“I assure you,” said I, with a sincerity of accent that could not be
mistaken, “this so‐called great catastrophe has only taken away the things
I did not care for: it gives me here all I love, and nearly everything I
desire.”
I looked at him hesitatingly, not yet knowing how far to go. But his look
inspired me with courage, and I continued, with emotion:
“Tell me, in your turn, that you regret nothing, that my presence
suffices, and I pledge you my word, Lorenzo, this hour will be the
happiest of my life.”
Instead of replying directly, he knelt down beside the little divan where
I was sitting, and I saw his eyes beaming with the expression that once
used to flash from them for an instant, not uncertain and transitory as
then, but calm, stable, and profound.
“Ginevra,” said he, “in assuring you to‐day that my reason has been
restored to me, that I have for ever recovered from my detestable
aberration, that I again look upon you as I did when you first effaced
every other image, that I love you as much, yes, a thousand times more
than ever, this is not saying enough, this is not telling you what you
would perhaps listen to far more gladly than all this.”
I opened my eyes and looked steadily towards him. He felt my soul was
trying to read his, and he continued in a low, agitated tone:
“You have made me love in you what is better than yourself. Listen to
me.... Long years of indifference had effaced the memory of divine things
I had been taught in my childhood. Did you think they could ever be
recalled? I had never felt the slightest desire. It is you, Ginevra, who
caused their return. Can you realize it?”
O my God! this hour was too happy for earth! It left me only one wish
more. It realized to the fullest extent all the cherished dreams of the
past, and made me touch at last the summit (alas! always threatening and
uncertain) of earthly happiness! No cloud has ever obscured the bright,
blessed remembrance! No suffering, no trial, has ever checked the effusion
of gratitude I still feel, and which will be eternal!
It will not be difficult to understand that, in this new state of things,
our life speedily and sweetly resumed its course. Strange to say, this
calm, simple life, exempt from splendor, luxury, and worldly _éclat_, was
the precise realization of the secret desire I had always cherished in my
soul, the signification of which had been revealed to me in that great day
of grace which I may call that of my _true birth_!
It would, therefore, have been an absurdity to speak of sacrifice in the
situation in which I now found myself. But Lorenzo did not yet see things
in the same light.
“I acknowledge,” said he one day, after some weeks had passed by—“I
acknowledge we lack nothing essential, that the waifs from our wreck even
afford us a comfortable support, but I wish more than that for you, my
Ginevra. I must work for the means of restoring all my folly has deprived
you of. The public receives my productions with marked favor. They have
all been sold at a fabulous price, except one which I will never part
with. Let me alone, therefore, and I promise you the day shall arrive when
I will place on your brow a diadem even more brilliant than the one you
have lost.”
I made a quick gesture, and was about to express the repugnance such a
prospect inspired. But I stopped. It was better, no matter in what way, he
should be stimulated by some object to be attained by the laborious
efforts to which he devoted all his faculties. I allowed him, therefore,
to dream of the jewels he would adorn me with, and enlarge on his plans
for the future, while I was sitting beside him in his studio, sometimes
reading to him, and sometimes becoming his model again. Whenever he spoke
in this way, I smiled without trying to oppose him.
Mme. de Kergy and Diana hastened to see me the day after my arrival. We
continued to meet almost daily, and I found in their delightful society
the strongest support, the wisest counsels, and an affection which
inspired almost unlimited confidence.
As to Gilbert, he was still absent, and not expected to return till the
autumn of the following year.
When his mother gave me this information, my first feeling was one of
relief. It seemed to me my relations with his family were simplified by
his absence, and I could defer all thought as to what I should do at his
return. But, when I saw my dear, venerable friend secretly wipe away a
tear as she spoke of her son; when she added in a trembling voice that
such a separation at her age was a severe trial which afflicted her more
than any she had ever known; when Diana afterwards came to tell me with a
full heart that Gilbert’s absence was shortening her mother’s days, oh!
then my heart sank with profound sorrow, and I felt an ardent, painful
desire to repair the evil I had caused—an evil which (whatever may be
said) is never altogether involuntary!
Ah! if women would only consider how far their fatal influence sometimes
extends, even those who add hardness of heart to their desire to please
would become indifferent to the wish. They scarcely hesitate sometimes to
sacrifice a man’s career, his abilities, his whole existence. Vanity and
pride take pleasure in ravages of this kind. But if their eyes could
behold the firesides they quench the light of, the maternal hearts they
sadden, the families whose sweet joys they destroy, their trophies would
seem bloody, and they might be brought to comprehend the words of the
Psalmist which I had humbly learned to repeat: _Ab occultis meis munda me,
et ab alienis parce servo tuo._
Lorenzo’s celebrity increased by the productions he now exhibited to the
public. The singularity of our position in returning to Paris, under
circumstances so different from those which surrounded us when we made our
first appearance in the _grand monde_, drew upon us the attention of this
very world which would have enticed us from our retreat. But, thank
Heaven! I did not have to exert my influence over Lorenzo to induce him to
decline it. His pride would have been sufficient, had not his whole time
been absorbed in his labors, and it was even with difficulty he consented
to accompany me one evening to the Hôtel de Kergy.
From that time, however, he willingly repeated his visits, attracted by
Mme. de Kergy’s dignified cordiality and simplicity of manner as well as
by the charm of the intellectual circle of which her _salon_ was the
centre—a charm he would have always appreciated had he not been under the
influence of another attraction. Now there was no counteracting influence,
and he took fresh pleasure every evening in going there to repose after
the fatigue of the day and seek something more beneficial to his mind than
mere recreation.
A person endowed with noble gifts, who returns to the right path after
long going astray, experiences an immense consolation in finding himself
in his true element. It would, therefore, be impossible to tell how great
Lorenzo’s joy now was, or how eloquently he was able to express it. And
nothing could express the feelings with which I listened to him!
The only shadow of my life at this time was my separation from Stella. A
thousand times did I urge her to join me, as she was no longer under any
obligation to remain at Naples. I felt that the only possible solace for
her broken heart would be to leave the place where she had suffered so
much; her courageous soul would find a salutary aliment in the great
charitable movement at Paris, at that time in all the vigor of its first
impulse, given a few years before. I therefore continually urged her to
come, but I begged her in vain. An invincible repugnance to leave the
place of refuge where she had hidden her grief prevented her from yielding
to my wishes.
Thus passed days, weeks, months, yes, even a whole year and more of
happiness. The satisfactory life I had dreamed of was now a reality, and
the world I once fancied I could reveal to Lorenzo unaided he had
discovered himself. It had been revealed to him by trials, humiliation,
and labor. The absolute change in his habits, which Lando had once
indicated as the only remedy, had, as he had foreseen, produced a
beneficial, efficacious, and lasting effect.
But we know one of the anomalies of the human heart is to expect and long
for happiness as its right, and yet to be incapable of possessing it a
single day in its plenitude without trembling, as if conscious it was not
in the nature of things here below for it to endure a long time.
Lorenzo experienced more than most people this melancholy of happiness,
which was often increased by too profound a regret for the errors of his
life. It partook of the vehemence of his character, and it was sometimes
difficult to overcome the sadness awakened by the remembrance of the past.
“Ginevra,” said he one day, “I am far too happy for a man who merits it so
little.”
He said this with a gloomy expression. It was the beginning of spring. The
air was soft, the sky clear, the lilacs of our little garden were in
bloom, and we sat there inhaling the perfume. He repeated:
“Yes, my life is now too happy—too happy, I feel, to be of long duration.”
A remark somewhat trite, which is often thrown like a veil over the too
excessive brightness of earthly happiness! But I could not repress a
shudder as I listened to it. And yet what was there to fear ... to desire
... to refuse ... when I felt the present and the future were in the hands
of Him whom I loved more than anything here below?
To Be Concluded Next Month.
A Bit Of Modern Thought On Matter.
We have now accomplished the first portion of our task, by establishing on
good philosophical and physical grounds the fundamental truths regarding
the essence and the properties of material substance as such. We might,
therefore, take up the second part of our treatise, and begin our
investigation about the nature of the metaphysical constituents of matter
and their necessary relations, in order to ascertain how far the
principles of the scholastic doctrine on matter can nowadays be maintained
consistently with the principles of natural science. But we think it
necessary, before we enter into the study of such a difficult subject, to
caution our readers against some productions of modern thinkers, whose
speculations on the nature of material things confound all philosophy, and
tend by their sophistry to popularize the most pernicious errors. The
number of such productions is daily increasing, owing to the efforts of
powerful societies, and the philosophical imbecility of the scientific
press and of its patrons. The heap of intellectual rubbish thus
accumulated, both in Europe and in America, is quite prodigious; to sweep
it all away would be like purging the Augean stable—a task which some new
Hercules may yet undertake. We shall confine ourselves to a small portion
of that task, by scattering to the winds some plausible quibbles we have
lately met with in an American scientific magazine.
J. B. Stallo is the author of a series of articles published in the
_Popular Science Monthly_ under the title “The Primary Concepts of Modern
Physical Science.” He is a clever writer; but his conclusions, owing to a
lack of sound philosophy, are not always correct. Some of them are
altogether unfounded, others demonstrably false; and many of them, while
attempting to revolutionize science, tend to foster downright scepticism.
We shall single out a few of those propositions which clash with the
common doctrines of modern physics no less than with the common principles
of metaphysics; and we hope to show, by their refutation, the incomparable
superiority of our old over his new philosophy.
_Indestructibility of matter._—“The indestructibility of matter,” says the
writer,(181) “is an unquestionable truth. But in what sense, and upon what
grounds, is this indestructibility predicated of matter? The unanimous
answer of the atomists is: Experience teaches that all the changes to
which matter is subject are but variations of form, and that amid these
variations there is an unvarying constant—the mass or quantity of matter.
The constancy of the mass is attested by the balance, which shows that
neither fusion nor sublimation, neither generation nor corruption, can add
to, or detract from, the weight of a body subjected to experiment. When a
pound of carbon is burned, the balance demonstrates the continuous
existence of this pound in the carbonic acid, which is the product of
combustion, and from which the original weight of carbon may be recovered.
The quantity of matter is measured by its weight, and this weight is
unchangeable.”
So far all is right; but he continues: “Such is the fact familiar to every
one, and its interpretation equally familiar. To test the correctness of
this interpretation we may be permitted slightly to vary the method of
verifying it. Instead of burning the pound of carbon, let us simply carry
it to the summit of a mountain, or remove it to a lower latitude; is its
weight still the same? Relatively it is; it will still balance the
original counterpoise. But the absolute weight is no longer the same....
It is thus evident that the constancy, upon the observation of which the
assertion of the indestructibility of matter is based, is simply the
constancy of a relation, and that the ordinary statement of the fact is
crude and inadequate. Indeed, while it is true that the weight of a body
is a measure of its mass, this is but a single case of the more general
fact that the masses of bodies are inversely as the velocities imparted to
them by the action of the same force, or, more generally still, inversely
as the accelerations produced in them by the same force. In the case of
gravity, the forces of attraction are directly proportional to the masses,
so that the action of the forces (_weight_) is the simplest measure of the
relation between any two masses as such; but in any inquiry relating to
the validity of the atomic theory, it is necessary to bear in mind that
this weight is not the equivalent, or rather the presentation, of an
absolute substantive entity in one of the bodies (the body weighed), but
the mere expression of a relation between two bodies mutually attracting
each other. And it is further necessary to remember that this weight may
be indefinitely reduced, without any diminution in the mass of the body
weighed, by a mere change of its position in reference to the body between
which and the body weighed the relation subsists.”
The aim of the author is, as we shall see, to prove that “there are and
can be no absolute constants of mass”; hence he endeavors at the very
outset to shake our opposite conviction by showing that there is no
absolute measure of masses. Such is the drift of the passage we have
transcribed.
But we beg to remark that absolute quantities may be known to be absolute
independently of any absolute measurement. Three kinds of quantity are
conceivable: intensive quantity, which is measured by _degrees_; dimensive
quantity, which is measured by _distances_; and numerical quantity, which
is measured by discrete _units_. Of course dimensive quantity is
altogether relative, inasmuch as it entirely consists of relations, and
cannot be measured but by relative and arbitrary measures; but intensive
quantity, though measured by arbitrary degrees, is altogether absolute,
because it consists of a reality whose value is independent of correlative
terms. And in the same manner numerical quantity is altogether absolute,
because it consists of absolute units, by which it can be measured,
absolutely speaking, though we may fail to reach such units, and are then
obliged to measure it by some other standard. Now, the mass, or the
quantity of matter in a body, is a numerical quantity; for it consists of
a number of primitive units, independent of one another for their essence
and for their existence, and therefore absolute in regard to their
substantial being. Consequently, every mass of matter has an absolute
value corresponding to the number of absolute units it contains; and thus
every mass of matter is “an absolute constant of mass.” It is true that we
have no means of ascertaining the absolute number of primitive units
contained in a given mass; hence we are constrained to measure the
quantity of matter by a relative measure—that is, by comparing it with an
equal volume of another substance, whose density and weight we assume as
the measure of other densities and weights. But does our ignorance of the
absolute number of primitive units contained in a given mass interfere
with their real existence? or, can our method of measuring change the
nature of the thing measured?
We are told that “the weight of a body may be indefinitely reduced without
any diminution in the mass of the body weighed.” Would not this show that,
contrary to the author’s opinion, the body weighed possesses “an absolute
constant of mass”? We are told at the same time that “the weight of a body
is a measure of its mass.” This cannot be true, unless, while the mass
remains unchanged, the weight also remains unchanged. Hence the author’s
idea of carrying the pound of carbon to the summit of a mountain in order
to diminish its weight, is inconsistent with the law of measurement, which
forbids the employment of two weights and measures for measuring one and
the same quantity.
The atomists measure the quantity of matter by its weight, because they
know that every particle of matter is subject to gravitation, and
therefore that the weights, all other things being equal, are
proportionate to the number of primitive particles contained in the
bodies. Thus, if a body contains a number, _m_, of primitive particles,
and each of these particles is subject to the gravitation, _g_, while
another body contains a number, _m´_, of primitive particles subject to
the same gravitation, the ratio of the weights of the two bodies will be
the same as the ratio of the two masses; for
_mg_ : _m´g_ : : _m_ : _m´_;
and if the two bodies were carried to the summit of a mountain, where the
gravitation is reduced to _g´_, the weights would indeed be changed, but
their ratio would remain unaltered, and we would still have
_mg´_ : _m´g´_ : : _m_ : _m´_.
Hence, whether we weigh two bodies in the valley or at the summit of the
mountain, so long as we keep the same unit of gravitation for both, the
ratio of their masses remains the same. This shows that the quantity of
matter existing in those bodies implies “a constant of mass” _independent_
of the intensity of gravitation, and that the ratio of the two masses is
the ratio of two “absolute” quantities—that is, of two numbers of
primitive material units.
It is not true, therefore, that the weight is not “the presentation of an
absolute substantive entity,” as the author pretends. Weight implies mass
and gravitation, and presents the one as subject to the other. Now, the
mass is an “absolute substantive entity,” as we have shown. Nor is it true
that weight is “the mere expression of a relation between two bodies
mutually attracting each other,” as the author imagines. The pound of
carbon is a pound not because of an attraction exercised by the carbon
upon the earth, but merely because of the attraction exercised by the
earth on the mass of the carbon. Were it otherwise, the mathematical
expression of weight should contain, besides the mass of the body weighed
and the action of gravity upon it, a third quantity representing the
action of the body upon the earth, and the gravitation of the earth
towards the body.
The writer proceeds: “Masses find their true and only measure in the
action of forces, and the quantitative persistence of the effect of this
action is the simple and accurate expression of the fact which is
ordinarily described as the indestructibility of matter. It is obvious
that this persistence is in no sense explained or accounted for by the
atomic theory” (p. 708).
We admit that, owing to our inability to determine the absolute number of
primitive elements in a body, we resort to the persistence of the weight
in order to ascertain the persistence of a certain quantity of matter in
the body. But this does not show that the action of forces is the “only
measure” of masses. A mass is a number of material units; its true measure
is _one of such units_, and it is only in order to determine the relative
number of such units in different bodies that we have recourse to their
weights. It is not the quantity of matter that follows the weight of the
body, but it is the weight of the body that follows the quantity of
matter; and therefore, although we determine the relative quantities of
matter by the relation of their weights, it is not the weight that
measures the quantity of matter, but it is the quantity of matter that
measures the weight. In other terms, the persistence of the mass is merely
_known_ through the persistence of the weight, but the persistence of the
weight is itself _a consequence_ of the persistence of the mass. Hence the
persistence of the mass is perfectly accounted for by the atomic theory,
notwithstanding Mr. Stallo’s contrary assertion.
He says: “The hypothesis of ultimate indestructible atoms is not a
necessary implication of the persistence of weight, and can at best
account for the indestructibility of matter if it can be shown that there
is an absolute limit to the compressibility of matter—in other words, that
there is an absolutely least volume for every determinate mass” (p. 708).
Both parts of this proposition are false. The first is false, because the
weight of a body is the result of the gravitation of all its particles;
and, therefore, it cannot persist without the persistence of the
gravitating particles. The second part also is false, because the
persistence of the weight implies the persistence of the mass
independently of all considerations concerning a limit of compressibility
or an absolute minimum of volume. Hence, whatever the author may say to
the contrary, it is quite certain of scientific certainty that there can
be, and there is, in all bodies, “an absolute constant of mass.”
_Atomic theory._—The writer objects to the atomic theory on the ground
that it does not explain impenetrability, and that it misconceives the
nature of reality. He begins by remarking that “the proposition, according
to which a space occupied by one body cannot be occupied by another,
implies the assumption that space is an absolute, self‐measuring entity,
and the further assumption that there is a least space which a given body
will absolutely fill so as to exclude any other body” (p. 709). We think
that the proposition implies nothing of the kind. The space occupied by
one body cannot _naturally_ be occupied by another, because all bodies are
made up of molecules which at very small distances repel one another with
actions of greater and greater intensities, thus preventing
compenetration, while successfully struggling for the preservation of
their own individuality. This the molecules can do, whether space can be
filled or not, and whether space is a self‐measuring entity or not. Hence
the remark of the author has no foundation.
But he continues: “The atomic theory has become next to valueless as an
explanation of the impenetrability of matter, since it has been pressed
into the service of the undulatory theory of light, heat, etc., and
assumed the form in which it is now held by the majority of physicists.
According to this form of the theory, the atoms are either mere points,
wholly without extension, or their dimensions are infinitely small as
compared with the distances between them, whatever be the state of
aggregation of the substances into which they enter. In this view, the
resistance which a body, _i.e._, a system of atoms, offers to the
intrusion of another body is due not to the rigidity or unchangeability of
volume of the individual atoms, but to the relation between the attractive
and repulsive forces with which they are supposed to be endowed. There are
physicists holding this view, who are of opinion that the atomic
constitution of matter is consistent with its compenetrability—among them
M. Cauchy, who in his _Sept Leçons de physique générale_ (ed. Moigno,
Paris, 1868, p. 38), after defining atoms as material points without
extension, uses this language: ‘Thus, this property of matter, which we
call impenetrability, is explained when we consider the atoms as material
points exerting on each other attractions and repulsions which vary with
the distances that separate them.... From this it follows that, if it
pleased the Author of nature simply to modify the laws according to which
the atoms attract or repel each other, we might instantly see the hardest
bodies penetrate each other, the smallest particles of matter occupy
immense spaces, or the largest masses reduce themselves to the smallest
volumes, the entire universe concentrating itself, as it were, in a single
point’ ” (p. 710).
We think that the author’s notion of the form in which the atomic theory
is now held by physicists is not quite correct. The chemical atoms are now
considered as dynamical systems of material points, so that the atomic
theory is now scarcely distinguishable from the molecular theory. That
such a theory “has become next to valueless as an explanation of the
impenetrability of matter” is not true. Of course two primitive elements
of matter, if attractive, would, according to the theory, as we understand
it, pass through one another; as nothing can oppose their progress except
repulsion, which is not to be thought of in the case of attractive
elements. But the case is different with molecules; for every molecule of
any special substance contains a number of repulsive elements, and
possesses a repulsive envelope(182) which resists most effectually all
attempt at compenetration on the part of other molecules. Hence the
impenetrability of _bodies_ (not of _matter_, as the author says) is a
simple result of the molecular constitution of bodies, as explained in the
atomic theory of the modern chemists.
That the resistance which a body offers to the intrusion of another body
is due “not to the rigidity or unchangeability of volume of individual
atoms, but to the relation between the attractive and repulsive forces
with which they are supposed to be endowed,” is an obvious truth. We do
not see by what kind of reasoning the author can infer from it that “the
atomic theory has become next to valueless as an explanation of
impenetrability.” We rather maintain that the theory is correct, and that
no other theory has yet been found which explains impenetrability without
assuming much that philosophy condemns. As to M. Cauchy’s views, we remark
that, when he defines atoms as “material points without extension,” he
does not speak of the chemical atoms, or equivalents, but of the primitive
elements of which such atoms or equivalents are composed.
The author says: “The assumption of atoms of different specific gravities
proves to be not only futile, but absurd. Its manifest theoretical
ineptitude is found to mask the most fatal inconsistencies. According to
the mechanical conception which underlies the whole atomic hypothesis,
differences of weight are differences of density; and differences of
density are differences of distance between the particles contained in a
given space. Now, in the atom there is no multiplicity of particles and no
void space; hence differences of density or weight are impossible in the
case of atoms” (p. 715).
This conclusion would be quite inevitable, if it were true that the atom
of the chemists contains no multiplicity of particles and no void space;
but the truth is that chemical atoms are nothing but _equivalents_, or
_molecules_—that is, dynamical systems of material points intercepting
void space. Hence the author’s argument has no foundation. The very fact
that men of science unanimously agree in attributing to different atoms a
different weight, should have warned Mr. Stallo that the word “atom” could
not be considered by them as a simple material point.
The author in his second article (November, 1873) argues against the
_actio in distans_. We have given his words in one of our own articles,
where we undertook to show that _actio in distans_ cannot be impugned with
any good argument.(183) The author, however, we are glad to see, honestly
acknowledges that “the transfer of motion from one body to another by
impact is no less incomprehensible than the _actio in distans_” (p. 96);
which shows that, after having rejected the action at a distance, he is at
a loss how to account for any communication or propagation of movement. A
little later he quotes a passage of Faraday, which we have given in
another place, and in which the English professor considers the atoms as
consisting of a mere sphere of power, with a central point having no
dimensions. Then he gives his own view of the subject in the following
words:
“The true root of all these errors is a total misconception of the nature
of reality. All the reality we know is not only spatially finite, but
limited in all its aspects; its whole existence lies in relation and
contrast, as I shall show more at length in the next article. We know
nothing of force, except by its contrast with mass, or (what is the same
thing) inertia; and conversely, as I have already pointed out in my first
article, we know nothing of mass except by its relation to force. Mass,
inertia (or, as it is sometimes, though inaccurately, called, matter _per
se_), is indistinguishable from absolute nothingness; for matter reveals
its presence, or evinces its reality, only by its action, its force, its
tension, or motion. But, on the other hand, mere force is equally nothing;
for, if we reduce the mass upon which a given force, however small, acts,
until it vanishes—or, mathematically expressed, until it becomes
infinitely small—the consequence is that the velocity of the resulting
motion is infinitely great, and that the ‘thing’ (if under these
circumstances a thing can still be spoken of) is at any given moment
neither here nor there, but everywhere—that is, there is no real presence.
It is impossible, therefore, to construct matter by a mere synthesis of
forces.... The true formula of matter is mass × force, or inertia × force”
(p. 103).
The author is greatly mistaken in assuming that those who consider the
atoms (primitive elements) as centres of force totally misconceive the
nature of reality. That Faraday, notwithstanding his saying that “the
substance consists of the powers,” admits with the power the matter also,
is evident from his very mention of the _centre_ of the powers; for such a
centre is nothing else than _the_ matter, as we have proved above. He
says, indeed, that the nucleus of the atom “vanishes”; but by “nucleus” he
means the _bulk_ or the continuous material extension of the atom. This
bulk, says he, must vanish, inasmuch as the centre of the powers must be a
mere unextended point. He therefore denies, not the matter, but only its
intrinsic extension.
Mr. Stallo volunteers to show us “the true root” of all our _errors_.
According to him, we totally misconceive the nature of reality. “All the
reality we know,” he says, “is not only spatially finite, but limited in
all its aspects.” About this we will not quarrel, for we admit that all
created substances are limited; yet we would ask the author whether he
thinks that the range of universal attraction has any known limit in
space; and, if so, we would further ask where it is; for we admit our full
ignorance of its existence. “We know nothing of force,” he continues,
“except by its contrast with mass, or, what is the same thing, inertia.”
Our readers know that mass and inertia are not the same thing; the mass is
a quantity of matter, while inertia is the incapability of self‐motion. A
writer who can confound the two as identical is not competent to correct
our _errors_ and to teach us the nature of reality. As to the contrast of
force with mass, we have no objection; yet, while speaking of the nature
of things, we would prefer to contrast matter with form rather than force
with mass. The term _force_ applies to the production of phenomena, and is
usually confounded with action and with movement, neither of which is a
constituent of substance; whilst the term _mass_ expresses any quantity of
matter from a single element up to a mountain; and thus it does not
exhibit with precision the matter due to the primitive material substance.
“Mass, or matter _per se_, is indistinguishable from absolute
nothingness.” Of course, matter _per se_—that is, without form—cannot
exist. In the same manner “mere force is equally nothing”—that is, the
material form, which is the principle of action, has no separate existence
without its matter. This every one admits, though not on the grounds
suggested by Mr. Stallo. “If we reduce,” says he, “the mass upon which a
given force, however small, acts, until it vanishes—or, mathematically
expressed, until it becomes infinitely small—the consequence is that the
velocity of the resulting motion is infinitely great.” We deny this
consequence, as well as the supposition from which it is inferred. Masses
are numbers of material elements, or units. When such units are reached,
the division is at an end, because those primitive units are without
dimensions. Hence the extreme limit of the reduction of masses is not an
infinitesimal quantity of mass, as the author imagines, but an absolute
finite unit; for this unit, when repeated a finite number of times, gives
us a finite quantity of mass. But, even supposing that the hypothesis of
the author might be entertained (and it must be entertained by all those
who consider matter as materially continuous), his consequence would still
be false. For, let there be a continuous atom having finite dimensions. If
such an atom is acted on, say by gravity, it will acquire a finite
velocity. Now, it is evident that, when the atom has a finite velocity,
every infinitesimal portion of it will have a finite velocity. Therefore
the action which produces a finite velocity in the finite mass of the
atom, produces a finite velocity in the infinitesimal masses of which the
atom is assumed to consist. The error of the author arises from his
confounding quantity of movement with action. A quantity of movement is a
product of a mass into its velocity; and evidently the product cannot
remain constant, unless the velocity increases in the same ratio as the
mass decreases. The action, on the contrary, is _directly_ proportional to
the mass; and therefore, in the author’s hypothesis, the consequence
should have been the very opposite of that which he enounces; that is, the
velocity acquired by an infinitesimal mass would still be finite instead
of infinitely great. But, as we have said, the hypothesis itself is
inadmissible, because only continuous quantity can be reduced to
infinitesimals, whilst masses are not continuous but discrete quantities.
That it is impossible “to construct matter by a mere synthesis of forces”
is undeniable; but there was no need of arguing a point which no one
contests. The author should rather have given us his ground for asserting
that “the true formula of matter is _mass multiplied by force_.” This
assertion can by no means be made good. All physicists know that mass
multiplied by force represents nothing but a quantity of movement; and the
author will not pretend, we presume, that matter is a quantity of
movement. The true formula of matter is its essential definition; and it
is not a mathematical but a metaphysical product, or rather a metaphysical
ratio, as we have shown in another place. Material substance is _matter
actuated by its substantial form_, and nothing else.
The author continues thus: “We now have before us in full view one of the
fundamental fallacies of the atomic theory. This fallacy consists in the
delusion that the conceptual constituents of matter can be grasped as
separate and real entities. The corpuscular atomists take the element of
inertia, and treat it as real by itself: while Boscovich, Faraday, and all
those who define atoms as _centres of force_, seek to realize the
corresponding element, force, as an entity by itself. In both cases
elements of reality are mistaken for kinds of reality” (p. 103).
It is rather singular that a man who is so little at home in questions
about matter should undertake to point out the fallacies and delusions of
the best informed. Is it true that Boscovich, Faraday, and others of the
same school, consider force as an entity by itself? And is it true that
the corpuscular atomists treat the element of inertia as real by itself?
There is much to be said against corpuscular atomists for other reasons,
but they cannot surely be accused of maintaining that the element of
inertia—that is, the mass of the atom—can exist separately without any
inherent power, as they uniformly teach that their atoms are endowed with
resisting powers. The accusation brought against Boscovich, Faraday, and
others, is still more glaringly unjust. They do not seek to realize force
“as an entity by itself”; on the contrary, when they define the atoms as
centres of force, they manifestly teach that both the force and its centre
are indispensable for the constitution of a primitive atom. And, since by
the word _force_ they mean the principle of activity (the form), and in
the centre they recognize the principle of passivity (the matter), we
cannot but conclude that the accusation has no ground, and that the
fallacy and the delusion is on the side of Mr. Stallo himself.
Moreover, is it true that _mass_ and _force_, or, to speak more
accurately, the matter and the form, are nothing more than “the
_conceptual_ constituents” of material substance? This the author assumes
as the base of his argumentation; yet it is plain that, if the
constituents of a thing are only conceptual, the thing they constitute
cannot be anything else than a conceptual being—that is, a being of
reason. We must therefore either deny the reality of matter or concede
that its constituents are more than conceptual. Could not the author
perceive that, if mass is a mere concept, and force another mere concept,
their alliance gives nothing but two concepts, and that the reality of the
external world becomes a dream?
We live in times when men of a certain class presume to discuss
metaphysical subjects without previous study and without a sufficient
acquaintance with the first notions of metaphysics. One of these first
notions is that all real being has real constituents. Such constituents,
when known to us, are the object of our conceptions, and consequently they
may become conceptual; but they do not cease to be real outside of our
mind. Were we to conceive matter as separated from its form, or form as
deprived of its matter, nothing real would correspond to our conception;
for nowhere can real matter be found without a form, or a real form
without its matter. Hence form without matter and matter without form are
at best beings of reason. But when we conceive the matter as it is under
its form, or the form as it is terminated to its matter, we evidently
conceive the real constituents of material substance as they are in
nature—that is, as metaphysical realities contained in the physical being.
Does it follow that “elements of reality,” as the author objects, “are
mistaken for kinds of reality”? By no means. The constituents of physical
reality are themselves metaphysical realities, but they are not exactly
two kinds of reality, because they belong both to the same essence which
cannot be of two kinds. Hence the matter and the substantial form, or, in
general, act and potency, notwithstanding their real metaphysical
opposition and distinction, are one essence, one kind, and one being. But
let us go back to our author.
In his third article (December, 1873) he says: “The ordinary mechanical
explanation of the molecular states of matter, or states of aggregation,
on the basis of the atomic theory, proceeds on the assumption that the
molecular states are produced by the conflict of antagonistic central
forces—molecular attraction and repulsion—the preponderance of the one or
the other of which gives rise to the solid and gaseous forms, while their
balance or equilibrium results in the liquid state. The utter futility of
this explanation is apparent at a glance. Even waiving the considerations
presented by Herbert Spencer (_First Principles_, p. 60 et seq.), that, in
view of the necessary variation of the attractive and repulsive forces in
the inverse ratio of the squares of the distances, the constituent atoms
of a body, if they are _in equilibrio_ at any particular distance, must be
equally _in equilibrio_ at all other distances, and that their density or
state, therefore, must be invariable; and admitting that the increase or
diminution of the repulsive force, _heat_, may render the preponderance of
either force, and thus the change of density or state of aggregation,
possible, what becomes of the liquid state as corresponding to the exact
balance of these two forces in the absence of external coercion? The exact
balance of the two opposing forces is a mere mathematical limit, which
must be passed with the slightest preponderance of either force over the
other. All bodies being subject to continual changes of temperature, the
equilibrium can at best be but momentary; it must of necessity be of the
most labile kind” (p. 223).
This argument against the atomic theory would be very good, if its
premises were not deceptive. Mr. Stallo, unfortunately, relies too much on
the terminology of physical writers, which is not always correct. Thus, it
is not true that the solid form is the result of an actual preponderance
of attraction between the molecules. If attraction prevailed, the
molecules would not remain in their relative position, but would move in
the direction of the attraction. The truth is that molecules, whether in
the solid or in the liquid form, are in equilibrium of position;
accordingly, neither attraction nor repulsion actually prevails between
them.
Their position of equilibrium is determined by their own constitution, and
may change; for the molecules admit of accidental changes in their
constitution. Hence the distance of relative equilibrium is not
necessarily constant, but changes with the change of state of each
molecule. This shows that bodies, whether solid or liquid, can retain
their solid or liquid form while subjected to considerable molecular
changes, and that therefore neither the solid nor the liquid form is
necessarily impaired by “the changes of temperature” or other molecular
movements. The molecules of bodies attract each other when their distance
is great, and repel each other when their distance has become very small;
whence we immediately infer that there is for every kind of molecules a
distance which marks the limit of their mutual attraction and repulsion,
and that at such a distance the molecules must find their position of
equilibrium. A body will be solid when, its molecules being in the
position of relative equilibrium, from a small increase of their distance
an attraction arises, which does not allow of the molecules being easily
separated or arranged in a different order around one another. A body will
be liquid when, its molecules being in the position of relative
equilibrium, from a small increase of their distance a weak attraction
arises, which allows of the molecules being easily separated or easily
arranged, without separation, in a different manner around one another. A
body will be expansive and fluid when its free molecules are at a distance
sensibly less than that of relative equilibrium, and therefore repel each
other, and are in need of exterior pressure to be kept at such a distance.
But we must not forget that the distance of relative equilibrium varies
with the intrinsic dynamical variation of the molecules, and that
therefore “the exact balance of the two opposing forces is _not_ a mere
mathematical limit,” but is comprised between two mathematical limits
determined by the amount of the variations of which each species of
molecules is susceptible before settling into a different form.
Having thus disposed of the main argument by which the author wished to
show “the utter futility” of the ordinary mechanical explanation of the
molecular states of matter on the basis of the atomic theory, we may add a
few words concerning Herbert Spencer’s argument alluded to by the author.
The law of actions inversely proportional to the squares of the distances
is true for each primitive element of matter, but it is not applicable to
molecules acting at molecular distances, as we have proved in another
place.(184) Hence Spencer’s argument, which assumes the contrary, is
entirely worthless. On the other hand, were the argument admissible, we do
not see how the proposition, “The constituent atoms of a body, if they are
_in equilibrio_ at any particular distance, must be equally _in
equilibrio_ at all other distances,” can justify the conclusion that
“their density or state must be invariable.” It seems to us that a change
of molecular distances must entail a change of density; but, of course, we
are behind our age.
_Relativity of material realities._—“It has been a favorite tenet, not
only of metaphysicians, but of physicists as well, that reality is
cognizable only as absolute, permanent, and invariable, or, as the
metaphysicians of the XVIth and XVIIth centuries expressed it, _sub specie
æterni et abroluti_. This proposition,” Mr. Stallo continues, “like so
many others which have served as pillars of imposing metaphysical
structures, is the precise opposite of the truth” (p. 223). Do you
understand, reader? Metaphysicians and physicists of all centuries count
for nothing; they were blind, every one of them; but a great luminary has
appeared at last, a Mr. J. B. Stallo, whose superior wisdom, if not
philosophical infallibility, opens a new era of thought, and dispels the
darkness which has been thickening around us up to the present day. Yet
even the sun has spots; and Mr. Stallo will permit us to remark that his
statement of the metaphysical doctrine of the ancients is not altogether
correct. They did not teach “that reality is cognizable _only_ as
absolute, permanent, and invariable”; they well knew and taught that there
were realities cognizable, both relative and changeable. Substance, of
course, was considered by them, and it is still considered by us, as an
absolute reality; but they never imagined that the essence of such a
reality was cognizable except through its constituent principles as
related to one another, and therefore through an intelligible relation.
This relation, as intelligible, was considered necessary and invariable,
but, as an actual reality in nature, was considered contingent and
changeable; the intelligible essence of things was known _sub specie
æterni_, but their existence was known _sub specie contingentis_. Now, on
what ground does Mr. Stallo impugn this doctrine? How does he prove that
it is “the precise opposite of truth”? Alas! we should be exceedingly
simple were we to expect proofs. Progress consists nowadays of stout
assertions on the part of the writer, and of a silly credulity on that of
most readers. Hence our author, instead of proving what he had rashly
asserted, gives us a strain of other assertions equally rash and
ridiculously absurd.
He says: “All material reality is, in its nature, not absolute, but
essentially relative. All material reality depends upon determination; and
determination is essentially limitation, as even Spinoza well knew. A
thing ‘in and by itself’ is an impossibility” (_ibid._) Spinoza! a great
authority indeed! But we should like to know how the proposition,
“Determination is essentially limitation,” can lead to the conclusion that
“a thing in itself and by itself is an impossibility.” To make a logical
connection between the two propositions, it would be necessary to assume
that “nothing finite can be in itself and by itself.” But the assumption
is so foolish that even Spinoza, who based on it his revolting system of
Pantheism, could never support it except by a false definition of
substance, and by giving to the phrases “in itself” and “by itself” an
extravagant interpretation, which proved, if not his malice and bad faith,
at least his profound philosophical ignorance. Let Mr. Stallo consult any
good philosophical treatise on this subject, and he will see how stolid a
man must be to fall a victim to the gross sophistry of the Jewish
dogmatizer.
What shall we say of the other assertion, “All material reality is, in its
nature, not absolute, but essentially relative”? Can anything be
_relative_ without at the same time being _absolute_? Can relation exist
without two absolute terms? Relativity connects one absolute thing with
another; the things thus connected acquire a relative mode of being, but
they do not for that lose their absolute being. Thus Mr. Stallo may be an
American citizen without ceasing to be a man, though he cannot be a
citizen without being endued with a relation not involved in his nature as
roan. So, also, husband and wife are essentially relative; yet we hope the
author will not say that the relative _Husband_ annihilates the absolute
_Man_, or that the relative _Wife_ excludes the absolute _Woman_.
These remarks apply to all relations, whether merely accidental or founded
in the essence of things. Pantheists imagine that creatures cannot have
any absolute being, because their being is essentially dependent, and
therefore relative. They should consider that a creature is a _created
being_—that is, a being related to its Creator. Such a creature, inasmuch
as it is a being, _is_; and inasmuch as it is related, _connotes_ its
Maker. Now, to be and to connote are not identical. The first means
_existence_, the second _dependence_; the first is perfectly complete in
the creature itself, the second is incomplete without a correlative term;
and therefore the creature is in possession of absolute being, while it is
endued with an essential relativity. Take away the absolute being; nothing
will remain of which any relativity may be predicated.
Perhaps the author, when pronouncing that “all material reality is in its
nature essentially relative,” alludes to the essential constitution of
material realities, and to the essential relation of matter and form. If
such is his meaning, the utmost he can claim is that the reality of the
form is essentially connected with the matter, and the reality of the
matter essentially connected with the form. This every one will concede;
but no one will infer that therefore the reality which results from the
conspiration of matter and form is not an absolute reality. For as the
matter and the form are the principles of one essence, and as their mutual
relativity connotes nothing extrinsic to the same essence, but finds in it
its adequate consummation, it is evident that the resulting reality is
intrinsically complete, and subsistent in its individuality. Hence this
resulting reality is an _absolute_ reality; and only as such can it become
the subject of relativity, and acquire the denomination of _relative_.
Our author, entirely taken up by Spinoza’s views, proceeds in the
following strain: “All quality is relation; all action is reaction; all
force is antagonism; all measure is a ratio between terms neither of which
is absolute; every objectively real thing is a term in numberless series
of mutual implications, and its reality outside of these series is utterly
inconceivable. A material entity, absolute in any of its aspects, would be
nothing less than a finite infinitude. There is no absolute material
quality, no absolute material substance, no absolute physical unit, no
absolutely simple physical entity, no absolute constant, no absolute
standard either of quantity or quality, no absolute motion, no absolute
rest, no absolute time, no absolute space.... There is and can be no
physical real thing which is absolutely simple” (p. 225).
This string of blunders needs no refutation, as no reader who has a
modicum of common sense can be deceived by what is evidently false. Yet,
as to the assertion that “there is and can be no physical real thing which
is absolutely simple,” it must be observed that there are two kinds of
simplicity, as there are two kinds of composition. A being is physically
simple when it is free from physical composition; whilst it is
metaphysically simple, if it has no metaphysical components. Now, God
alone is free from metaphysical as well as physical composition; and
therefore God alone is absolutely simple. Hence, created beings, though
physically simple, are always metaphysically compound.
What follows is a curious specimen of Mr. Stallo’s philosophical
resources. He says: “Leibnitz places at the head of his Monadology the
principle that there must be simple substances, because there are compound
substances. _Necesse est_, he says, _dari substantias simplices, quia
dantur compositæ_. This enthymeme, though it has been long since exploded
in metaphysics, is still regarded by many physicists as proof of the real
existence of absolutely simple constituents of matter. Nevertheless, it is
obvious that it is nothing but a vicious paralogism—a fallacy of the class
known in logic as fallacies of the suppressed relative. The existence of a
compound substance certainly proves the existence of component parts,
which, _relatively to this substance_, are simple. But it proves nothing
whatever as to the simplicity of these parts in themselves” (p. 226).
Our reader will ask when and how Leibnitz’ enthymeme has been “exploded.”
We shall inform him that it has _not_ been exploded, though the attempt
has often been made; because in the whole arsenal of metaphysics no powder
could be found that would produce the explosion. The enthymeme, therefore,
is as good and unanswerable now as it was in Leibnitz’ time; and it will
be as good and unanswerable hereafter, notwithstanding Mr. Stallo’s
efforts against it. He says that “it is nothing but a vicious paralogism”;
but he himself, while endeavoring to prove this latter assertion, resorts
to a paralogism (_vicious_, of course) which we may call “fallacy of the
suppressed absolute.” The existence of a compound proves the existence of
its component parts, as the author admits. These parts are either compound
or simple. If simple, then there are simple substances. If compound, then
they have components; and these parts are again either compound or simple.
We must therefore either admit simple substances, or continue our analysis
by further subdivisions of the compound substance without any chance of
ever coming to an end. But if the analysis cannot come to an end, the
compound has no first components; and thus it will be false that “the
existence of a compound substance proves the existence of the component
parts.” The fallacy of the author consists in stopping his analysis of the
compound before he has reached the first components. If the parts he has
reached are still compound substances, why does he not examine their
composition and point out their components? For no other reason, we
presume, than that he did not wish to meet with an _absolute_ substantial
unit, which he was sure to find at the end of the process. His argument is
therefore nothing but a despicable fraud.
In his fourth article (January, 1874) Mr. Stallo remarks that “the recent
doctrine of the correlation and mutual convertibility of the physical
forces, as a part of the theory of the conservation of energy, has shaken,
if not destroyed, the conception of a multiplicity of independent original
forces” (p. 350). Of course, there are men whose convictions can be
shaken, or even destroyed, by the sophistic generalizations of the modern
school; but there are men also whose convictions rest on too solid a
ground to be destroyed or shaken; and these latter have ere now challenged
the abettors of the “recent doctrine” to clear up their case with
something like logical precision—a thing which modern thinkers must have
found impossible, since they have constantly ignored the challenge. We
have proved elsewhere(185) that “the mutual convertibility of physical
forces,” as understood by the champions of the theory, confounds movement
with action and the effects with their causes. The facts on which the
theory is based are true; but the theory itself is false, for it
attributes to the powers by which the phenomena are produced what
exclusively belongs to “the phenomena”, besides deforming the nature of
the phenomena themselves by denying the production and extinction of
movement. It is plain that such a theory can have no weight in philosophy;
and it is no less plain that no philosopher will, for the sake of the new
theory, renounce his firm conviction concerning “the multiplicity of
independent original forces.”
“I have endeavored,” says the author, “to show that there are no absolute
constants of mass; that both the hypothesis of corpuscular atoms and that
of centres of forces are growths of a confusion of the intellect, which
mistakes _conceptual_ elements of matter for _real_ elements; that these
elements—force and mass, or force and inertia—are not only inseparable, as
is conceded by the more thoughtful among modern physicists, but that
neither of these elements has any reality as such, each of them being
simply the conceptual correlate of the other, and thus the condition both
of its realization in thought and of its objectivation to sense” (p. 350).
As we have already discussed all the points which the author vainly
endeavored to establish, we shall only remind the reader that the matter
and the form have no separate existence; and therefore have no reality in
nature, unless they are together. The author, therefore, is right when
affirming that neither of them has any reality _as such_; but he is wrong
in inferring that they have no reality _as united_. As action has no
reality without passion, nor passion without action, so also matter has no
reality without form, nor form without matter; but as action producing
passion is real, so also is a form actuating matter; and as passion is no
less real than the action whence it proceeds, so matter also is no less
real than the form by which it is actuated. Both are, of course, only
metaphysical realities.
The author says: “The mathematical treatment of mechanical problems, from
the nature of the methods, necessitates the fiction that force and mass
are separate and distinct terms” (p. 351). By no means. It is not the
nature of the methods, but the nature of the things that compels the
distinction of the two terms. Their distinction, therefore, is not a
“fiction.” But the author’s remark has no bearing on the question of the
constitution of matter; for mechanical forces are not substantial forms.
He adds: “A material object is in every one of its aspects but one term of
a relation; its whole being is a presupposition of correlates without....
Every change of a body, therefore, presupposes a corresponding change in
its correlates. If the state of any material object could be changed
without a corresponding change of state in other objects without, this
object would, to that extent, become absolute. But this is utterly
unthinkable, and therefore utterly impossible, as we have already seen....
Mechanically speaking, all force, properly so‐called—_i.e._, all potential
energy—is energy of position.... Whatever energy is spent in actual motion
is gained in position; ... thus we are led to the principle of the
conservation of energy” (p. 351).
This is a heap of absurdities. If a material object is the term of a
relation, it is absolute in itself, as we have shown. Again, the change of
a body presupposes only the exertion of active power, and not the change
of another body, as the author imagines. That the absolute is unthinkable
he has failed to prove. Lastly, mechanical force, properly so‐called, is
the product of a mass into its velocity, whilst “energy of position” is a
myth.(186)
But the author says: “Force is a mere inference from the motion itself
under the universal conditions of reality, and its measure, therefore, is
simply the effect for which it is postulated as a cause; it has no other
existence. The only reality of force and of its action is the
correspondence between the physical phenomena in conformity to the
principle of the essential relativity of all material existence. That
force has no independent reality is so plain and obvious that it has been
proposed by some thinkers to abolish the term _force_, like the term
_cause_, altogether. However desirable this might be in some respects, it
is impossible, for the reason that the concept _force_, when properly
interpreted in terms of experience, is valid; and, if its name were
abolished, it would instantly reappear under another name.... The reality
of force is purely conceptual; ... it is not a distinct and individual
tangible or intangible entity” (p. 354).
Here the author treats us to a luxury of contradictions. Force is “a mere
inference from motion,” yet it causes motion; for it is active. Hence the
causality is a mere inference of its effect. It is therefore the effect
that gives existence to its cause, and the cause “has no other existence”
than that which may be imbibed in the effect for which it is postulated.
What, then, becomes of the “force, properly so‐called”—that is, of the
potential energy, or of the energy of position, which has no actual
effect? Again, “the reality of force, is purely conceptual.” This means
that the reality of force is unreal; which would just amount to saying
that Mr. Stallo’s intellect is unintelligent or that his writings are
unwritten. Again, the “reality of force and of its action is the
correspondence between the physical phenomena”; but, if the reality of
force is merely conceptual, the correspondence between the physical
phenomena must be merely conceptual; which would prove that the concept
“force,” when properly interpreted in terms of experience, is _not_ valid,
though the author maintains the contrary. Moreover, what can the author
mean by “the action of force”? Is this action real or unreal? If unreal,
it is no action at all; and if real, it implies a real active power. We
defy Mr. Stallo to conceive a real action of an unreal force. We are
informed that “some thinkers” wish to abolish the term “force,” like the
term “cause,” and we are told that this proves how plain and obvious it is
that force has no independent reality. This, however, proves only that
some so‐called “thinkers” are either lunatics or knaves. After all, if
force is purely conceptual, as the author pretends, its reality must be
denied without any restriction. Why, then, does he deny merely that force
has an “independent” reality? Has it any “dependent” reality if it is
“purely conceptual”?
But we must come to an end. Mr. Stallo’s conclusion is that “the very
conception of force depends upon the relation between two terms at least,”
and that therefore “a constant central force, as belonging to an
individual atom in and by itself, is an impossibility” (p. 355). In this
argument the term “force” is used equivocally. It stands for _active
power_ in the consequence, while it stands for _action_ or for _movement_
in the antecedent. Hence the conclusion is worthless. “I have shown,” says
he, “that there are and can be no absolute constants of mass. And it is
evident now that there are similarly no constant central forces belonging
to, or inherent in, constants of mass as such” (p. 356). We say in our
turn: No, Mr. Stallo, you have not shown what you imagine; and, if
anything is evident, it is not that there are no constant central forces,
but that philosophical questions cannot be solved without good logic and a
clear knowledge of metaphysical principles.
The Blind Student.
When Ernest D’Arcy left the University of ——, all the glorious
possibilities of life seemed to unfold themselves invitingly before him.
He was young, he was clever, he was ambitious. Unlike too many American
students, he had not wasted the golden hours of college life in idleness,
dissipation, or even social enjoyment. He had been a hard, indeed, an
enthusiastic, student; but on commencement day, when his brow was bound
with victorious wreaths, he felt rewarded for having scorned the seductive
pleasures of youth, and rejoiced that he had lived laborious days and
nights.
But D’Arcy did not consider his education finished because he had passed
through the university brilliantly. He well knew that the college was only
the vestibule to the temple of learning. Through this vestibule he had
passed; and now he wished to enter the noble temple itself. But on its
very threshold he found himself suddenly stopped. A dangerous disease
attacked his eyes. The most eminent oculists were consulted at once;
absolute rest alone could save him from total blindness. He was forbidden
to read or write a line. This was indeed a terrible blow to the ambitious
young student. His golden hopes left him; his sweet dream of fame faded
away; his bright career was blighted in the very bud. Unsustained by the
holy influence of religion, a deep and dangerous despondency seized him;
he abandoned himself to despair, and could not follow the advice of Burke,
“Despair, but work even in despair,” for the affliction that caused his
despair prevented him from working. So depressed was he at times that he
contemplated suicide as a happy relief.
The D’Arcy family were of Norman origin. The grandfather of Ernest escaped
from France in the early days of the Revolution, bringing with him to the
United States the fortune that had descended to him through a long line of
ancestors. Like so many French gentlemen of the last century, M. D’Arcy
had imbibed the fashionable scepticism of the time of Voltaire and the
Encyclopædists. After coming to America, he married a Catholic lady, and
his scepticism gradually settled into a form of mild indifferentism.
Ernest’s father was a devoted Catholic, but he died while his children
were in their infancy. His wife was a Protestant, a woman of fashion,
whose highest ambition was to be a leader of society. Her children, Ernest
and his sister Mary, were brought up from their infancy on the
Chesterfieldian model: _to shine in society_. To this end everything else
was sacrificed. From the nursery they went to the dancing‐school, and had
masters to teach them all those superficial accomplishments which make up
a modern fashionable education. Ernest’s clever and original mind saved
him from the evil effects of such an education. But, unfortunately, he did
not escape a worse danger. With no one to direct his studies, at the
susceptible age of seventeen he began to read the infidel French
literature of the XVIIIth century, which formed a large part of his
grandfather’s library. Fascinated by the diabolical wit of Voltaire,
Ernest’s young and undisciplined mind mistook sophistry for argument,
ridicule for reason, wit for wisdom. The fashionable religion of his
mother had never possessed any charm or interest for him, and now,
rejecting all belief, he became a free‐thinker.
Ernest entered the University of —— in his eighteenth year, eager for
distinction and determined to succeed. Succeed he did; and when he
graduated, four years later, he was the first student of the university
and unanimously chosen the commencement orator. No student ever left the
University of ——, which has been the Alma Mater of so many distinguished
men, with a brighter future before him than Ernest D’Arcy. But it was a
future for this world, and for this world alone. Fame was the god of his
idolatry. His residence at the University of ——, which boasts the absence
of all religious teaching, had strengthened his scepticism. But the
scepticism of Ernest D’Arcy was a scepticism of the head, not of the
heart. His natural love for the true, the beautiful, and the good had kept
him pure, even at the most dangerous period of youth, when the blood is
warm, the passions strong, and the will weak. While the heart is good and
pure, however the head may err, there is always hope. The unbelief of
Ernest D’Arcy was not the cold, heartless, satisfied unbelief of the
hardened scoffer rejoicing in his infidelity. It was the natural result
upon an eager and active intellect of an education without religion, a
home without God.
The same year that Ernest left the university his sister “finished” at the
Academy of the Visitation of ——. Mary D’Arcy was not a brilliant girl, but
very sweet, gentle, and interesting. Three years at the convent school had
removed all traces of her unfortunate home education. Mary’s most intimate
friend at the convent was Edith Northcote, a young Catholic girl from the
South. When they parted on distribution day, it was with the understanding
that Edith should pass the next winter with Mary, and the two young ladies
enter society together.
One morning, towards the end of October, Ernest was sitting in the
library, surrounded by the most enchanting literature of the world, and
not allowed to read a single line. D’Arcy was no sentimental dreamer or
aimless student.
“To sleep away his hours
In desperate sloth, miscalled philosophy.”
He wished to be a man among men. His ambition was first to teach himself,
and then to teach the world. He wished to elevate the tone of society; to
raise it from its fallen state. His was no splendid dream of
revolutionizing the social world; he had no fond hope of creating an
Utopia out of this busy, bustling America of the XIXth century. But he
knew that life was too precious to be dedicated solely to the one selfish,
absorbing pursuit of wealth; that the entire surrender of mind and heart
and life itself to the accumulation of money was corrupting our people and
exercising a baleful influence over the whole nation. Our merchants rival
the merchant princes of Italy in wealth and enterprise; why should they
not rival them also in their princely tastes? The palaces, the gardens,
the galleries, the libraries, of Florence, Venice, and Genoa, “all tell
the story of great thoughts and noble tastes which gold and trade may
nurture when nobleness and greatness deal with them.” We should take time
to cultivate the beautiful as well as the useful; the poetical as well as
the practical. The artist should be patronized as well as the artisan.
Time should be given to the refinement, the grace, the sweetness of life.
We have followed too long and too earnestly the false philosophy taught in
“Poor Richard’s Almanac,” that money‐getting is a sort of secular
religion, and “there will be sleeping enough in the grave.” Our American
life is one long “fitful fever.” We give no time to rest. Repose, a
cultivated leisure, is not idleness. An elegant essay on this
subject—leisure(187)—by a distinguished Baltimore lawyer, should be read
and pondered by our eager and restless people, who are devoured by their
business as Actæon was by his own dogs. “I mean,” says this writer, “the
rest which is won and deserved by labor, and which sweetens and
invigorates it and furnishes its reward. Whence comes this doctrine, that
life, to be anything, must be for ever in motion? There is no process of
physical development which does not need and depend upon repose. To all
the green and beautiful things that deck the earth—the flowers that give
it perfume, and the fruits and foliage that make it glad—there is needful
the calm sunshine and the peaceful shade, the gentle rain and the yet
gentler dew. Not a gem that flashes but has been crystallized in the
immovable stillness of the great earth’s breast. I believe that to be
false philosophy which denies to individuals their seasons of leisure and
meditation; teaching them that existence was meant to be nothing but a
struggle.” Our very amusements are unwholesome and dangerous: the midnight
“German,” the lascivious drama, the race‐course, the steamboat excursion,
the political meeting. The priceless time of youth should have some better
employment than dancing and novel‐reading. Our young men should be taught
that life is too valuable, time too precious, to be frittered away in idle
pleasures, in frivolous amusement, in heartless dissipation. Our young
women should be taught that there is something nobler in life than the
passing triumphs of the ball‐room, gay flirtations, and dazzling toilets.
Thoughts like these occupied Ernest D’Arcy on that bright October
morning—thoughts that stirred his heart and mind, and made him eager for
the glorious work. With a soul longing to “be up and doing,” he was
compelled to sit idle in the golden prime of his manhood. These were the
moments of his greatest despondency, when all the brightness seemed gone
from his life, and all the hope from his soul. Sitting there in the
library that morning, D’Arcy recalled the beautiful lines of Miss Procter
in “My Picture”:
“He had a student air,
With a look half sad, half stately,
Grave, sweet eyes and flowing hair.”
The library‐door was opened, and there came in one who was always
welcome—Mary D’Arcy.
“Ernest, I have a letter from Edith Northcote,” Mary said. “She will be
here to‐morrow.”
“I am glad to hear it. From all you have told me about Miss Northcote, I
think I shall like her.”
“I am sure of it,” returned his sister. “If you don’t, my opinion of your
taste is gone for ever.”
“She is nothing of the bread‐and‐butter miss, I hope? I have all Byron’s
antipathy, you know, for that class.”
“Byron himself could have found no fault with Edith on that ground,” said
Mary.
“Well, I am relieved of no little apprehension,” said Ernest. “I have a
perfect horror of the common run of girls, who haven’t an idea above the
last novel and the last fashion.”
The next day Edith arrived, and her appearance certainly realized all of
Ernest’s expectations. She was nineteen—an age when the sweet graces of
girlhood still linger and lend an additional charm to the blooming woman.
Her features were not regularly beautiful, but her face possessed a charm
and an interest which no faultlessly beautiful face ever had. If a true
woman’s soul, full of the sweetest sympathy, ever brightened and
beautified a human face, it was that of Edith Northcote. Then, her voice
was so sweet and cordial and warm—and what is more attractive than a low,
sweet voice in woman? Edith was scarcely the medium height, but
exquisitely formed, and perfectly natural and graceful in all her
movements, in charming contrast with the trained glances and artificial
manners of our fashionable society belles. Like Alexandrine, in _A
Sister’s Story_, there was an air of refinement about this lovely girl as
rare as it was delightful; she had all the freshness and fragrance of the
rose without the rose’s thorns. Mrs. D’Arcy, who was a female Turveydrop
in the matter of deportment, said she had never seen in any society
manners so elegant and at the same time so sweet and natural as the
manners of Edith Northcote. Such praise from such a woman was in itself
fame.
Edith soon became the life and joy of the house; she was an elegant lady
in the parlor, an intelligent companion in the library, and the charming,
sweet girl everywhere. The influence of her bright presence pervaded the
whole household. Even stately Mrs. D’Arcy yielded to the general
enthusiasm, and declared that Mary was fortunate in having such a friend.
But of all the family, Ernest felt the influence of Edith’s society the
most. The library, where he had passed so many hours in gloom and
despondency, was now brightened by her daily and hourly presence. She read
beautifully, and with a voice and manner that threw a charm around
everything. Her true, womanly heart sympathized deeply with Ernest in his
great affliction, and she at once determined to do all in her power to
relieve it. So it soon became the custom for Ernest and Edith to retire to
the library every morning after breakfast, where she read the morning
paper to him while he smoked his cigar. Then two or three hours were
devoted to serious study. The books, so long neglected, were again
resumed. The literary work, which Ernest loved so well, was again taken
up. Edith was his librarian, his reader, his amanuensis. He had the true
student’s dislike of any person touching his books and papers; but Edith’s
touch seemed to have magic in it, for she could do what few ladies can
ever do—put papers in order without putting them out of place.
But not only as his literary assistant was Edith serviceable to Ernest;
she was his sweet and gentle companion, his kind and sympathetic friend,
ever ready in all things to make him forget his blindness and his
consequent dependence. Inspiring and stimulating him to renewed exertion,
she also directed his ambition to the noblest ends. She opened a new life
to the brilliant young student—a life full of love and sweetness and
humanity. Her bright and joyous influence banished from his soul the dark
despair that had been enthroned there so long, and again there was raised
in his heart
“A hope
That he was born for something braver than
To hang his head and wear a nameless name.”
Edith found time for everything; duty, as well as pleasure, had each its
allotted place in her daily life. Before the rest of the family were awake
she was up and off to early Mass. In the winter twilight, when other young
ladies were returning from the fashionable promenade, Edith could often be
seen with a little basket on her arm, carrying delicacies to the sick, or
more substantial food to relieve the necessities of Christ’s suffering
children. Ernest sometimes accompanied her on these errands of mercy, and
it was a new revelation to him to see Edith, so gay, sparkling, and
fascinating in society, visiting the humble homes of the poor, cheering
and comforting the sick and destitute. Her very presence seemed like a
sunbeam in their dreary dwellings. Edith did not think she was performing
any heroic virtue by these things. She knew she was only following the
injunction of Him who loved the poor so well that he became like one of
them. She knew the Catholic poor were the blessed inheritance of the
Catholic Church. Many Catholic young ladies, delicately nurtured and
fastidiously refined, are daily doing what Edith did.
Ernest was benefited by attending Edith on those missions of love. His
warm heart was touched and all the latent sweetness of his nature brought
out by the distress which he witnessed, and of which he had never dreamed
amidst the luxuries of his own elegant home. There was one case that
particularly interested him; unfortunately, there are many such in this
age of boasted religious liberty. It was that of a Mrs. White. She was a
woman of education and refinement, and had been accustomed to all the
comforts of life in her father’s house. Early in life she married a poor
but worthy young man. He was a clerk, and labored for his wife and
children with an industry that knew no flagging. By constantly bending
over his desk he literally worked himself into consumption. After
lingering a few months, during which all his little savings were spent, he
died, leaving his family in utter destitution. During his sickness he had
been visited by several Catholic ladies, who attended to his wants with so
sweet a charity that his heart was touched, and he longed to know more of
a religion which taught such blessed humanity. As the Author of all truth
has declared that he who seeks shall find, so Mr. White found the truth
which he sought, and died a most beautiful and edifying death. His wife
soon afterwards became a Catholic, converted by the example of the good
ladies who had so kindly ministered to her dying husband. In the extremity
of her distress Mrs. White appealed to her father, who had refused to have
any intercourse with her since her marriage. What do you think was the
answer of this father to a daughter whose only offence was that she had
left _father and mother to cleave to her husband_? We blush for the
humanity that could send to a grief‐stricken and desolate daughter so
brutal a message as this:
“Now your chosen husband is dead, I will receive you back, provided you
give up, at once and for ever, the Catholic religion, which you have
recently professed. Otherwise, you may die as you have lived—a pauper and
an outcast.”
And so she lived and died a pauper and an outcast; but, so living and so
dying, her lot was more enviable than that of her cruel and unnatural
father. Her last moments were comforted by the promise of Ernest D’Arcy to
provide for her two children. The elder, a bright little fellow of
thirteen, he placed in a lawyer’s office; the other, a boy nine years old,
was admitted into a Catholic orphan asylum.
Thus visiting the sick and relieving the poor, and frequently meeting
Catholic priests and Catholic Sisters in pious attendance on death‐beds,
the conversation of Ernest and Edith naturally took a religious turn. One
evening, after returning from one of their charitable visits, they were
sitting in the library before the great wood‐fire (for Ernest would not
allow that abomination, miscalled a modern improvement, a furnace‐flue, in
his _sanctum_), as they generally did before tea. Ernest was unusually
thoughtful that evening, so much so that Edith observed it and asked him
the cause.
“I am thinking about you and myself—about all your goodness to me,” he
said; “about what I was before I knew you, and what I may be by your noble
example. Edith, the daily beauty of your life makes mine ugly. My father
was a Catholic, and I am—nothing. The cold and fashionable religion of my
mother neither satisfied my mind nor interested my heart. I became a free‐
thinker, an infidel, but never a scoffer at religion. I did not believe,
because I did not know what to believe.”
“We must read together Chateaubriand’s _Genius of Christianity_—that
magnificent tribute to the truth and beauty of the Christian religion,”
Edith replied. “You know the story of his conversion: in his extreme youth
he yielded to the gay scepticism which at the time controlled French
society, and he, a son of the Crusaders, became a disciple of Voltaire,
and wrote in the interest of infidelity. The death of Chateaubriand’s
mother, whose last moments had been saddened by his scepticism, and whose
last words were a prayer for his conversion, recalled him to a sense of
that religion in which he had been educated. ‘_I became a Christian_,’
Chateaubriand wrote. ‘_My conviction came from the heart. I wept and I
believed._’ He resolved to devote to religion the eloquent pen which had
been used against her. The result was his immortal work the _Genius of
Christianity_. The beautiful style, the vast information, the glowing
descriptions of art, scenery, poetry, and music cannot fail to delight and
interest you.”
The next day Edith commenced Chateaubriand’s great masterpiece. As, day
after day, the reading continued, Ernest grew deeply interested. He saw
clearly demonstrated the noble and inspiring fact that “the Christian
religion, of all the religions that ever existed, is the most favorable to
liberty and to the arts and sciences; that the modern world is indebted to
it for every improvement: from agriculture to the abstract sciences; from
the hospitals for the reception of the unfortunate to the temples reared
by the Michael Angelos and embellished by the Raphaels.”
Other books were read, all breathing the same divine spirit, the same
exalted Christian charity, the same sweet human sympathy. The warm, tender
heart of Ernest D’Arcy was fascinated by the beautiful and noble
sentiments expressed in the volumes which were now a part of his daily
reading. He compared them with the false philosophy of a Voltaire and the
senseless sentimentality of a Rousseau, which taught how to destroy, but
not how to save; whose end was the destruction, not the amelioration, of
society. These books certainly opened a newer and a sweeter world to the
student. But it must not be supposed that the young D’Arcy saw immediately
the truth of Catholicity in all its divine beauty. Few, like S. Paul, are
miraculously changed from the enemy to the friend of God’s church. Few,
like Chateaubriand, can say: “I wept and I believed.”
With the opening of spring Edith returned home, and Earnest was again left
alone with his books. But how changed seemed everything! The brightness
was gone from the library. The pleasure was gone from his studies. He
sadly missed her who had been his constant companion for so many months.
Fortunately, about this time his eyes improved sufficiently to allow him
to read for a short time every day. He continued the reading to which
Edith had introduced him. This was some consolation to him, now that he
was separated from her. But, alas! it was a consolation not long allowed
to him. If that stern old moralist, Dr. Johnson, acknowledged that he
found it easier to practise abstinence than temperance in wine, it will
not be surprising that so ardent a student as Ernest D’Arcy found it
absolutely impossible to practise temperance in reading when he read at
all. And now he had a greater incentive to work than ever before. He felt
that he must make himself worthy of the sweet girl whom he loved. The
delicately refined nature of this perfect gentleman would not allow him to
make a formal declaration of love to Edith while she was a guest in his
mother’s house, but that unerring, never‐failing instinct which belongs to
woman enabled her to see plainly that he was deeply, fondly interested in
her. Nor was Edith insensible to the many attractive qualities of Ernest
D’Arcy; his cultured mind, his noble heart, his high ambition, his exalted
sentiments of honor and morality, claimed her enthusiastic admiration,
while the romantic character of their constant intercourse pleased her
girlish fancy.
D’Arcy’s Catholic reading had enchanted his impressible mind. As an
historical institution, the church delighted and astonished him. He saw it
rise triumphantly on the ruins of the empire of the Cæsars; he saw it
conquer and civilize the barbarians of Germany and the North; he saw it
tame the fierce passions of the Franks and Goths; he saw it in the middle
ages standing between the people and princely despots; he saw it always on
the side of right and always against wrong, always raising its powerful
voice in favor of the oppressed; he saw it in the XVIth century
successfully sustain itself against the most formidable religious
revolution the world had ever known; he saw it in the XIXth century serene
in the midst of tumbling thrones and political convulsions, teaching one
faith and one doctrine, while heresy was broken into a thousand
indistinguishable fragmentary sects.
With his mind fresh from these new and interesting studies, Ernest D’Arcy
began to write the story of his mental life, which he called _From
Darkness to Light_. Like Milton, he became so engrossed in his work that
his eyes grew rapidly worse; and, like him also, he was unwilling to
discontinue his studies, until at length study was impossible. Edith
Northcote heard of this new trial through Ernest’s sister Mary; for Ernest
himself was too manly, too considerate, to annoy Edith with his troubles.
She determined at once to make a Novena to Our Lady of Lourdes to obtain
the cure of Ernest’s eyes. She procured some of the celebrated miraculous
water, and sent it to Ernest, telling him that on a certain day she would
commence the Novena, requesting him to apply the water to his eyes each
day, and say the prayer to Our Lady of Lourdes contained in the little
book recently published. The account of the apparition greatly interested
Ernest, and, though not yet a Catholic, he did not hesitate to comply with
both of Edith’s requests.
Thousands of unrecorded miracles have been wrought by the water of
Lourdes, and the restoration of Ernest’s eyes was one of them.(188) As the
darkness left his eyes, the divine light of faith entered his soul; and he
who had been both mentally and physically blind, now saw with the eyes of
the body and saw also with the eyes of the soul. He saw the truth, the
beauty, and the goodness of the Catholic religion; seeing, he believed;
believing, he professed; professing, he practised. Ernest D’Arcy became a
Catholic—a devout, a zealous, a fervid Catholic.
Ernest did not inform Edith by letter of the happy effects of the water of
Lourdes. He visited her in her Southern home. Simply saying a friend
wished to see her, he awaited her entrance with no little impatience. At
length she appeared. Ernest advanced to meet her. The few words he spoke
explained everything: “_Edith, I am a Catholic._”
The next few weeks were the sweetest Ernest had ever known—sweeter than he
had ever dreamed of. He had found what he had so long sought in vain—the
true religion; and in finding the religion which was to make him happy in
heaven, he also found the being who was to make him happy on earth.
Turning From Darwin To Thomas Aquinas.
UNLESS in thought with thee I often live,
Angelic Doctor! life seems poor to me.
What _are_ these bounties, if they only be
Such boon as farmers to their servants give?
That I am fed, and that mine oxen thrive,
That my lambs fatten, that mine hours are free—
These ask my nightly thanks on bended knee;
And I _do_ thank Him who hath blest my hive
And made content my herd, my flock, my bee.
But, Father! nobler things I ask from thee.
Fishes have sunshine, worms have everything!
Are we but apes? Oh! give me, God, to know
I am death’s master; not a scaffolding,
But a true temple where Christ’s word could grow.
The Future Of The Russian Church.
By The Rev. Cæsarius Tondini, Barnabite.