"Not my will," he exclaimed in a piercing tone of prayer--"not mine, but

thy kind will be done, O Lord! If it be possible, let the bitter cup

pass from me--but spare not, if thy glory must needs be vindicated.

Bring me to thy feet in meek, and humble, and believing confidence--all

is well, then, for time and for eternity. It is merciful and good to

remove the idol that stands between our love and God. Father of

mercy--enable me to bring the truth _home, home_ to this most

traitorous--this lukewarm, earthy heart of mine--a heart not worthy of

thy care and help. Let me not murmur at thy gracious will--oh, rather

bend and bow to it--and kiss the rod that punishes. I need

chastisement--for I have loved too well--too fondly. I am a rebel, and

thy all-searching eye hath found me faithless in thy service. Take her,

Father and Saviour--I will resign her--I will bless the hand that smites

me--I will"--he stopped; and big tears, such as drop fearfully from

manhood's eye, made known to heaven the agony that tears a parent's

heart, whilst piety is occupied in healing it.

It is not my purpose to recite the doubts and fears, the terrible

suspense, the anxious hopes, that filled the hours which passed whilst

the condition of the patient remained critical. It is a recital which

the reader may well spare, and I avoid most gladly. At the end of a

week, the fever departed from the sufferer. The alarming symptoms

disappeared, and confidence flowed rapidly to the soul again. At this

time the father paid his first visit to his child. He found her weak and

wasted; the violent applications which had been necessary for safety had

robbed her of all strength--had effected, in fact, a prostration of

power, which she never recovered, from which she never rallied. Mr

Fairman was greatly shocked, and asked the physician for his opinion

_now_. The latter declined giving it until, as he expressed himself,

"the effects of the fever, and her attack, had left him a fair and open

field for observation. There was a slight cough upon her. It was

impossible for the present to say, whether it was temporary and

dependent upon what had happened, or whether it resulted from actual

mischief in her lung."

* * * * *

A month has passed away since the physician spoke these words, and to

doubt longer would be to gaze upon the sun and to question its

brightness. Mayhew has told the father his worst fears, and bids him

prepare like a Christian and a man for the loss of his earthly treasure.

It was he who watched the decay of her mother. The case is a similar

one. He has no consolation to offer. It must be sought at the throne of

Him who giveth, and hath the right to take away. The minister receives

the intelligence with admirable fortitude. We are sitting together, and

the doctor has just spoken as becomes him, seriously and well. There is

a spasm on the cheek of the incumbent, whilst I sob loudly. The latter

takes me by the hand, and speaks to the physician in a low and

hesitating tone.

"Mayhew," said he, "I thank you for this sincerity. I will endeavour to

look the terror in the face, as I have struggled to do for many days. It

is hard--but through the mercy of Christ it is not impracticable. Dear

and oldest friend, unite your prayers with mine, for strength, and

holiness, and resignation. Cloud and agitation are at our feet. Heaven

is above us. Let us look there, and all is well."

We knelt. The minister prayed. He did not ask his Master to suspend his

judgments. He implored him to prepare the soul of the afflicted one for

its early flight, and to subdue the hearts of them all with his grace

and holy spirit. Let him who doubts the efficacy of _prayer_ seek to

clear his difficulty in the season of affliction, or when death sits

grimly at the hearth--he shall be satisfied.

If it were a consolation and a joy in the midst of our tribulation to

behold the father chastened by the heavy blow which had fallen so

suddenly upon his age, how shall I express the ineffable delight--yes,

delight, amidst sorrow the most severe--with which I contemplated the

beloved maiden, upon whose tender years Providence had allowed to fall

so great a trial. Fully sensible of her position, and of the near

approach of death, she was, so long as she could see her parent and her

lover without distress, patient, cheerful, and rejoicing. Yes, weaker

and weaker as she grew, happier and happier she became in the

consciousness of her pure soul's increase. Into her ear had been

whispered, and before her eyes holy spirits had appeared with the

mysterious communication, which, hidden as it is from us, we find

animating and sustaining feeble nature, which else would sink, appalled

and overwhelmed. There was not one of us who did not live a witness to

the truth of the heavenly promise, "_as thy days, so shall thy strength

be_;" not one amongst the dearest friends of the sufferer, who did not

feel, in the height of his affliction, that God would not cast upon his

creatures a burden which a Christian might not bear. But to _her_

especially came the celestial declaration with power and might. An

angel, sojourning for a day upon the earth, and preparing for his

homeward flight, could not have spread his ready wing more joyfully,

with livelier anticipation of his native bliss, than did the maiden look

for her recall and blest ascension to the skies. In her presence I had

seldom any grief; it was swallowed up and lost in gratitude for the

victory which the dear one had achieved, in virtue of her faith, over

all the horrors of her situation. It was when alone that I saw, in its

reality and naked wretchedness, the visitation that I, more than any

other, was doomed to suffer. For days I could scarcely bring myself to

the calm consideration of it. It seemed unreal, impossible, a dream--any

thing but what it was--the direst of worldly woes--the most tremendous

of human punishments.

I remember vividly a day passed in the chamber of the resigned creature,

about two months after the first indication of her illness. Her disease

had increased rapidly, and the signs of its ravages were painfully

manifest in her sunken eye, her hectic cheek, her hollow voice, her

continual cough. Her spirit became more tranquil as her body retreated

from the world--her hopes more firm, her belief in the love of her

Saviour--his will and power to save her, more clear, and free from all

perplexity. I had never beheld so beautiful a sight as the devoted maid

presented to my view. I had never supposed it possible to exist; and

thus, as I sat at her side, though the thought of death was ever

present, it was as of a terror in a milkwhite shroud--a monster

enveloped and concealed beneath a robe of beauty. I listened to her with

enchantment whilst she spoke of the littleness of this world, and the

boundless happiness that awaited true believers in the next--of the

unutterable mercy of God, in removing us from a scene of trouble whilst

our views were cloudless, and our hopes sure and abiding. Yes, charmed

by the unruffled air, the angelic look, I could forget even my mortality

for a moment, and feel my living soul in deep communion with a superior

and brighter spirit. It was when she recalled me to earth by a

reminiscence of our first days of love, that the bruised heart was made

sensible of pain, and of its lonely widowed lot. Then the tears would

not be checked, but rushed passionately forth, and, as the clouds shut

out and hid the one brief glimpse of heaven, flowed unrestrained.

Her mind was in a sweet composed state during the interview to which I

allude. She had pleasure in referring to the days of her childhood, and

in speaking of the happiness which she had found amongst her native

hills.

"How little, Caleb," she said, "is the mind occupied with thoughts of

death in childhood--with any thoughts of actual lasting evil! We cannot

see these things in childhood--we cannot penetrate so deeply or throw

our gaze so far, we are so occupied with the joys that are round about

us. Is it not so? Our parents are ever with us. Day succeeds to day--one

so like the other--and our home becomes our world. A sorrow comes at

length--a parent dies--the first and dearest object in that world; then

all is known, and the stability of life becomes suspected."

"The home of many," I replied, "is undisturbed for years!"

"Yes, and how sweet a thing is love of home! It is not acquired, I am

sure. It is a feeling that has its origin elsewhere. It is born with us;

brought from another world, to carry us on in this with joy. It attaches

to the humblest heart that ever throbbed."

"Dear Ellen!" I exclaimed, "how little has sorrow to do with your

affliction!"

"And why, dear Caleb? Have you never found that the difficulties of the

broad day melt away beneath the influences of the quiet lovely night?

Have you never been perplexed in the bustle and tumult of the day, and

has not truth revealed itself when all was dark and still? This is my

night, and in sickness I have seen the eye of God upon me, and heard his

words, as I have never seen and heard before?"

It was in this manner that she would talk, not more disturbed, nay, not

so much, as when in happier times I never heard her speak of the

troubles and anxieties of her poor villagers. No complaint--no mournful

accents escaped her lips. If at times the soaring spirit was repressed,

dejected, the living--the loved ones whom she must leave behind her had

possession of her thoughts, and loaded them with pain. Who would wait

upon her father? Who would attend to all his little wants? Who could

understand his nature as she had learnt it--and who would live to

comfort and to cheer his days? These questions she has asked herself,

whilst her only answers have been her struggling tears.

The days were travelling fast; each one taking from the doomed

girl--years of life. She dwindled and wasted; and became at length less

than a shadow of her former self. Why linger on the narrative? Autumn

arrived, and, with the general decay--she died. A few hours before her

death she summoned me to her bedside, and acquainted me with her

fast-approaching dissolution. "It is the day," she said, speaking with

difficulty--"I am sure of it. I have watched that branch for many

days--look--it is quite bare. Its last yellow leaf has fallen--I shall

not survive it." I gazed upon her; her eye was brighter than ever. It

sparkled again, and most beautiful she looked. But death was there--and

her soul eager to give him all that he could claim!

"You are quite happy, dearest Ellen!" I exclaimed, weeping on her thin

emaciated hand.

"Most happy, beloved. Do not grieve--be resigned--be joyful. I have a

word to say. Nurse," she continued, calling to her attendant--"the

drawing."

The nurse placed in her hand the sketch which she had taken of my

favourite scene.

"Do you remember, love?" said she. "Keep it, for Ellen--you loved that

spot--oh, so did I!--and you will love it still. There is another

sketch, you will find it by and by--afterwards--when I am----It is in my

desk. Keep that too, for Ellen, will you? It is the last drawing I have

made."

I sat by and bit my lips to crush my grief, but I would not be silent

whilst my heart as breaking.

"You should rejoice, dear," continued Ellen solemnly. "We did not expect

this separation so very soon; but it is better now than later. Be sure

it is merciful and good. Prepare for this hour, Caleb; and when it

comes, you will be so calm, so ready to depart. How short is life! Do

not waste the precious hours. Read from St John, dearest--the eleventh

chapter. It is all sweetness and consolation."

The sun was dropping slowly into the west, leaving behind him a deep red

glow that illuminated the hills, and burnished the windows of the

sick-chamber. The wind moaned, and, sweeping the sere leaves at

intervals, threatened a tempest. There was a solemn stillness in the

parsonage, around whose gate--weeping in silence, without heart to

speak, or wish to make their sorrow known--were collected a host of

humble creatures--the poorest but sincerest friends of Ellen--the

villagers who had been her care. They waited and lingered for the heavy

news, which they were told must come to them this day; and prayed

secretly--every one of them, old and young--for mercy on the sufferer's

soul! And she, whose gentle spirit is about to flit, lies peacefully,

and but half-conscious of the sounds that pass to heaven on her behalf.

Her father, Mayhew, and I, kneel round her bed, and the minister in

supplicating tones, where nature does not interpose, dedicates the

virgin to _His_ favour whose love she has applied so well. He ceases,

for a whisper has escaped her lips. We listen all. "_Oh, this is

peace_!" she utters faintly, but most audibly, and the scene is over.

"It is a dream," said the minister, when we parted for the night--I with

the vain hope to forget in sleep the circumstances of the day--the

father to stray unwittingly into _her_ former room, and amongst the

hundred objects connected with the happy memory of the departed.

The picture of which my Ellen had spoken, I obtained on the following

day. It was a drawing of the church and the burial-ground adjoining it.

One grave was open. It represented that in which her own mortal remains

were deposited, amidst the unavailing lamentations of a mourning

village.

In three months the incumbent quitted Devonshire. The scenery had no

pleasure for him, associated as it was with all the sorrows of his life.

His pupils returned to their homes. He had offered to retain them, and

to retain his incumbency for the sake of my advancement; but, whilst I

saw that every hour spent in the village brought with it new bitterness

and grief, I was not willing to call upon him for so great a sacrifice.

Such a step, indeed, was rendered unnecessary through the kind help of

Dr Mayhew, to whom I owe my present situation, which I have held for

forty years with pleasure and contentment. Mr Fairman retired to a

distant part of the kingdom, where the condition of the people rendered

the presence of an active minister of God a privilege and a blessing. In

the service of his Master, in the securing of the happiness of other

men, he strove for years to deaden the pain of his own crushed heart.

And he succeeded--living to bless the wisdom which had carried him

through temptation; and dying, at last, to meet with the reward

conferred upon the man _who, by patient continuance in well-doing, seeks

for glory, and honour, and immortality_--ETERNAL LIFE.

The employment obtained for me by the kind interest of Dr Mayhew, which

the return of so many summers and winters has found me steadily

prosecuting, was in the house of his brother--a gentleman whose name is

amongst the first in a profession adorned by a greater number of

high-minded, honourable men, than the world generally is willing to

allow. Glad to avail myself of comparative repose, an active occupation,

and a certain livelihood, I did not hesitate to enter his office in the

humble capacity of clerk. I have lived to become the confidential

secretary and faithful friend of my respected principal.

As I have progressed noiselessly in the world, and rather as a spectator

than an actor on the broad stage of life, it has been no unprofitable

task to trace the career of those with whom I formed an intimacy during

the bustle and excitement of my boyhood. Not many months after my

introduction into the mysteries of law, tidings reached my ears

concerning Mr Clayton. He had left his chapel suddenly. His avarice had

led him deeper and deeper into guilt; speculation followed speculation,

until he found himself entangled in difficulties, from which, by lawful

means, he was unable to extricate himself. He forged the signature of a

wealthy member of his congregation, and thus added another knot to the

complicated string of his delinquencies. He was discovered. There was

not a man aware of the circumstances of the case who was not satisfied

of his guilt; but a legal quibble saved him, and he was sent into the

world again, branded with the solemn reprimand of the judge who tried

him for his life, and who bade him seek existence honestly--compelled to

labour, as he would be, in a humbler sphere of life than that in which

he had hitherto employed his undoubted talents. To those acquainted with

the working of the unhappy system of _dissent_, it will not be a matter

of surprise that the result was not such as the good judge anticipated.

It so happened that, at the time of Mr Clayton's acquittal, a dispute

arose between the minister of his former congregation and certain

influential members of the same. The latter, headed by a fruiterer, a

very turbulent and conceited personage, separated from what they called

the _church_, and set up another _church_ in opposition. The

meeting-house was built, and the only question that remained to agitate

the pious minds of the half-dozen founders was--_How to let the pews_!

Mr CLAYTON, more popular amongst his set than ever, was invited to

accept the duties of a pastor. He consented, and had the pews been

trebled they would not have satisfied one half the applications which,

in one month, were showered on the victorious schismatics. Here, for a

few years, Mr Clayton continued; his character improved, his fame more

triumphant, his godliness more spiritual and pure than it had been even

before he committed the crime of forgery. His ruling passion,

notwithstanding, kept firm hold of his soul, and very soon betrayed him

into the commission of new offences. He fled from London, and I lost

sight of him. At length I discovered that he was preaching in one of the

northern counties, and with greater success than ever--yes, such is the

fallacy of the system--with the approbation of men, and the idolatry of

women, to whom the history of his career was as familiar as their own.

Again circumstances compelled him to decamp. I know not what these were,

nor could I ever learn; satisfied, however, that from his nature _money_

must have been in close connexion with them, I expected soon to hear of

him again; and I did hear, but not for years. The information that last

of all I gained was, that he had sold his noble faculties

_undisguisedly_ to the arch enemy of man. He had become the editor of

one of the lowest newspaper of the metropolis, notorious for its Radical

politics and atheistical blasphemies.

Honest, faithful and unimpeachable John Thompson! Friend, husband,

father--sound in every relation of this life--thou noble-hearted

Englishman! Let me not say thy race is yet extinct. No; in spite of the

change that has come over the spirit of our land--in spite of the rust

that eats into men's souls, eternally racked with thoughts of gain and

traffic--in spite of the cursed poison insidiously dropped beneath the

cottage eaves, by reckless, needy demagogues, I trust my native land,

and still believe, that on her lap she cherishes whole bands of faithful

children, and firm patriots. Not amongst the least inducements to return

to London was the advantage of a residence near to that of my best

friend and truest counsellor. I cannot number the days which I have

spent with him and his unequalled family--unequalled in their unanimity

and love. For years, no Sunday passed which did not find me at their

hospitable board; a companion afterwards in their country walks, and at

the evening service of their parish church. The children were men and

women before it pleased Providence to remove their sire. How like his

life was good John Thompson's death! Full of years, but with his mental

vision clear as in its dawn, aware of his decline, he called his family

about his bed, and to the weeping group spoke firmly and most

cheerfully.

"He had lived his time," he said, "and long enough to see his children

doing well. There was not one who caused him pain and fear--and that was

more than every father of a family could say--thank God for it! He

didn't know that he had much to ask of any one of them. If they

continued to work hard, he left enough behind to buy them tools; and if

they didn't, the little money he had saved would be of very little use.

There was their mother. He needn't tell 'em to be kind to her, because

their feelings wouldn't let them do no otherwise. As for advice, he'd

give it to them in his own plain way. First and foremost, he hoped _they

never would sew their mouths up_--never act in such a way as to make

themselves ashamed of speaking like a man;" and then he recommended

strongly that _they should touch no bills but such as they might cut

wood with_. The worst that could befall 'em would be a cut upon the

finger; and if they handled other bills they'd cut their heads off in

the end, be sure of it. "Alec," said he at last,--"you fetch me bundle

of good sticks. Get them from the workshop." Alec brought them, and the

sire continued,--"Now, just break one a-piece. There, that's right--now,

try and break them altogether. No, no, my boys, you can't do that, nor

can the world break you so long as you hold fast and well together.

Disagree and separate, and nothing is more easy. If a year goes bad with

one, let the others see to make it up. Live united, do your duty, and

leave the rest to heaven." So Thompson spake; such was the legacy he

left to those who knew from his good precept and example how to profit

by it. My friendship with his children has grown and ripened. They are

thriving men. Alec has inherited the nature of his father more than any

other son. All go smoothly on in life, paying little regard to the

broils and contests of external life, but most attentive to the

_in-door_ business. All, did I say?--I err. Exception must be made in

favour of my excellent good friend, Mr Robert Thompson. He has in him

something of the spirit of his mother, and finds fault where his

brethren are most docile. Catholic emancipation he regarded with

horror--the Reform bill with indignation; and the onward movement of the

present day he looks at with the feelings of an individual waiting for

an earthquake. He is sure that the world is going round the other way,

or is turned topsy-turvy, or is coming to an end. He is the quietest and

best disposed man in his parish--his moral character is without a

flaw--his honesty without a blemish, yet is his mind filled with designs

which would astonish the strongest head that rebel ever wore. He talks

calmly of the propriety of hanging, without trial, all publishers of

immorality and sedition--of putting embryo rioters to death, and

granting them a judicial examination as soon as possible afterwards.

Dissenting meeting-houses he would shut up instanter, and guard with

soldiers to prevent irregularity or disobedience. "Things," he says,

"are twisted since his father was a boy, and must be twisted back--by

force--to their right place again. Ordinary measures are less than

useless for extraordinary times, and he only wishes he had power, or was

prime-minister for a day or two." But for this unfortunate _monomania_,

the Queen has not a better subject, London has not a worthier citizen

than the plain spoken, simple-hearted Robert Thompson.

In one of the most fashionable streets of London, and within a few doors

of the residence of royalty, is a stylish house, which always looks as

if it were newly painted, furnished, and decorated. The very imperfect

knowledge which a passer-by may gain, denotes the existence of great

wealth within the clean and shining walls. Nine times out of ten shall

you behold, standing at the door, a splendid equipage--a britzka or

barouche. The appointments are of the richest kind--the servants' livery

gaudiest of the gaudy--silvery are their buttons, and silver-gilt the

horses' harness. Stay, whilst the big door opens, and then mark the

owner of the house and britzka. A distinguished foreigner, you say, of

forty, or thereabouts. He seems dressed in livery himself; for all the

colours of the rainbow are upon him. Gold chains across his breast--how

many you cannot count at once--intersect each other curiously; and on

every finger sparkles a precious jewel, or a host of jewels. Thick

mustaches and a thicker beard adorn the foreign face; but a certain air

which it assumes, convinces you without delay that it is the property of

an unmitigated blackguard. Reader, you see the ready Ikey, whom we have

met oftener than once in this short history. Would you know more? Be

satisfied to learn, that he exists upon the follies and the vices of our

high nobility. He has made good the promises of his childhood and his

youth. He rolls in riches, and is----a fashionable money-lender.

Dark were the shadows which fell upon my youth. The indulgent reader has

not failed to note them--with pain it may be--and yet, I trust, not

without improvement. Yes, sad and gloomy has been the picture, and light

has gleamed but feebly there. It has been otherwise since I carried, for

my comfort and support, the memory of my beloved Ellen into the serious

employment of my later years. With the catastrophe of her decease,

commenced another era of my existence--the era of self-denial, patience,

sobriety, and resignation. Her example dropped with silent power into my

soul, and wrought its preservation. Struck to the earth by the immediate

blow, and rising slowly from it, I did not mourn her loss as men are

wont to grieve at the departure of all they hold most dear. Think when I

would of her, in the solemn watches of the night, in the turmoil of the

bustling day--a saint beatified, a spirit of purity and love--hovered

above me, smiling in its triumphant bliss, and whispering----peace. My

lamentation was intercepted by my joy. And so throughout have I been

irritated by the small annoyances of the world, her radiant

countenance--as it looked sweetly even upon death--has risen to shame

and silence my complaint. Repining at my humble lot, her words--that

estimated well the value, the nothingness of life compared with life

eternal--have spoken the effectual reproof. As we advance in years, the

old familiar faces gradually retreat and fade at length entirely. Forty

long years have passed, and on this bright spring morning the gentle

Ellen steals upon the lawn, unaltered by the lapse of time. Her slender

arm is twined in mine, and her eye fills with innocent delight. Not an

hour of age is added to her face, although the century was not yet born

when last I gazed upon its meek and simple loveliness. She vanishes. Is

it her voice that through the window flows, borne on the bosom of the

vernal wind? Angel of Light, I wait thy bidding to rejoin thee!

* * * * *

COMMERCIAL POLICY.

SPAIN.

The extraordinary breadth and boldness of the fiscal measures propounded

and carried out at once in the past year with vigour and promptitude no

less extraordinary, wisely calculated of themselves, as they may be,

perhaps, and so far experience is assumed to have confirmed, to exercise

a salutary bearing upon the physical condition of the people, and to

reanimate the drooping energies of the country, can, however, receive

the full, the just development of all the large and beneficial

consequences promised, only as commercial intercourse is extended, as

new marts are opened, and as hostile tariffs are mitigated or abated, by

which former markets have been comparatively closed against the products

of British industry. The fiscal changes already operated, may be said to

have laid the foundation, and prepared the way, for this extension and

revival of our foreign commercial relations; but it remains alone for

our commercial policy to raise the superstructure and consummate the

work, if the foundations be of such solidity as we are assured on high

authority they are. In the promotion of national prosperity,

colonization may prove a gradually efficient auxiliary; but as a remedy

for present ills, its action must evidently be too slow and restricted;

and even though it should be impelled to a geometrical ratio of

progression, still would the prospect of effectual relief be discernible

only through a vista of years. Meanwhile, time presses, and the patient

might perish if condemned alone to the homoeopathic process of

infinitesimal doses of relief.

The statesman who entered upon the Government with his scheme of policy,

reflected and silently matured as a whole, (as we may take for granted,)

with principles determined, and his course chalked out in a right line,

was not, assuredly, tardy, whilst engaged with the work of fiscal

revision, in proceeding practically to the enlargement of the basis of

the commercial system of the empire. An advantageous treaty of commerce

with the young but rising republic of Monte Video, rewarded his first

exertions, and is there to attest also the zealous co-operation of his

able and accomplished colleague, Lord Aberdeen. This treaty is not

important only in reference to the greater facilities and increase of

trade, conceded with the provinces on the right bank of the river Plate,

and of the Uruguay and Parana, but inasmuch also as, in the possible

failure of the negotiations for the renewal of the commercial treaty

with Brazil, now approaching its term, it cannot fail to secure easy

access for British wares in the territory of Rio Grande, lying on the

borders of the republic of the Uruguay, and far the most extensive,

though not the most populous, of Brazilian provinces; and this in

despite of the Government of Brazil, which does not, and cannot, possess

the means for repressing its intercourse with Monte Video, even though

its possession and authority were as absolute and acknowledged in Rio

Grande as they are decidedly the reverse. The next, and the more

difficult, achievement of Conservative diplomacy resulted in the

ratification of a supplementary commercial convention with Russia. We

say difficult, because the iron-bound exclusiveness and isolation of the

commercial, as well as of the political, system of St Petersburg, is

sufficiently notorious; and it must have required no small exercise of

sagacity and address to overcome the known disinclination of that

Cabinet to any relaxation of the restrictive policy which, as the

Autocrat lately observed to a distinguished personage, "had been handed

down to him from his ancestors, and was found to work well for the

interests of his empire." The peculiar merits of this treaty are as

little understood, however, as they have been unjustly depreciated in

some quarters, and the obstacles to the accomplishment overlooked. It

will be sufficient to state, on the present occasion, that notice had

been given by the Russian Government, of the resolution to subject

British shipping, importing produce other than of British, or British

colonial origin, to the payment of differential or discriminating duties

on entrance into Russian ports. The result of such a measure would have

been to put an entire stop to that branch of the carrying trade, which

consisted in supplying the Russian market with the produce of other

European countries, and of Brazil, Cuba, and elsewhere, direct in

British bottoms. To avert this determination, representations were not

spared, and at length negotiations were consented to. But for some time

they wore but an unpromising appearance, were more than once suspended,

if not broken off, and little, if any, disposition was exhibited on the

part of the Russian Government to listen to terms of compromise. After

upwards of twelvemonths' delay, hesitation, and diplomacy, the

arrangement was finally completed, which was laid before Parliament at

the commencement of the session. It may be accepted as conclusive

evidence of the tact and skill of the British negotiators, that, in

return for waiving the alterations before alluded to, and leaving

British shipping entitled to the same privileges as before, it was

agreed that the produce of Russian Poland, shipped from Prussian ports

in Russian vessels, should be admissible into the ports of Great Britain

on the same conditions of duty as if coming direct and loaded from

Russian ports. As the greater part of Russian Poland lies inland, and

communicates with the sea only through the Prussian ports, it was no

more than just and reasonable that Russian Polish produce so brought to

the coast--to Dantzig, for example--should be admissible here in Russian

bottoms on the same footing as if from a Russian port. To this country

it could be a matter of slight import whether such portion of the

produce so shipped in Prussian ports as was carried in foreign, and not

in British bottoms, came in Russian vessels or in those of Prussia, as

before. To Russia, however, the boon was clearly of considerable

interest, and valued accordingly. In the mean time, British shipping

retains its former position, in respect of the carriage of foreign

produce; and, however hostile Russian tariffs may be to British

manufactured products--as hostile to the last degree they are, as well

as against the manufactured wares of all other States--it is undeniable

that our commercial marine enjoys a large proportion of the carrying

trade with Russia--almost a monopoly, in fact, of the carrying trade

between the two countries direct. Of 1147 foreign ships which sailed

with cargoes during the year 1842 from the port of Cronstadt, 515 were

British, with destination direct to the ports of the United Kingdom,

whilst only forty-one foreign or Russian vessels were loaded and left

during that year for British ports. Of 525 British vessels, of the

aggregate burden of nearly 118,000 tons, which anchored in the roadstead

of Cronstadt in that year, 472 were direct from the United Kingdom, and

fifty-three from various other countries, such as the two Sicilies,

Spain, Cuba, South America, &c. The number of British vessels which

entered the port of St Petersburg, as Cronstadt in fact is, was more

considerable still in 1840 and 1841--having been in the first year, 662,

of the aggregate burden of 146,682 tons; in the latter, of 645 ships and

146,415 tons. Of the total average number of vessels by which the

foreign trade of that empire is carried on, and load and leave the ports

of Russia yearly, which, in round numbers, may be taken at about 6000,

of an aggregate tonnage of 1,000,000--ships sailing on ballast not

comprehended--the average number of ships under the Russian flag,

comprised in the estimate, does not much, if any, exceed 1000, of the

aggregate burden of 150 or 160,000 tons. This digression, though it has

led us further astray from our main object than we had contemplated,

will not be without its uses, if it serve to correct some exaggerated

notions which prevail about the comparative valuelessness

of our commerce with Russia, because of its assumed entire

one-sidedness--losing sight altogether of its vast consequence to the

shipping interest; and of the freightage, which is as much an article of

commerce and profit as cottons and woollens; oblivious, moreover, of the

great political question involved in the maintenance and aggrandisement

of that shipping interest, which must be taken to account by the

statesman and the patriot as redressing to no inconsiderable extent the

adverse action of unfriendly tariffs. It is only after careful

ponderance of these and other combined considerations, that the value of

any trading relations with Russia can be clearly understood, and that

the importance of the supplementary treaty of navigation recently

carried through, with success proportioned to the remarkable ability and

perseverance displayed, can be duly appreciated. It is, undoubtedly, the

special economical event of the day, upon which the commercial, and

scarcely less the political, diplomacy of the Government may be most

justly complimented for its mastery of prejudices and impediments,

which, under the circumstances, and in view of the peculiar system to be

combated, appeared almost insurmountable. Common honesty and candour

must compel this acknowledgment, even from men so desperate in their

antipathies to the political system of Russia, as Mr Urquhart or Mr

Cargill--antipathies, by the way, with which we shall not hesitate to

express a certain measure of participation.

We shall not dwell upon those other negotiations, now and for some time

past in active progress with France, with Brazil, with Naples, with

Austria, and with Portugal, by which Sir Robert Peel is so zealously

labouring to fill up the broad outlines of his economical policy--a

policy which represents the restoration of peace to the nation, progress

to industry, and plenty to the cottage; but which also otherwise is not

without its dangers. Amidst the whirlwind of passions, the storm of

hatred and envy, conjured by the evil genius of his predecessors in

office, and most notably by the malignant star which lately ruled over

the foreign destinies of England, the task has necessarily been, yet is,

and will be, Herculean; but the force of Hercules is there also, as may

be hoped, to wrestle with and overthrow the hydra--the Æolus to recall

and encage the tempestuous elements of strife. A host in himself, hosts

also the premier has with him in his cabinet; for such singly are the

illustrious Wellington, the Aberdeen, the Stanley, the Graham, the

Ripon, and, though last, though youngest, scarcely least, the Gladstone.

Great as is our admiration, deeply impressed as we are with a sense of

the extraordinary qualifications, of the varied acquirements, of the

conscientious convictions, and the singleness and rightmindedness of

purpose of the right honourable the vice-president of the Board of

Trade, we must yet presume to hesitate before we give an implicit

adherence upon all the points in the confession of economical faith

expressed and implied in an article attributed to him, and not without

cause, which ushered into public notice the first number of a new

quarterly periodical, "The Foreign and Colonial Quarterly Review," in

January last, and was generally accepted as a programme of ministerial

faith and action. Our points of dissonance are, however, few; but, as

involving questions of principle, whilst we are generally at one on

matters of detail, we hold them to be of some importance. This, however,

is not the occasion proper for urging them, when engaged on a special

theme. But on a question of fact, which has a bearing upon the subject

in hand, we may be allowed to express our decided dissent from the

_dictum_ somewhat arbitrarily launched, in the article referred to, in

the following terms:--"We shall urge that foreign countries neither have

combined, nor ought to combine, nor can combine, against the commerce of

Great Britain; and we _shall treat as a calumny the imputation that they

are disposed to enter into such a combination_." The italics, it must be

observed, are ours.

We have at this moment evidence lying on our table sufficiently

explanatory and decisive to our minds that such a spirit of combination

is abroad against British commercial interests. We might indeed appeal

to events of historical publicity, which would seem confirmatory of a

tacitly understood combination, from the simultaneity of action

apparent. We have, for example, France reducing the duties on Belgian

iron, coal, linen, yarn, and cloths, whilst she raises those on similar

British products; the German Customs' League imposing higher and

prohibitory duties on British fabrics of mixed materials, such as wool,

cotton, silk, &c.; puny Portugal interdicting woollens by exorbitant

rates of impost, and scarcely tolerating the admission of cotton

manufactures; the United States, with sweeping action, passing a whole

tariff of prohibitory imposts; and, in several of these instances, this

war of restrictions against British industry commenced, or immediately

followed upon, those remarkable changes and reductions in the tariff of

this country which signalized the very opening of Sir Robert Peel's

administration. Conceding, however, this seeming concert of action to be

merely fortuitous, what will the vice-president of the Board of Trade

say to the long-laboured, but still unconsummated customs' union between

France and Belgium? Was that in the nature of a combination against

British commercial interests, or was it the reverse? It is no cabinet

secret--it has been publicly proclaimed, both by the French and Belgian

Governments and press, that the indispensable basis, the _sine qua non_

of that union, must be, not a calculated amalgamation of, not a

compromise between the differing and inconsistent tariffs of Belgium and

France, but the adoption, the imposition, of the tariff of France for

both countries in all its integrity, saving in some exceptional cases of

very slight importance, in deference to municipal dues and _octrois_ in

Belgium. When, after previous parley and cajoleries at Brussels,

commissioners were at length procured to be appointed by the French

ministry, and proceeded to meet and discuss the conditions of the

long-cherished project of the union, with the officials deputed on the

part of France to assist in the conference, it is well known that the

final cause of rupture was the dogged persistance of the French members

of the joint commission in urging the tariff of France, in all its

nakedness of prohibition, deformity, and fiscal rigour, as the one sole

and exclusive _régime_ for the union debated, without modification or

mitigation. On this ground alone the Belgian deputies withdrew from

their mission. How this result, this check, temporary only as it may

prove, chagrined the Government, if not the people, and the mining and

manufacturing interests of France, may be understood by the simple

citation of a few short but pithy sentences from the _Journal des

Débats_, certainly the most influential, as it is the most ably

conducted, of Parisian journals:--"_Le 'ZOLLVEREIN,'_" observes the

_Débats, "a prodigieusement rehaussé la Prusse; l'union douanière avec

la Belgique aurait, à un degré moindre cependant, le même résultat pour

nous.... Nous sommes, donc, les partisans de cette union, ses partisans

prononcés, à deux conditions: la première, c'est qu'il ne faille pas

payer ces beaux résultats par le bouleversement de l'industrie

rationale; la seconde, c'est que la Belgique en accepte sincèrement es

charges en même temps qu'elle en recuiellera les profits, et qu'en

consequence elle se prête à tout ce qui sera nécessaire pour mettre

NOTRE INDUSTRIE A L'ABRI DE L'INVASION DES PRODUITS ETRANGERS, et pour

que les intérêts de notre Trésor soient à couvert._" This is plain

speaking; the Government journal of France worthily disdains to practise

mystery or attempt deception, for its mission is to contend for the

interests, one-sided, exclusive, and egoistical, as they may be, and

establish the supremacy of France--_quand même_; at whatever resulting

prejudice to Belgium--at whatever total exclusion of Great Britain from

commercial intercourse with, and commercial transit through Belgium,

must inevitably flow from a customs' union, the absolute preliminary

condition of which is to be, that Belgium "shall be ready to do every

thing necessary to place our commerce beyond the reach of invasion by

foreign products." Mr Gladstone may rest assured that the achievement of

this Franco-Belgiac customs' union will still be pursued with all the

indomitable perseverance, the exhaustless and ingenious devices, the

little-scrupulous recources, for which the policy of the Tuileries in

times present does not belie the transmitted traditions of the past. And

it will be achieved, to the signal detriment of British interests, both

commercial and political, unless all the energies and watchfulness of

the distinguished statesmen who preside at the Foreign Office and the

Board of Trade be not unceasingly on the alert.

Other and unmistakeable signs of the spirit of commercial combination,

or confederation, abroad, and more or less explicitly avowed and

directed against this country, are, and have been for some time past,

only too patent, day by day, in most of those continental journals, the

journals of confederated Germany, of France, with some of those of Spain

and of Portugal, which exercise the largest measure of influence upon,

and represent with most authority the voice of, public opinion. Nor are

such demonstrations confined to journalism. _Collaborateurs_, in serial

or monthly publications, are found as earnest auxiliaries in the same

cause--as _redacteurs_ and _redactores_; pamphleteers, like light

irregulars, lead the skirmish in front, whilst the main battle is

brought up with the heavy artillery of _tome_ and works voluminous. Of

these, as of _brochures, filletas_, and journals, we have various

specimens now on our library table. All manner of customs, or commercial

unions, between states are projected, proposed, and discussed, but from

each and all of these proposed unions Great Britain is studiously

isolated and excluded. We have the "Austrian union" planned out and

advocated, comprising, with the hereditary states of that empire,

Moldavia, Wallachia, Bulgaria, Servia, Bosnia, as well as those

provinces of ancient Greece, which, like Macedonia, remain subject to

Turkey, with, perhaps, the modern kingdom of Greece. We have the

"Italian union," to be composed of Sardinia, Lombardy, Lucca, Parma, and

Modena, Tuscany, the two Sicilies, and the Papal States. There is the

"Peninsular union" of Spain and Portugal. Then we have one "French

union" sketched out, modestly projected for France, Belgium,

Switzerland, and Savoy only. And we have another of more ambitious

aspirations, which should unite Belgium, Switzerland, and Spain under

the commercial standard of France. One of the works treating of projects

of this kind was, we believe, crowned with a prize by some learned

institution in France.

From this slight sketch of what is passing abroad--and we cannot afford

the space at present for more ample development--the right honourable

Vice President of the Board of Trade will perhaps see cause to revise

the opinion too positively enounced, that "foreign countries neither

have combined, nor ought to combine, nor can combine, against the

commerce of Great Britain;" and that it is a "calumny" to conceive that

they are "disposed to enter into such a combination."

With these preliminary remarks, we now proceed to the consideration of

the commercial relations between Spain and Great Britain, and of the

policy in the interest of both countries, but transcendently in that of

Spain, by which those relations, now reposing on the narrowest basis, at

least on the one side, on that of Spain herself, may be beneficially

improved and enlarged. It may be safely asserted, that there are no two

nations in the old world--nay more, no two nations in either, or both,

the old world and the new--more desirably situated and circumstanced for

an intimate union of industrial interests, for so direct and perfect an

interchange of their respective products. The interchange would, indeed,

under a wise combination of reciprocal dealing, resolve itself purely

almost into the primitive system of barter; for the wants of Spain are

such as can be best, sometimes only, supplied from England, whilst Spain

is rich in products which ensure a large, sometimes an exclusive,

command of British consumption. Spain is eminently agricultural,

pastoral, and mining; Great Britain more eminently ascendant still in

the arts and science of manufacture and commerce. With a diversity of

soil and climate, in which almost spontaneously flourish the chief

productions of the tropical as of the temperate zone; with mineral

riches which may compete with, nay, which greatly surpass in their

variety, and might, if well cultivated, in their value, those of the

Americas which she has lost; with a territory vast and virgin in

proportion to the population; with a sea-board extensively ranging along

two of the great high-ways of nations--the Atlantic and the

Mediterranean--and abundantly endowed with noble and capacious harbours;

there is no conceivable limit to the boundless production and creation

of exchangeable wealth, of which, with her immense natural resources,

still so inadequately explored, Spain is susceptible, that can be

imagined, save from that deficient supply of labour as compared with the

territorial expanse which would gradually come to be redressed as

industry was promoted, the field of employment extended, and labour

remunerated. With an estimated area of 182,758 square miles, the

population of Spain does not exceed, probably, thirteen millions and a

half of souls, whilst Great Britain and Ireland, with an area of 115,702

square miles, support a population of double the number. Production,

however, squares still less with territorial extent than does

population; for the stimulus to capital and industry is wanting when the

facilities of exchanges are checked by fiscal prohibitions and

restrictions. Agricultural produce, the growth of the vine and the

olive, is not unfrequently known to run to waste, to be abandoned, as

not worth the toil of gathering and preparation, because markets are

closed and consumption checked in countries from which exchangeable

commodities are prohibited. The extent of these prohibitions and

restrictions, almost unparalleled even by the arbitrary tariff of

Russia, may be estimated in part by the following extract from a

pamphlet, published last year by Mr James Henderson, formerly

consul-general to the Republic of New Granada, entitled "A Review of the

Commercial Code and Tariffs of Spain;" a writer, by the way, guilty of

much exaggeration of fact and opinion when not quoting from, or

supported by, official documents.

"The 'Aranceles,' or Tariffs, are four in number; 1st, of

foreign importations; 2d, of importations from America; 3d,

from Asia; and, 4th, of exportations from Spain.

"The Tariff of foreign importations contains 1326 articles

alphabetically arranged:--

800 to pay a duty of 15 per cent in Spanish vessels,

230 " " 20 "

80 " " 25 "

55 " " 10 "

26 " " 30 "

3 " " 36 "

2 " " 24 "

2 " " 45 "

about 50 from 1 to 8 per cent, and the rest free of duty.

"The preceding articles imported in foreign vessels are subject

to an increased duty, at the following rates:--

1150 articles at the rate of 1/8 more,

80 " " 1/4 more,

10 " " 1/2 more.

"There is, besides, a duty of 'consumo,' principally at the

rate of 1/8 of the respective duties, and in some very few

cases at the rate of 1/4 and 1/2.

"Thus the duty of 15 per cent levied, if the importation is by

a Spanish vessel, will be increased by the 'consumo' to 20 per

cent. And the duty of 20 per cent on the same articles, in

foreign vessels, will be augmented to 27 per cent.

"The duty of 20 per cent will be about 27 in Spanish vessels,

and in foreign vessels, on the same articles, 36 per cent. The

duty of 25 per cent, will in the whole be 33 per cent by

Spanish, and by foreign vessels 44 per cent.

"The duty on articles, amounting to seventy-three, imported

from America, vary from 1 to 15 per cent, with double the duty

if in foreign vessels.

"The articles of importation from Asia are--sixty-nine from the

Phillipines at 1 to 5 per cent duty, and thirty-six from China

at 5 to 25 per cent duty, and can only be imported in Spanish

ships.

"The articles of export are fourteen, with duties at 1 to 80

per cent, with one-third increase if by foreign vessels.

"There are eighty-six articles of importation prohibited,

amongst which are wrought iron, tobacco, spirits, quicksilver,

ready-made clothing, corn, salt, hats, soap, wax, wools,

leather, vessels under 400 tons, &c. &c. &c.

"There are eleven articles of exportation prohibited, amongst

which are hides, skins, and timber for naval purposes."

Such a tariff contrasts strangely with that of this country, in which 10

per cent is the basis of duty adopted for importations of foreign

manufactures, and 5 per cent for foreign raw products.

Can we wonder that, with such a tariff, legitimate imports are of so

small account, and that the smuggler intervenes to redress the

enormously disproportionate balance, and administer to the wants of the

community? Can we wonder that the powers of native production should be

so bound down, and territorial revenue so comparatively diminutive, when

exchanges are so hampered by fiscal and protective rapacity? Canga

Arguelles, the first Spanish financier and statistician of his day,

calculated the territorial revenue of Spain at 8,572,220,592 reals, say,

in sterling, L.85,722,200; whilst he asserts, with better cultivation,

population the same, the soil is capable of returning ten times the

value. As a considerable proportion of the revenue of Spain is derived

from the taxation of land, the prejudice resulting to the treasury is

alone a subject of most important consideration. For the proprietary,

and, in the national point of view, as affecting the well-being of the

masses, it is of far deeper import still. And what is the financial

condition of Spain, that her vast resources should be apparently so

idle, sported with, or cramped? Take the estimates, the budget,

presented by the minister _De ca Hacienda_, for the past year of 1842:--

Revenue 1842, 879,193,400 reals

Id. expenditure, 1,541,639,800 id.

-------------

Deficit on the year, 662,446,400

Thus, with a revenue of L.8,791,934, an expenditure of L.15,416,398, and

a deficit of L.6,624,460, the debt of Spain, foreign and domestic, is

almost an unfathomable mystery as to its real amount. Even at this

present moment, it cannot be said to be determined; for that amount

varies with every successive minister who ventures to approach the

question. Multifarious have been the attempts to arrive at a clear

liquidation--that is, classification and ascertainment of claims; but

hitherto with no better success than to find the sum swelling under the

labour, notwithstanding national and church properties confiscated,

appropriated, and exchanged away against _titulos_ of debt by millions.

It is variously estimated at from 120 to 200 millions sterling, but say

150 millions, under the different heads of debt active, passive, and

deferred; debt bearing interest, debt without interest, and debt

exchangeable in part--that is, payable in certain fixed proportions, for

the purchase of national and church properties. For a partial

approximation to relative quantities, we must refer the reader, for want

of better authority, to Fenn's "Compendium of the English and Foreign

Funds"--a work containing much valuable information, although not

altogether drawn from the best sources.

In the revenues of Spain, the customs enter for about 70,000,000 of

reals, say L.700,000 only, including duties on exports as well as

imports. Now, assuming the contraband imports to amount only to the

value of L.6,000,000, a moderate estimate, seeing that some writers, Mr

Henderson among the number, rashly calculate the contraband imports

alone at eight, and even as high as ten, millions sterling, it should

follow that, at an average rate of duty of twenty per cent, the customs

should yield additionally L.1,200,000, or nearly double the amount now

received under that head. As, through the cessation of the civil war, a

considerable portion of the war expenditure will be, and is being

reduced, the additional L.1,200,000 gained, by an equitable adjustment

of the tariff, on imports alone, perhaps we should be justified in

saying one million and a half, or not far short of two millions

sterling, import and export duties combined, would go far to remedy the

desperation of Spanish financial embarrassments--the perfect solution

and clearance of which, however, must be, under the most favourable

circumstances, an affair of many years. It is not readily or speedily

that the prodigalities of Toreno, or the unscrupulous, but more

patriotic financial impostures of Mendizabal, can be retrieved, and the

national faith redeemed. The case is, to appearance, one past relief;

but, with honest and incorruptible ministers of finance like Ramon

Calatrava, hope still lingers in the long perspective. With an

enlightened commercial policy on the one hand, with the retrenchment of

a war expenditure on the other, the balance between receipts and

expenditure may come to be struck, an excess of revenue perhaps created;

whilst the sales of national domains against _titulos_ of debt, if

managed with integrity, should make way towards its gradual diminution.

As there is much misapprehension, and many exaggerations, afloat

respecting the special participation of Great Britain in the contraband

trade of Spain, its extraordinary amount, and the interest assumed

therefrom which would result exclusively from, and therefore induces the

urgency for, an equitable reform of the tariff of Spain, we shall

briefly take occasion to show the real extent of the British share in

that illicit trade, so far as under the principal heads charged; and

having exhibited that part of the case in its true, or approximately

true, light, we shall also prove that it is, as it should be, the

primary interest of this country to regain its due proportion in the

regular trade with Spain, and which can only be regained by legitimate

intercourse, founded on a reciprocal, and therefore identical,

combination of interests. In this strife of facts we shall have to

contend against Señor Marliani, and others of the best and most

steadfast advocates of a more enlightened policy, of sympathies entirely

and patriotically favourable towards a policy which shall cement and

interweave indissolubly the material interests and prosperity of Spain

and Great Britain--of two realms which possess each those products and

peculiar advantages in which the other is wanting, and therefore stand

seized of the special elements required for the successful progress of

each other. Our contest will, however, be one of friendly character, our

differences will be of facts, but not of principles. But we hold it to

be of importance to re-establish facts, as far as possible, in all their

correctness; or rather, to reclaim them from the domain of vague

conjecture and speculation in which they have been involved and lost

sight of. The task will not be without its difficulties; for the

position and precise data are wanting on which to found, with even a

reasonable approximation to mathematical accuracy, a comprehensive

estimate, to resolve into shape the various and complex elements of

Spanish industry and commerce, legitimate and contraband. Statistical

science--for which Spain achieved an honourable renown in the last

century, and may cite with pride her Varela, Musquiz, Gabarrus, Ulloa,

Jovellanos, &c., was little cultivated or encouraged in that decay of

the Spanish monarchy which commenced with the reign of the idiotic

Carlos IV., and his venal minister Godoy, and in the wars and

revolutions which followed the accession, and ended not with the death

of Fernando his son, the late monarch--was almost lost sight of; though

Canga Arguelles, lately deceased only, might compete with the most

erudite economist, here or elsewhere, of his day. Therefore it is, that

few are the statistical documents or returns existing in Spain which

throw any clear light upon the progress of industry, or the extent and

details of her foreign commerce. Latterly, indeed, the Government has

manifested a commendable solicitude to repair this unfortunate defect of

administrative detail, and has commenced with the periodical collection

and verification of returns and information from the various ports,

which may serve as the basis--and indispensable for that end they must

be--on which to reform the errors of the present, or raise the

superstructure of a new, fiscal and commercial system. Notwithstanding,

however, the difficulties we are thus exposed to from the lack or

incompleteness of official data on the side of Spain, we hope to present

a body of useful information illustrative of her commerce, industry, and

policy; in especial, we hope to dispel certain grave misconceptions, to

redress signal exaggeration about the extent of the contraband trade,

rankly as it flourishes, carried on along the coasts, and more largely

still, perhaps, by the land frontiers of that country, at least so far

as British participation. Various have been the attempts to establish

correct conclusions, to arrive at some fixed notions of the precise

quantities of that illicit traffic; but hitherto the results generally

have been far from successful, except in one instance. In a series of

articles on the commerce of Spain, published under the head of "Money

Market and City Intelligence," in the months of December and January

last, the _Morning Herald_ was the first to observe and to apply the

data in existence by which such an enquiry could be carried out, and

which we purpose here to follow out on a larger scale, and with

materials probably more abundant and of more recent date.

The whole subject of Spanish commerce is one of peculiar interest, and,

through the more rigorous regulations recently adopted against

smuggling, is at this moment exciting marked attention in France, which,

it will be found with some surprise, is far the largest smuggler of

prohibited commodities into Spain, although the smallest consumer of

Spanish products in return. It is in no trifling degree owing to the

jealous and exclusive views which unhappily prevail with our nearest

neighbour across the Channel, that the prohibitory tariff, scarcely more

adverse to commercial intercourse than that of France after all, which

robs the revenue of Spain, whilst it covers the country with hosts of

smugglers, has not sooner been revised and reformed. France is not

willing to enter into a confederacy of interests with Spain herself, nor

to permit other nations, on any fair equality of conditions, and with

the abandonment of those unjust pretensions to special privileges in her

own behalf, which, still tenaciously clinging to Bourbonic traditions of

by-gone times, would affect to annihilate the Pyrenees, and regard Spain

as a dependent possession, reserved for the exclusive profit and the

commercial and political aggrandisement of France. That these

exaggerated pretensions are still entertained as an article of national

faith, from the sovereign on his throne to the meanest of his subjects,

we have before us, at this moment of writing, conclusive evidence in the

report of M. Chégaray, read in the Chamber of Deputies on the 11th of

April last, (_vide Moniteur_ of the 12th,) drawn up by a commission, to

whom was referred the consideration of the actual commercial relations

of France with Spain--provoked by various petitions of the merchants of

Bayonne, and other places, complaining of the prejudice resulting to

their commerce and shipping from certain alterations in the Spanish

customs' laws, decreed by the Regent in 1841. We may have occasion

hereafter to make further reference to this report.

The population of Spain may be rated in round numbers at thirteen

millions and a half, whilst that of the United Kingdom may be taken at

about double the number. With a wise policy, therefore, the interchange

should be of an active and most extensive nature betwixt two countries,

reckoning together more than forty millions of inhabitants, one of

which, with a superficial breadth of territory out of all proportion

with a comparatively thinly-scattered community, abounding with raw

products and natural riches of almost spontaneous growth; whilst the

other, as densely peopled, on the contrary, in comparison with its

territorial limits, is stored with all the elements, and surpasses in

all the arts and productions of manufacturing industry. Unlike France,

Great Britain does not rival Spain in wines, oils, fruits, and other

indigenous products of southern skies, and therefore is the more free to

act upon the equitable principle of fair exchange in values for values.

Great Britain has a market among twenty-seven millions of an active and

intelligent people, abounding in wealth and advanced in the tastes of

luxurious living, to offer against one presenting little more than half

the range of possible customers. She has more; she has the markets of

the millions of her West Indies and Americas--of the tens of millions of

British India, amongst whom a desire for the various fruits and

delicious wines of Spain might gradually become diffused for a thousand

of varieties of wines which, through the pressure of restrictive duties,

are little if at all known to European consumption beyond the boundaries

of Spain herself. With such vast fields of commercial intercourse open

on the one side and the other, with the bands of mutual material

interests combining so happily to bind two nations together which can

have no political causes of distrust and estrangement, it is really

marvellous that the direct relations should be of so small account, and

so hampered by jealous adherence to the strict letter of an absurd

legislation, as in consequence to be diverted from their natural course

into other and objectionable channels--as the waters of the river

artificially dammed up will overflow its banks, and, regaining their

level, speed on by other pathways to the ocean. We shall briefly

exemplify the force of these truths by the citation of official figures

representing the actual state of the trade between Spain and the United

Kingdom antecedent to and concluding with the year 1840, which is the

last year for which in detail the returns have yet issued from the Board

of Trade. That term, however, would otherwise be preferentially

selected, because affording facilities for comparison with similar but

partial returns only of foreign commerce made up in Spain to the same

period, little known in this country, and with the French customhouse

returns of the trade of France with Spain. It must be premised that the

tables of the Board of Trade in respect of import trade, as well as of

foreign and colonial re-exports, state quantities only, but not values;

nor do they present any criteria by which values approximately might be

determined. Where, therefore, such values are attempted to be arrived

at, it will be understood that the calculations are our own, and pretend

no more--for no more could be achieved--than a rough estimate of

probable approximation.

Total declared value of British and Irish produce and manufactures

exported to Spain and the Balearic Isles in--

1840, amounted to L.404,252

1835, 405,065

1831, 597,848

From the first to the last year of the decennial term, the regular

trade, therefore, had declined to the extent of above L.193,000, or at

the rate of about 33 per cent. But as for three of the intermediate

years 1837, 1838, and 1839, the exports are returned at L.286,636,

L.243,839, and L.262,231, exclusive of fluctuations downwards in

previous years, it will be more satisfactory to take the averages for

five years each, of the term. Thus from--

1831 to 1835, both inclusive, the average was L.442,916

1836 to 1840, 320,007

The average decline in the latter term, was therefore above 27-1/2 per

cent.

Of the Foreign and Colonial merchandise re-exported within the same

period it is difficult to say what proportion was for British account,

and, as such, should therefore be classed under the head of trade with

Spain. It may be assumed, however, that the following were the products

of British colonial possessions, whose exports to Spain are thus stated

in quantities:--

1831. 1835. 1840.

Cinnamon, 284,201 123,590 144,291 lbs.

Cloves, 15,831 9,470 23,504 ...

India Cottons, 38,969 3,267 10,067 pieces

India Bandannas, 17,386 11,864 16,049 ...

Indigo, 16,641 5,231 8,623 lbs.

Pepper, 227,305 69,365 194,254 ...

To which may be added--

Tobacco, 64,851 2,252,356 1,729,552 ...

The tobacco, being of United States' growth, may, to a considerable

extent, be bonded here for re-exportation on foreign account merely. The

foregoing, though the heaviest, are not the whole of the foreign and

colonial products re-exported for Spain, but they constitute the great

bulk of value. Taking those of the last year, their value may be

approximatively estimated in round numbers, as calculated upon what may

be assumed a fair average of the rates of the prices current in the

market, as they appear quoted in the London _Mercantile Journal_ of the

4th of April. It is only necessary to take the more weighty articles.

Cinnamon, 144,290 lbs. at 5s. 6d. L.39,679

Indigo, 8,620 -- at 6s. 2,586

Pepper, 194,250 -- at 4d. 3,232

Tobacco, 1,729,550 -- at 4d. 28,825

Indian Bandannas, 16,049 pieces at 25s. 20,061

It may, we conceive, be assumed from these citations of some few of the

larger values exported to Spain under the head of "Foreign and Colonial

Merchandise," that the total amount of such values, inclusive of all the

commodities non-enumerated here, would not exceed L.150,000, which,

added to the L.404,252 already stated as the "declared values" of

"British and Irish produce" also exported, would give a total export for

1840 of L.554,250.

We come now to the imports from Spain and the Balearic Isles, direct

also into the United Kingdom, as stated in the Board of Trade tables in

quantities; selecting the chief articles only, however:--

1831. 1835. 1840.

Barilla, 61,921 64,175 36,585 cwts.

Lemons and Oranges, 28,266 30,548 30,171 packages.

Madder, 1,569 3,418 6,174 cwts.

Olive Oil, 1,243,686 1,793 1,305,384 galls.

Quicksilver, 269,558 1,438,869 2,157,823 lbs.

Raisins, 105,066 104,334 166,505 cwts.

Brandy, 69,319 15,880 223,268 galls.

Wines, 2,537,968 2,641,547 3,945,161 galls.

Wool, 3,474,823 1,602,752 1,266,905 lbs.

Applying the same plan of calculation upon an average of the prices

ruling in the London market, we arrive at the following approximate

results:--

Barilla, 36,585 cwts. at 10s. per cwt. L.18,292

Lemons and oranges, 30,170 packages, at 30s. per packet, 45,255

Madder, 6174 cwts. at 30s per cwt. 9,261

Olive oil, 1,305,384 gallons, at L.45 per 252 gallons 233,100

Quicksilver, 2,157,823 lbs., at 4s. per lb., 431,564

Raisins, 166,505 cwts., at 40s. per cwt. 333,000

Brandy, 223,268 gallons, at 2s. 6d. per gallon, 27,900

Wines, 3,945,160, gallons, at L.20 per butt, 730,580

Wool, 1,266,900 lbs., at 2s. per lb., 126,690

---------

L.1,965,642

The value of the other articles of import from Spain,

which need not be enumerated here, amongst which

corn, skins, pig-lead, bark for tanning, &c., would

certainly swell this amount more by 200,000

---------

Total direct imports from Spain, L.2,165,642

On several of the foregoing commodities the average rates of price on

which they are calculated may be esteemed as moderate, such as wines,

brandies, raisins, &c.; and several are exclusive of duty charge, as

where the averages are estimated at the prices in bond. In other

commodities the average rates are inclusive of duty. Wines, brandies,

quicksilver, barilla, are exclusive of duty, for example; the others,

duty paid, but in some instances duties scarcely more than nominal. On

the other hand, it must be taken into the account, for the purpose of a

fair comparison, that these average estimates of the prices of imported

merchandise do include and are enhanced by the expense of freights and

the profits of the importer, and therefore all the difference must be in

excess of the cost price at which shipped, and by which estimated in

Spain. The "declared values" of British exports to Spain embrace but a

small proportion, perhaps, of these shipping charges, and are altogether

irrespective of duties levied on arrival in Spanish ports. As not only a

fair, but probably an outside allowance, let us, therefore, redress the

balance by striking off 20 per cent from the total estimated values of

imports from Spain to cover shipping charges, profits, and port-dues,

whether included in prices or not. The account will then stand thus:--

Estimated imports from Spain in round numbers L.2,165,000

Deduct 20 per cent, 433,000

-----------

Value of imports shipped, L.1,732,000

Deduct declared value of British exports to Spain, 554,000

-----------

Excess of Spanish imports direct on equalized

estimates of values, L.1,178,000

The acceptation is so common, it has been so long received as a truism

unquestionable as unquestioned, as well in Spain as in Great Britain, of

British commerce being one-sided, and carrying a large yearly balance

against the Peninsular state, that these figures of relative and

approximate quantities can hardly fail to excite a degree of

astonishment and of doubt also. It will be, as it ought to be, observed

at once, that the trade with Spain direct represents one part of the

question only; that the indirect trade through Gibraltar, and elsewhere,

might, in its results, reverse the picture. The objection is reasonable,

and we proceed to enquire how far it is calculated to affect the

statement.

The total "declared value" of the exports of British and Irish produce,

and manufactures to Gibraltar, for the year 1840, is stated at

£1,111,176

Of which, as more or less destined

for Spain, licitly or illicitly,

cotton manufactures, 635,821

Linens, &c., &c., 224,061

Woollens, 97,092

It may be asserted as a fact, for, although not on official authority,

yet we have it from respectable parties who have been resident on, and

well conversant with the commerce of that rock, that, of the cotton

goods thus imported into Gibraltar, the exports to Ceuta and the

opposite coast of Africa amount, on the average, to L.70,000 per annum.

Of linens and woollens a considerable proportion find their way there

also, and to Italian ports. Of British and colonial merchandise exported

to Gibraltar in the same year, the following may be considered to be

mainly, or to some extent, designed for introduction into Spain:--

Cinnamon value, 77,352 lbs., say value L.21,000

Indigo 26,000 lbs., say 7,800

Tobacco 610,000 lbs., say 10,166

Some cotton piece-goods from India, and silk goods, such as bandannas,

&c., pepper, cloves, &c., &c., were also exported there; say, inclusive

of the quantities enumerated above, to the total value of L.100,000 of

commodities, of which a considerable proportion was destined for Spain.

Assuming the whole of the cotton goods to be for introduction into

Spain, minus the quantity dispatched to the African coast, we have in

round numbers the value of

L.565,800

Say of linens one-third, 74,660

Of woollens, ib., 32,360

Of cinnamon, India goods,

and other articles, in

value L.90,000, minus

tobacco, one-half, 45,000

-------

L.717,820

Tobacco, the whole, 10,166

----------

Total indirect exports 727,986

To which add direct 554,000

---------

L.1,281,986

Again, however, various products of Spain are also imported into the

United Kingdom _via_ Gibraltar, such as--

Bark for tanning or dyeing, 5,724 tons, say value, L.51,500

Wool, 292,730 lbs. ib., 29,270

It may be fairly assumed, therefore, that to the extent of L.100,000 of

Spanish products, consisting, besides the foregoing, of wines, skins,

pig-lead, &c., &c., is brought here through Gibraltar, which, added to

the amount of the imports from Spain direct, will sum up the account

thus:--

Imports from Spain direct, L.1,732,000

_Via_ Gibraltar, 100,000

-----------

Total, L.1,832,000

Exports to Spain

direct, L.554,000

_Via_ Gibraltar, 727,900

---------

L.1,281,900

-----------

Excess in favour of Spain,

and against England, L.550,100

--A sum nearly equal to the amount of the exports to Spain direct. As we

remarked before, these figures and valuations, which are sufficiently

approximative of accuracy for any useful purpose, will take public men

and economists, both here and in Spain, by surprise. Amongst other of

the more distinguished men of the Peninsula, Señor Marliani, enlightened

statesman, and well studied in the facts of detail and the philosophy of

commercial legislation as he undoubtedly is, does not appear to have

exactly suspected the existence of evidence leading to such results.

From the incompleteness of the Spanish returns of foreign trade, it is

unfortunately not possible to test the complete accuracy of those given

here by collation. The returns before us, and they are the only ones yet

undertaken in Spain, and in order, embrace in detail nine only of the

principal ports:--

For Cadiz, Malaga, Carthagena, St

Sebastian, Bilboa, Santander,

Gijon, Corunna, and the Balearic

Isles, the total imports and exports

united are stated to have amounted,

in 1840, to about L.6,147,280

Employing 5782 vessels

of the aggregate tonnage

of 584,287

Of the foreign trade of other ports

and provinces no returns are made

out. All known of the important

seaport of Barcelona was, that its

foreign trade in the same year occupied

1,645 vessels of 173,790

tonnage. The special aggregate

exports from the nine ports cited to

the United Kingdom--the separate

commodities composing which, as

of imports, are given with exactness

of detail--are stated for 1840

in value at L.1,476,000

To which add, of raisins

alone, from Valencia,

about 184,000 cwts,

(other exports not given,)

value 185,000

Exports from Almeria, 13,000

---------

L.1,674,000

Although these are the principal ports of Spain, yet they are not the

only ports open to foreign trade, although, comparatively, the

proportion of foreign traffic shared by the others would be much less

considerable. It is remarkable, under the circumstances, how closely

these Spanish returns of exports to Great Britain approach to our own

valuations of the total imports from Spain direct, as calculated from

market prices upon the quantities alone rendered in the tables of the

Board of Trade.

Our valuation of the direct imports

from Spain being L.1,732,000

The Spanish valuation, 1,674,000

The public writers and statesmen of Spain have long held, and still

maintain the opinion, that the illicit introduction into that country of

British manufactures whose legal import is prohibited, or greatly

restricted by heavy duties, is carried on upon a much more extensive

scale than what is, or can be, the case. In respect of cotton goods, the

fact is particularly insisted upon. It may be confidently asserted, for

it is susceptible of proof, that much exaggeration is abroad on the

subject. We shall bring some evidence upon the point. There can be no

question that, so far as British agency is directly concerned, or

British interest involved, in the contraband introduction of cottons, or

other manufactures, or tobacco, it is almost exclusively represented by

the trade with Gibraltar. We are satisfied, moreover, that the Spanish

consumption of cotton goods is overrated, as well as the amount of the

clandestine traffic. Señor Marliani an authority generally worthy of

great respect, errs on this head with many others of his countrymen. In

a late work, entitled _De la Influencia del Sistema prohibitiva en la

Agricultura, Commercio, y rentas Publicas_, he comes to the following

calculation:--

Imported direct to Spain, L.34,687

To Gibraltar, 608,581

To Portugal, £731,673, of

which three-fourths find

their way to Spain, 540,000

---------

Total, L.1,183,268

Again, Great Britain imports annually into Italy to the amount of

£2,005,785 in cotton goods, £500,000 worth of which, it is not too much

to assume, go into Spain through the ports of Leghorn and Genoa. Adding

together, then, these several items of cotton goods introduced from

France and England into Spain by contraband, we arrive at the following

startling result:--

FRANCE.

Cotton goods imported into

Spain, according to the

Government returns, L.1,331,608

ENGLAND.

Cotton goods through Spanish ports, 34,637

Through Gibraltar, 608,581

Through Portugal, 540,000

Through Leghorn, Genoa, &c. &c. 500,000

----------

Total, L.3,014,826

An extravagant writer, of the name of Pebrer, carried the estimate up to

£5,850,000. Señor Inclan, more moderate, still valued the import and

consumption at £2,720,000. A "Cadiz merchant," with another anonymous

writer of practical authority, calculated the amount, with more

sagacity, at £2,000,000 and £2,110,000 respectively. Señor Marliani is,

moreover, of opinion--considering the weight of tobacco, from six to

eight millions of pounds, assumed to be imported into Gibraltar for

illicit entrance into Spain, on the authority of Mr Porter, but the

words and work not expressly quoted; the tobacco, dressed skins, corn,

flour, &c. from France, with the illegal import of cottons--that the

whole contraband trade carried on in Spain cannot amount to less than

the enormous mass of one thousand millions of reals, or say _ten

millions_ sterling a-year. Conceding to the full the millions of pounds

of tobacco here registered as smuggled from Gibraltar, of which,

notwithstanding, we cannot stumble upon the official trace for half the

quantity, we must, after due reflection, withhold our assent wholly to

this very wide, if not wild, assumption of our Spanish friend. We are

inclined, on no slight grounds, to come to the conclusion, that the

amount of contraband trade really carried on is here surcharged by not

far short of one-half; that it cannot in any case exceed six millions

sterling--certainly still a bulk of illegitimate values sufficiently

monstrous, and almost incredible. We shall proceed to deal conclusively,

however, with that special branch of the traffic for which the materials

are most accessible and irrecusable, and the verification of truth

therefore scarcely left to the chances of speculation.

First, for the rectification for exact, or official, quantities and

values, we give the returns of the total exports of cotton manufactures,

taken from the tables of the Board of Trade:--

1840. Cotton manufactures, L.17,567,310

Yarns, 7,101,308

And for 1840 here are the exports to the countries specified:--

Declared Value.

1840. Cottons to Portugal, yards 37,002,209 L.681,787

Hosiery, lace, small wares, -- 20,403

Yarn, lbs. 175,545 2,796

Id. Cottons to Spain, yards 355,040 7,987

Hosiery, &c. -- 2,819

Yarn, lbs. -- 345

Id. Cottons to Gibraltar, yards 27,609,345 610,456

Hosiery, &c. -- 21,996

Yarn, lbs. -- 3,369

Id. Cottons to Italy and Italian Islands,yds.58,866,278 1,119,135

Hosiery, &c. -- 41,197

Yarn, lbs.11,490,034 510,040

-----------

Total, L.3,022,430

The discrepancies between some of the figures in these returns and those

cited by Señor Marliani, arise probably from their respective reference

to different years; they are, however, unimportant. We have already

shown, that, deducting the re-exports of cottons to Ceuta and the coast

of Africa opposite to Gibraltar, the value of those destined for Spain,

by way of the Rock; in 1840, could not exceed

L.565,800

We shall assume that _one-fourth_ only of the cottons exported

to Portugal find their way fraudulently into Spain--say 176,290

Say re-exports of cottons from Genoa to Gibraltar, assumed to

be for Spain, as per official return of that port for 1839, 31,400

Cotton goods direct to Spain from the United Kingdom, 11,150

---------

Total value of British cottons which could find their way into

Spain, direct and indirect, in 1840, L.784,640

----------

Instead of the amount exaggerated of Señor Marliani, L.1,663,268

Or the large excess in estimation, of 898,628

We have the official returns of the whole imports of cotton

manufactures, with the exports, of the Sardinian States for 1840, now

lying before us.

The imports were to the value of only L.443,360

Of which from the United Kingdom 242,680

Exported, or re-exported, 458,680

The _whole_ of which to Tuscany, the Two Sicilies, the Roman States,

Parma and Placentia, the Isle of Sardinia, and Austria. It will be

observed that there had been a great falling off in the trade with the

Sardinian States in 1840, as compared with 1838 and 1839; and here, for

greater convenience, we make free to extract the following remarks and

returns from our esteemed contemporary of the _Morning Herald_, with

some slight corrections of our own, when appropriately correcting

certain misrepresentations of Mr Henderson, similar to those of Señor

Marliani, respecting the assumed clandestine ingress of British cotton

goods into Spain from the Italian states:--

"Now the official customhouse returns of most of the Italian states are

lying before us--the returns of the Governments themselves--but

unfortunately none of them come down later than 1839, so that it is

impossible, however desirable, to carry out fully the comparison for

1840. Not that it is of any signification for more than uniformity,

because, on referring to years antecedent to 1839, the relation between

imports of cottons and re-exports, with the places from which imported

and to which re-exports took place, is not sensibly disturbed. The

returns for the whole of Sardinia are not possessed later than 1838, but

those for Genoa, its chief port, are for 1839, and nearly the whole

imports into Sardinia, as well as exports, are effected at Genoa. Thus

of the total imports of cotton goods into Sardinia in 1838, to the value

of about L.843,000, the amount into Genoa alone was L.823,000. That year

was one of excessive imports and 1839 one of equal depression, but this

can only bear upon the facts of the case so far as proportionate

quantities.

In 1839, total imports of cottons

into Genoa--value L.494,000

Of which from England 313,680

Total re-exports 475,000

Of which to Tuscany L.131,760

Naples and Sicily 110,800

Austria 61,080

Parma and Placentia 40,840

Sardinia Island 28,320

Switzerland 22,240

Roman States 14,880

GIBRALTAR 31,440

The total value of cottons introduced into the Roman states is stated

for 1839 at L.108,640, of which the whole imported from France,

Sardinia, and Tuscany--

1839. Total imports of cotton and

hempen manufactures classed

together into Tuscany

(Leghorn) L.440,000

Of woollens 117,200

"The total imports of woollen, cotton, and hempen goods together, in the

same year, were to the amount of L.155,000.

"Of the imports and exports of Naples, unfortunately, no accounts are

possessed; but the imports of cottons into the island of Sicily for 1839

were only to the extent of L.26,000, of which to the value of L.8,000

only from England. In 1838 the total imports of cottons were for

L.170,720, but no re-exportation from the island. The whole of the

inconsiderable exports of cottons from Malta are made to Turkey, Greece,

the Barbary States, Egypt, and the Ionian Isles, according to the

returns of 1839."

From these facts and figures, derived from official documents, of the

existence of which it is probable Señor Marliani was not aware, it will

be observed at once how extremely light and fallacious are the grounds

on which he jumps to conclusions. What more preposterous than the vague

assumption founded on data little better then guess-work, that

_one-fourth_ of the whole exports of British cottons to Italy and the

Italian islands, say L.500,000 out of L.2,000,000, go to Spain, when, in

point of fact, not one-tenth of the amount does, or can find its way

there--or could, under any conceivable circumstances short of an

absolute famine crop of fabrics in France and England. Neither prices

nor commercial profits could support the extra charges of a longer

voyage out, landing charges, transhipment and return voyage to the

coasts of Spain. It has been shown that in the year 1840, not the

shipment of a single yard of cottons took place from Genoa, the only

port admitting of the probability of such an operation.

Not less preposterous is the allegation, that three-fourths of the whole

exports of British cottons to Portugal are destined for, and introduced

into Spain by contraband. Assuming that Spain, with thirteen and a half

millions of people, consumes, in the whole, cotton goods to the value of

L.2,200,000

Why should not Portugal, with more than

three and a half millions of inhabitants,

that is more than one-fourth the population

of Spain, consume also more than one-fourth

the value of cotton goods, or say only 550,000?

Brazil, a _ci-devant_ colony of

Portugal, and with a Portuguese population,

as may be said, of 5,400,000, consumed

British cotton fabrics to the value, in

1840, of 1,525,000

So, also, why should not Italy and the

Italian islands, with twenty-two millions

of people, be able to consume as much

cotton values as Spain with 13-1/2 millions;

or say only the whole amount really exported

there from this country of 2,005,000?

It is necessary for the interests of truth, for the interests also of

both countries, that the popular mind, the mind of the public men of

Spain also, should be disabused in respect of two important errors. The

first is, that an enormous balance of trade against Spain, that is, of

British exports, licit and illicit too, compared with imports from

Spain--results annually in favour of this country, from the present

state of our commercial exchanges with her. The second is, the greatly

exaggerated notion of the transcendant amount of the illicit trade

carried on with Spain in British commodities, cottons more especially.

In correction of the latter misconception, we have shown that the amount

of British cotton introduced by contraband cannot exceed, _nor equal_,

L.780,640

Instead, as asserted by Señor Marliani, of 1,683,268

And, in correction of the first error

relative to the balance of trade, we have

established the feet by calculations of

approximate fidelity--for exactitude is out

of the question and unattainable with the

materials to be worked up--that an excess

of values, that is, of exports, results to

Spain upon such balance as against imports,

licit and illicit, to the extent per annum

of 550,000

It is therefore Great Britain, and not Spain, which is entitled to

demand that this adverse balance be redressed, and which would stand

justified in retaliating the restrictions and prohibitions on Spanish

products, with which, so unjustly, Spain now visits those of Great

Britain. Far from us be the advocacy of a policy so harsh--we will add,

so unwise; but at least let our disinterested friendship and moderation

be appreciated, and provoke, in reason meet, their appropriate

consideration.

The more formidable, because far more extensive and facile abuses,

arising out of the unparalleled contraband traffic of which Spain is,

and long has been, the theatre, and the attempted repression of which

requires the constant employment of entire armies of regular troops, are

elsewhere to be found in action and guarded against; they concern a

neighbour nearer than Great Britain. According to an official report

made to his Government by Don Mateo Durou, the active and intelligent

consul for Spain at Bordeaux, and the materials for which were extracted

from the customhouse returns of France, the trade betwixt France and

Spain is thus stated, but necessarily abridged:--

Francs.

1840.--Total exports from France into Spain, 104,679,141

1840.--Total imports into France from Spain, 42,684,761

-----------

Deficit against Spain, 61,994,380

France, therefore, exported nearly two and a half times as much as she

imported from Spain; a result greatly the reverse of that established in

the trade of Spain with Great Britain. In these exports from France,

cotton manufactures figure for a total of

34,251,068 fr.

Or, in sterling, L.1,427,000

Of which smuggled in by the

land or Pyrennean frontier, 32,537,992 fr.

By sea, only 1,713,076 ...

Linen yarns, entered for 15,534,391 ...

Silks, for 8,953,423 ...

Woollens, for 8,919,760 ...

Among these imports from France, various other prohibited articles are

enumerated besides cottons. As here exhibited, the illicit introduction

of cotton goods from France into Spain is almost double in amount that

of British cottons. The fact may be accounted for from the closer

proximity of France, the superior facilities and economy of land

transit, the establishment of stores of goods in Bayonne, Bordeaux, &c.,

from which the Spanish dealers may be supplied in any quantity and

assortment to order, however small; whilst from Great Britain heavy

cargoes only can be dispatched, and from Gibraltar quantities in bulk

could alone repay the greater risk of the smuggler by sea.

Señor Durou adds the following brief reflections upon this _exposé_ of

the French contraband trade. "Let the manufactures of Catalonia be

protected; but there is no need to make all Spain tributary to one

province, when it cannot satisfy the necessities of the others, neither

in the quantity, the quality, nor the cost of its fabrics. What would

result from a protecting duty? Why, that contraband trade would be

stopped, and the premiums paid by the assurance companies established

in Bayonne, Oleron, and Perpignan, would enter into the Exchequer of

the State."

The active measures decreed by the Spanish Government in July and

October 1841, supported by cordons of troops at the foot of the

Pyrenees, have, indeed, very materially interfered with and checked the

progress of this contraband trade. In consequence of ancient compact,

the Basque, that is frontier provinces of Spain, enjoyed, among other

exclusive privileges, that of being exempt from Government customhouses,

or customs' regulations. For this privilege, a certain inconsiderable

subsidy was periodically voted for the service of the State. Regent

Espartero resolutely suspended first, and then abrogated, this branch of

the _fueros_. He carried the line of the customhouses from the Ebro,

where they were comparatively useless and scarcely possible to guard, to

the very foot and passes of the Pyrenees. The advantageous effect of

these vigorous proceedings was not long to wait for, and it may be found

developed in the Report to the Chamber of Deputies in Paris, before

referred to; in which M. Chégaray, the _rapporteur_ on the part of the

complaining petitioners of Bayonne, Bordeaux, &c., after stating that

the general exports of France to Spain in

1839 represented the aggregate sum of 83,000,000 francs,

1840 " " 104,000,000 francs,

1841 " " 101,000,000 francs,

proceeds to say, that the general returns for 1842 were not yet (April

11) made up, but that "_M. le directeur-général des douanes nous a

declaré que la diminution avait été enorme_." But although the general

returns could not be given, those specially referring to the single

customhouse of Bayonne had been obtained, and they amply confirmed the

assertion of the enormous diminution. The export of cottons, woollens,

silks, and linens, from that port to Spain, which in

1840 amounted in value to 15,800,000 francs,

1841 also 15,800,000 francs,

1842 had fallen to 5,700,000 francs.

A fall, really tremendous, of nearly two-thirds.

M. Chégaray, unfortunately, can find no other grievance to complain of

but the too strict enforcement of the Spanish custom laws, by which

French and Spanish contrabandists are harassed and damaged--can suggest

no other remedy than the renewal of the "family compact" of the

Bourbons--no hopes for the revival of smuggling prosperity from the

perpetuation of the French reciprocity system of trade all on one side,

but in the restoration of the commercial privileges so long enjoyed

exclusively by French subjects and shipping, but now broken or breaking

down under the hammering blows of Espartero--nor discover any prospect

of relief until the Spanish customhouse lines are transferred to their

old quarters on the other side of the Ebro, and the _fueros_ of the

Biscaiano provinces, which, by ancient treaty, he claims to be under the

guarantee of France, re-established in all their pristine plenitude.

It is surely time for the intelligence, if not the good sense, of France

to do justice by these day-dreams. The tutelage of Spain has escaped

from the Bourbons of Paris, and the ward of full majority will not be

allowed, cannot be, if willing, to return or remain under the trammels

of an interested guardian, with family pretensions to the property in

default of heirs direct. France, above all countries, has the least

right to remonstrate against the reign of prohibitions and restrictions,

being herself the classic land of both. Let her commence rather the work

of reform at home, and render tardy justice to Spain, which she has

drained so long, and redress to Great Britain, against whose more

friendly commercial code she is constantly warring by differential

preferences of duties in favour of the same commodities produced in

other countries, which consume less of what she abounds in, and have

less the means of consumption. Beyond all, let her cordially join this

country in urging upon the Spanish Government, known to be nowise averse

to the urgency of a wise revision and an enlightened modification of the

obsolete principles of an absurd and impracticable policy both fiscal

and commercial--a policy which beggars the treasury, whilst utterly

failing to protect native industry, and demoralizes at the same time

that it impoverishes the people. We are not of the number of those who

would abandon the assertion of a principle _quoad_ another country, the

wisdom and expediency of which we have advocated, and are still prepared

to advocate, in its regulated application to our own, from the sordid

motive of benefiting British manufactures to the ruin of those of Spain.

Rather, we say to the government of Spain, let a fair protection be the

rule, restrictions the exceptions, prohibition the obsolete outcast, of

your fiscal and commercial policy. We import into this country, the

chief and most valuable products of Spain, those which compose the

elements and a very considerable proportion of her wealth and industry,

are either untaxed, or taxed little more than nominally. We may still

afford, with proper encouragement and return in kind, to abate duties on

such Spanish products as are taxed chiefly because coming into

competition with those of our own colonial possessions, and on those

highly taxed as luxuries, for revenue; and this we can do, and are

prepared to do, although Spain is so enormously indebted to us already

on the balance of commercial exchanges.

This revision of her fiscal system, and reconstruction, on fair and

reciprocal conditions, of her commercial code, are questions of far

deeper import--and they are of vital import--to Spain than to this

empire. Look at the following statement of her gigantic debt, upon

which, beyond some three or four hundred thousand pounds annually, for

the present, on the capitalized _coupons_ of over-due interest accruing

on the conversion and consolidation operation of 1834, the Toreno

abomination, not one _sueldo_ of interest is now paying, has been paid

for years, or can be paid for years to come, and then only as industry

furnishes the means by extended trade, and more abundant customhouse

revenues, resulting from an improved tariff.

_Statement of the Spanish Debt at commencement of 1842_:--

Internal--Liquidated, that

is verified, L.50,130,565 Without interest.

Not liquidated 9,364,228 with 5 per cent in paper.

Not consolidated, 2,609,832

Bearing 5 per cent, 15,242,593 Interest, L.762,128

Do. 3 do. 5,842,632 -- 233,705

----------- -----------

L.83,189,850 L.995,833

----------- -----------

External Loan of 1834, and the conversion

of old debt, L.33,985,939 5 per cent, L.1,699,296

Balance of inscription to the public

treasury of France, 2,782,681 -- 160,000

Inscriptions in payment of

English claims, 600,000 -- 30,000

Ditto for American claims, 120,000 -- 6,000

----------- -----------

L.37,488,620 L.1,895,296

Capitalized _coupons_, treasury

bonds, &c., amount not stated,

but some millions more 3 per cent,

Deferred, 5,944,584

Ditto, 4,444,040 Calculated at 100 reals

Passive, 10,542,582 per L. sterling.

-----------

20,931,206

-----------

Grand total, exclusive of

capitalization L.141,669,676

The latest account of Spanish finance, that for 1842 before referred to,

exhibits an almost equally hopeless prospect of annual deficit, as

between revenue and expenditure; 1st, the actual receipts of revenue

being stated at

879,193,475 reals

The expenditure, 1,541,639,879

-------------

Deficit, 662,446,404

That is, with a revenue sterling of L.8,791,934

A deficiency besides uncovered, of 6,624,464

Assuming the amount of the contraband traffic in Spain at six millions

sterling per annum, instead of the ten millions estimated, we think most

erroneously, by Señor Marliani, the result of an average duty on the

amount of 25 per cent, would produce to the treasury L.1,500,000 per

annum; and more in proportion as the traffic, when legitimated, should

naturally extend, as the trade would be sure to extend, between two

countries like Great Britain and Spain, alone capable of exchanging

millions with each other for every million now operated. The L.1,500,000

thus gained would almost suffice to meet the annual interest on the

L.34,000,000 loan conversion of 1834, still singularly classed in stock

exchange parlance as "active stock." As for the remaining mass of

domestic and foreign debt, there can be no hope for its gradual

extinction but by the sale of national domains, in payment for which the

titles of debt of all classes may be, as some now are, receivable in

payment. As upwards of two thousand millions of reals of debt are said

to be thus already extinguished, and the national domains yet remaining

for disposal are valued at nearly the same sum, say L.20,000,000, it is

clear that the final extinction of the debt is a hopeless prospect,

although a very large reduction might be accomplished by that enhanced

value of these domains which can only flow from increase of population

and the rapid progression of industrial prosperity.

All Spain, excepting the confining provinces in the side of France, and

especially the provinces where are the great commercial ports, such as

Cadiz, Malaga,[27] Corunna, &c., have laid before the Cortes and

Government the most energetic memorials and remonstrances against the

prohibition system of tariffs in force, and ask why they, who, in favour

of their own industry and products, never asked for prohibitions, are to

be sacrificed to Catalonia and Biscay? The Spanish Government and the

most distinguished public men are well known to be favourable, to be

anxiously meditating, an enlightened change of system, and negotiations

are progressing prosperously, or would progress, but for France. When

will France learn to imitate the generous policy which announced to her

on the conclusion of peace with China--We have stipulated no conditions

for ourselves from which we desire to exclude you or other nations?

[27] See _Exposicion de que dirige á las Cortes et Ayuntamiento

Constitucional de Malaga_, from which the following are

extracts:--"El ayuntamiento no puede menos de indicar, que

entre los infinitos renglones fabriles aclimatados ya en

Espana, las sedas de Valencia, los panos de muchas provincias,

los hilados de Galicia, las blondas de Cataluna, las bayetas de

Antequera, los hierros de Vizcaya y los elaborados por

maquinaria en las ferrerías á un lado y otro de esta ciudad,

han adelantado, prosperan y compiten con los efectos

extranjeros mas acreditados. ¿Y han solicitado acaso una

prohibicion? Nó jamas: un derecho protector, sí; á su sombra se

criaron, con la competencia se formaron y llegaron á su

robustez.... Ingleterra figura en la exportacion por el mayor

valor sin admitir comparacion alguna. Su gobierno piensa en

reducir muy considerablemente todos los renglones de su

arancil; pero se ha espresado con reserva para negar ó

conceder, si lo estima conveniente, esta reduccion á las

naciones que no correspondan á los beneficios que les ofrece;

ninguno puede esperar que le favorezcan sin compensacion."

We could have desired, for the pleasure and profit of the public, to

extend our notice of, and extracts from, the excellent work of Señor

Marliani, so often referred to, but our limits forbid. To show, however,

the state and progress of the cotton manufacture in Catalonia, how

little it gains by prohibitions, and how much it is prejudiced by the

contraband trade, we beg attention to the following extract:--

"Since the year 1769, when the cotton manufacture commenced in

Catalonia, the trade enjoyed a complete monopoly, not only in

Spain, but also in her colonies. To this protection were added

the fostering and united efforts of private individuals. In

1780, a society for the encouragement of the cotton manufacture

was established in Barcelona. Well, what has been the result?

Let us take the unerring test of figures for our guide. Let us

take the medium importation of raw cotton from 1834 to 1840

inclusive, (although the latter year presents an inadmissible

augmentation,) and we shall have an average amount of 9,909,261

lbs. of raw cotton. This quantity is little more than half that

imported by the English in the year 1784. The sixteen millions

of pounds imported that year by the English are less than the

third part imported by the same nation in 1790, which amounted

in all to thirty-one millions; it is only the sixth part of

that imported in 1800, when it rose to 56,010,732 lbs.; it is

less than the seventh part of the British importations in 1810,

which amounted to seventy-two millions of pounds; it is less

than the fifteenth part of the cotton imported into the same

country in 1820, when the sum amounted to 150,672,655 pounds;

it is the twenty-sixth part of the British importation in 1830,

which was that year 263,961,452 lbs.; and lastly, the present

annual importation into Catalonia is about the sixty-sixth part

of that into Great Britain for the year 1840, when the latter

amounted to 592,965,504 lbs. of raw cotton. Though the

comparative difference of progress is not so great with France,

still it shows the slow progress of the Catalonian manufactures

in a striking degree. The quantity now imported of raw cotton

into Spain is about the half of that imported into France from

1803 to 1807; a fourth part compared with French importations

of that material from 1807 to 1820; seventh-and-a-half with

respect to those of 1830; and a twenty-seventh part of the

quantity introduced into France in 1840."

And we conclude with the following example, one among several which

Señor Marliani gives, of the daring and open manner in which the

operations of the _contrabandistas_ are conducted, and of the scandalous

participation of authorities and people--incontestable evidences of a

wide-spread depravation of moral sentiments.

"Don Juan Prim, inspector of preventive service, gave

information to the Government and revenue board in Madrid, on

the 22d of November 1841, that having attempted to make a

seizure of contraband goods in the town of Estepona, in the

province of Malaga, where he was aware a large quantity of

smuggled goods existed, he entered the town with a force of

carabineers and troops of the line. On entering, he ordered the

suspected depôt of goods to be surrounded, and gave notice to

the second alcalde of the town to attend to assist him in the

search. In some time the second alcalde presented himself, and

at the instance of M. Prim dispersed some groups of the

inhabitants who had assumed a hostile attitude. In a few

minutes after, and just as some shots were fired, the first

alcalde of the town appeared, and stated that the whole

population was in a state of complete excitement, and that he

could not answer for the consequences; whereupon he resigned

his authority. While this was passing, about 200 men, well

armed, took up a position upon a neighbouring eminence, and

assumed a hostile attitude. At the same time a carabineer,

severely wounded from the discharge of a blunderbuss, was

brought up, so that there was nothing left for M. Prim but to

withdraw his force immediately out of the town, leaving the

smugglers and their goods to themselves, since neither the

alcaldes nor national guards of the town, though demanded in

the name of the law, the regent, and the nation, would aid M.

Prim's force against them!"

All that consummate statesmanship can do, will be done, doubtless, by

the present Government of Great Britain, to carry out and complete the

economical system on which they have so courageously thrown themselves

_en avant_, by the negotiation and completion of commercial treaties on

every side, and by the consequent mitigation or extinction of hostile

tariffs. Without this indispensable complement of their own tariff

reform, and low prices consequent, he must be a bold man who can reflect

upon the consequences without dismay. Those consequences can benefit no

one class, and must involve in ruin every class in the country,

excepting the manufacturing mammons of the Anti-corn-law league, who,

Saturn-like, devour their own kindred, and salute every fall of prices

as an apology for grinding down wages and raising profits. It may be

well, too, for sanguine young statesmen like Mr Gladstone to turn to the

DEBT, and cast about how interest is to be forthcoming with falling

prices, falling rents, falling profits, (the exception above apart,)

excise in a rapid state of decay, and customs' revenue a blank!

* * * * *

_Edinburgh; Printed by Ballantyne and Hughes Paul's Work._

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine — Volume 53, No. 331, May, 1843 · 第 7 / 7 章