VIII

I say that our interest lies in the question of degree. It always

does. The philosopher said: "All things are a matter of degree; and

who shall establish degree?" But I think we are agreed--and by "we" I

mean all educated men with some knowledge of the world around us--that

the degree to which the suppression of truth, the propagation of

falsehood, the artificial creation of opinion, and the boycott of

inconvenient doctrine have reached in the great Capitalist Press for

some time past in England, is at least dangerously high.

There is no one in public life but could give dozens of examples from

his own experience of perfectly sensible letters to the Press, citing

irrefutable testimony upon matters of the first importance, being

refused publicity. Within the guild of the journalists, there is not a

man who could not give you a hundred examples of deliberate

suppression and deliberate falsehood by his employers both as regards

news important to the nation and as regards great bodies of opinion.

Equally significant with the mere vast numerical accumulation of such

instances is their quality.

Let me give a few examples. No straightforward, common-sense, _real_

description of any professional politician--his manners, capacities,

way of speaking, intelligence--ever appears to-day in any of the great

papers. We never have anything within a thousand miles of what men who

meet them _say_.

We are, indeed, long past the time when the professional politicians

were treated as revered beings of whom an inept ritual description had

to be given. But the substitute has only been a putting of them into

the limelight in another and more grotesque fashion, far less

dignified, and quite equally false.

We cannot even say that the professional politicians are still made to

"fill the stage." That metaphor is false, because upon a stage the

audience knows that it is all play-acting, and actually _sees_ the

figures.

Let any man of reasonable competence soberly and simply describe the

scene in the House of Commons when some one of the ordinary

professional politicians is speaking.

It would not be an exciting description. The truth here would not be a

violent or dangerous truth. Let him but write soberly and with truth.

Let him write it as private letters are daily written in dozens about

such folk, or as private conversation runs among those who know them,

and who have no reason to exaggerate their importance, but see them as

they are. Such a description would never be printed! The few owners of

the Press will not turn off the limelight and make a brief, accurate

statement about these mediocrities, because their power to govern

depends upon keeping in the limelight the men whom they control.

Once let the public know what sort of mediocrities the politicians are

and they lose power. Once let them lose power and their hidden masters

lose power.

Take a larger instance: the middle and upper classes are never allowed

by any chance to hear in time the dispute which leads to a strike or a

lock-out.

Here is an example of news which is of the utmost possible importance

to the commonwealth, and to each of us individually. To understand

_why_ a vast domestic dispute has arisen is the very first necessity

for a sound civic judgment. But we never get it. The event

always comes upon us with violence and is always completely

misunderstood--because the Press has boycotted the men's claims.

I talked to dozens of people in my own station of life--that is, of

the professional middle classes--about the great building lock-out

which coincided with the outbreak of the War. _I did not find a single

one who knew that it was a lock-out at all!_ The few who did at least

know the difference between a strike and a lock-out, _all_ thought it

was a strike!

Let no one say that the disgusting falsehoods spread by the Press in

this respect were of no effect The men themselves gave in, and their

perfectly just demands were defeated, mainly because middle-class

opinion _and a great deal of proletarian opinion as well_ had been led

to believe that the builders' cessation of labour was a _strike_ due

to their own initiative against existing conditions, and thought the

operation of such an initiative immoral in time of war. They did not

know the plain truth that the provocation was the masters', and that

the men were turned out of employment, that is deprived of access to

the Capitalist stores of food and all other necessaries, wantonly and

avariciously by the masters. The Press would not print that enormous

truth.

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