any man or thing common or unclean, Peter
could have acted as he did for fear of them of the circumcision? His
conduct is convincing evidence that he knew as little of any such vision
as those who came from James. On the other hand, if we require further
proof it is furnished by the Apostle Paul himself. Is it conceivable
that, if such an episode had ever really occurred, the Apostle Paul
would not have referred to it upon this occasion? What more appropriate
argument could he have used, what more legitimate rebuke could he have
administered, than merely to have reminded Peter of his own vision? He
both rebukes him and argues, but his rebuke and his argument have quite
a different complexion; and we confidently affirm that no one can read
that portion of the Epistle to the Galatians without feeling certain
that, had the writer been aware of such a divine communication--and we
think it must be conceded without question that, if it had taken place,
he
{198}
must have been aware of it(1)--he would have referred to bo direct and
important an authority. Neither here nor in the numerous places where
such an argument would have been so useful to the Apostle does Paul
betray the slightest knowledge of the episode of Cornelius. The historic
occurrence at Antioch, so completely ignored by the author of the Acts,
totally excludes the mythical story of Cornelius.(2)
There are merely one or two other points in connection with the episode
to which we must call attention. In his address to Cornelius, Peter
says: "Of a truth I perceive that God is no respecter of persons"
[------]. Now this is not only a thoroughly Pauline sentiment, but Paul
has more than once made use of precisely the same expression. Rom. ii.
11. "For there is no respect of persons with God "[------], and, again,
Gal. ii. 6,"
God respecteth no man's person," [------].(3) The author of the Acts was
certainly acquainted with the epistles of Paul, and the very manner
in which he represents Peter as employing this expression betrays
the application of a sentiment previously in his mind, "Of a truth I
perceive," &c. The circumstance confirms what Paul had already said.(4)
Then, in the defence of his conduct at Jerusalem, Peter is represented
as saying: "And I remembered the word of the Lord,
1 Indeed the reference to this case, supposed to be made by
Peter himself, in Paul's presence, excludes the idea of
ignorance, if the Acts be treated as historical.
4 Compare further x. 35 ff. with Rom. ii. iii., &o. The
sentiments and even the words are Pauline.
{199}
how he said, John indeed baptized with water; but ye shall be baptized
with the Holy Spirit."(l) Now these words are by all the Gospels put
into the mouth of John the Baptist, and not of Jesus,(2) but the author
of the Acts seems to put them into the mouth of Jesus at the beginning
of the work,(3) and their repetition here is only an additional proof of
the fact that the episode of Cornelius, as it stands before us, is not
historical, but is merely his own composition.
The whole of this narrative, with its complicated series of miracles, is
evidently composed to legitimate the free reception into the Christian
Church of Gentile converts and, to emphasize the importance of the
divine ratification of their admission, Peter is made to repeat to
the Church of Jerusalem the main incidents which had just been fully
narrated. On the one hand, the previous Jewish exclusiveness both of
Peter and of the Church is displayed, first, in the resistance of the
Apostle, which can only be overcome by the vision and the direct order
of the Holy Spirit, and by the manifest outpouring of the Spirit upon
the Centurion and his household; and second, in the contention of
them of the circumcision, which is only overcome by an account of the
repeated signs of divine purpose and approval. The universality of the
Gospel could not be more broadly proclaimed than in the address of Peter
to Cornelius. Not the Jews alone, "but in every nation, he that feareth
him and worketh righteousness is acceptable to him." Pauline principles
are thus anticipated and, as we have pointed out, are expressed almost
in the words of the Apostle of the Gentiles.(4) The Jews who go with
{200}
Peter were astonished because that on the Gentiles also had been poured
out the gift of the Holy Spirit,(1) and the Church of Jerusalem, on
hearing of these things, glorified God that repentance unto life had
been given to the Gentiles. It is impossible that the admission of
the Gentiles to the privileges of the Church could be more prominently
signified than by this episode, introduced by prodigious miracles and
effected by supernatural machinery. Where, however, are the consequences
of this marvellous recognition of the Gentiles? It does not in the
slightest degree preclude the necessity for the Council, which we shall
presently consider; it does not apparently exercise any influence on
James and the Church of Jerusalem; Peter, indeed, refers vaguely to
it, but as a matter out of date and almost forgotten; Paul, in all his
disputes with the emissaries of the Church of Jerusalem, in all his
pleas for the freedom of his Gentile converts, never makes the slightest
allusion to it; it remains elsewhere unknown and, so far as any evidence
goes, utterly without influence upon the primitive church.(2) This will
presently become more apparent; but already it is clear enough to those
who will exercise calm reason that it is impossible to consider this
narrative with its tissue of fruitless miracles as a historical account
of the development of the Church.