CHAPTER VI

MONASTIC BALANCE SHEETS

We shall take the remaining houses in alphabetical order, and it

will be our endeavour to ascertain the details of their income and

expenditure.

BREWOOD NUNNERY

The old market town of Brewood stood on the western border of the

county, and for centuries the Bishops of Lichfield had possessed a

manor there. On the Shropshire side of the town, and just beyond the

county boundary, stood a Cistercian nunnery. On the Staffordshire side

stood a Benedictine nunnery.

The latter was a small house containing in the sixteenth century

four sisters only, and the record of its possessions in _Valor

Ecclesiasticus_[88] is very brief. It was apparently made by

the same clerk as he who also drew up that of Dudley. The name of

the Prioress was Isabel Launder. It shows income only and gives no

disbursements. The house itself, with the demesne, provided the bulk

of the total, viz., £6 15s. Chief rents in Brome (Staffs.) amount to

£3, and besides these two items there are only small “alms,” amounting

to 8s. 6d., a tenement in Horsebrook[89] (16s.) and a cottage in

Kidderminster (2s.). The “alms” come from the following: William

Woodhouse in Albrighton, John Gifford Kt., in Chillington, Sir --

Vernon in Tong, Roger Corbet Kt., in Dawley, and -- Blakemore in

Bradeley.

When we compare this with the account given by the Commissioners at

the Dissolution, we see at once from the latter that the _Valor

Ecclesiasticus_ took no account of stores or stock in hand. When

Thomas Gyfforde bought the place[90] he took over:

s. d.

1 qr. of wheat 6 2

1 „ „ munke-corn 8 0

1 „ „ oats 1 8

1 „ „ peas 2 8

10 loads of hay 15 0

1 horse 4 0

Little can be done to harmonize the two accounts of lands and rents,

but possibly Thomas Pitt who paid 2s. for “a hole yeres rente” at

the Suppression was the tenant of the cottage in Kidderminster, and

John Penford of the tenement in Horsebrook. William Woodhouse, of

Albrighton, appears, as William Wydowes, among those who were in

arrears, as also does the bailiff of Tong, presumably the Vernon who is

named in the _Valor_. In 1538 a grant in fee simple (by exchange)

was made to Charles, Duke of Suffolk, of various Crown leases,

including the Manor of Brome. Its annual value then was given at £3

10s., with 7s. rent.

The valuation made after the Dissolution (_Monasticon_, iv, 501)

is in most respects identical with _Valor Ecclesiasticus_ so far

as the same allotments appear, except that Brewood produces £1 2s. 4d.

only instead of £6 15s. The following additions are given:

Blithebury--lands £3 12 0

Hampton, 1 messuage 13 4

Henyngton „ 8 0

Shardycote „ 6 0

The total valuation amounts to £10 8s. 3½d.

CROXDEN ABBEY

The Cistercian Abbey of Croxden stood in a secluded valley, away from

the high road, about three miles from Rocester. Its history had been

calm and uneventful. Its Chronicle has been preserved but contains

little beyond merely domestic details, such as we should expect in

the history of a house far removed from the noise of the world. It is

an interesting example of the diary of one of the unimportant houses

which never played a prominent part in national history but lived a

humdrum life. It records some events of general interest, such as

various incidents in the struggles in the reign of Henry III, and

some of ecclesiastical interest, such as the adoption in the diocese

in 1250 of the antiphon _salve Regina_ ordered by the Pope in

1239, the appointment of Bishops and Archbishops, and the summoning

of the Cistercian Abbots to the General Chapters of the order at

Citeaux. In 1274 Abbot Howton went to attend the General Chapter, and

died at Dijon, being buried at Citeaux. In 1308 the Abbot refused

to attend, and was deposed. But most of the information is solely

concerned with the private fortunes of the secluded Abbey. We read of

an unusually plentiful harvest in 1288, when sufficient carts could

not be obtained, an earthquake shock in 1301 which terrified the monks

in their refectory, the burning of the Abbey wood at Cheadle in 1303,

a cattle plague in 1319, and a great storm in 1372 which flooded the

church and blew the roof off the dormitory. The church was built by

Abbot John of London, who had been Prior of Stratford in Essex, and was

dedicated in 1253. He also built Chapter House, refectory, kitchen,

dormitory, infirmary, etc. His successor, who was elected in 1268,

built the Abbot’s House, and added to the library a great Bible in nine

volumes. The west wing was built by John de Billysdon in 1288. It fell

down in 1369 and had to be re-built. A London house was purchased by

William de Over, who was elected in 1297, and who much increased the

library. The first bell was hung in 1302. In 1313 the monks engaged

Master Henry Michael de Lichfield to cast another to replace one which

had been cracked. We are told he laboured throughout the summer and

then his casting failed, but he succeeded by All Saints’ Day. From

1331 to 1334 much building, to repair the damage done by a great storm

in December, 1330, is recorded. The Abbey pool was made in 1336, but

ten years later it burst. The burials of the Verduns are carefully

chronicled--John in 1274, Thomas in 1309, Matilda in 1312. On this

latter occasion there was great pomp, and the Earl of Lancaster and

other notables attended. Joanna, the last of the Verduns, was buried

in 1334 before the high altar, the Abbots of Burton, Dieulacres, and

Hulton being present.

Croxden’s prosperous time had been in the years when the wool trade had

flourished. It was one of the houses which supplied the Flemish and

Florentine merchants in the latter part of the thirteenth and the early

part of the fourteenth centuries. When Edward II led his immense army

to Bannockburn, Croxden provided supplies almost as great as Burton

Abbey, and it also “lent” money to Richard II. But when its patronage

left the Verduns it began to experience adversity.

In 1319, Alton Castle and the patronage of Croxden passed to the

Furnivals. The new lord, Thomas de Furnival, levied many exactions on

the Abbey. He insisted on daily distribution of alms, probably in the

same spirit as the justices of Speenhamland in a later century--namely,

to relieve himself of the necessity of maintaining his tenants. He

required that his horses and hounds should be housed at the Abbey, and

that his seven bailiffs should be entertained and fed once a week in

a special room. There was naturally considerable friction, which was

finally ended by a formal written agreement.

The outbreak of the French Wars made the Cistercians unpopular,

and eventually they had to abandon their foreign dependence. Heavy

exactions were levied on them. Corrodians were quartered on them

without remorse. The Black Death added to their difficulties. It is

mentioned in the Annals of Croxden as follows: In 1349 “there was a

great pestilence throughout the whole world,” and in 1361, after almost

a complete blank in the Chronicle, we read that “a second pestilence

took place, and all the children that were born since the first

pestilence took place died.” In 1369 a third visitation is recorded. In

1367 the affairs of Croxden were in such confusion that the Abbot of

the parent house at Aunay had to send a special commissioner to visit

it. He found debts to the extent of 152 marks, 8 shillings, and 11

pence. Bad harvests increased the difficulty, and Croxden had to sell

much of its property. The insolvency which is found threatening so many

of the religious houses at the beginning of the sixteenth century had

evidently already begun.

In the breakdown of rule which accompanied the later years of the

Hundred Years’ War and the Wars of the Roses Croxden shared in the

general disorder. There was trespassing by neighbours on its lands:

there were complaints of trespassing on the lands of others by the

monks and their men.

When the Commissioners for _Valor Ecclesiasticus_ came to Croxden

they found Thomas Chawner was the Abbot. In the survey which was

drawn up[91] the ecclesiastical income comes first and amounts to £8

15s. 4d. It consisted mainly of the tithes of grain and hay from the

parishes of Alton in Staffordshire and of Tokeby in Leicestershire.

These being paid in kind are computed to be annually worth £2 5s. 4d.

and £4 respectively. The ecclesiastical rents also include the tithes

of grain and hay “and other emoluments” from the parish of Norton in

Leicestershire, which are reckoned to average £2 10s.

The fixed rents (_redditus assisus_) follow. These include a

“pension” of 12d. from the parish of Cheadle which we have added to the

former section. The remaining items, amounting to £1 7s. 10d., show

revenue from lands and tenements in Walton, Cheadle, and Calton in

Staffordshire, Ashbourne in Derbyshire, and Misterton in Northampton.

The third group gives the rents from lands and tenements “at will”:

in Alton (£5 4s. 1d.), Glaston[92] (£5 10s.), Cheadle (£8 6s. 4d.),

Leek (“Puttels” and “Whitels”), Uttoxeter, Stafford and Oken (£11 6s.

11d.), in Staffordshire; Hartshorne, Derby, Doveridge (“Downebrige”),

Longford, Langley, Ashbourne and Trusley (£4 6s. 8d.), in Derbyshire;

Tokeby (£8), and Burton Overy in Leicestershire; Stamford, Mountstrell

and Casterne in Northampton; Middlewich in Cheshire, and £1 6s. 8d. for

certain tenements in London: total £56 5s. 9d.

It is noted that the following demesne lands are not let, but are

reserved for the use of the Monastery; the demesne at Croxden (£16),

certain lands at Musden Grange (£13 6s. 8d.), and at Cauldon and Oncott

(£7 10s.); total, £36 16s. 8d.

Then follow the outgoings. First come the “fixed charges” (£2 10s.

10d.), among which the foremost item is £1 12s. 4d., paid as chief

rents to the Earl of Shrewsbury for lands in Cauldon and Alton. Four

shillings a year is paid to the “monastery” of Rocester; 4s. 6d. to

the King for lands in Ashbourne; and payments are noted to the Lord

Mountjoy, William Chetwen, arm., the heirs of John Blount, miles, and

the royal bailiff of Totmonslow.

Ecclesiastical payments are next given: to Hulton and Burton Abbeys,

the parishes of Uttoxeter and Checkley, the Archdeacons of Stafford

and Leicester, and 13s. 4d. per annum to the “General Reformator of

the Cistercian Order,” Henry VIII’s official, whose appointment was

chronicled in the preceding chapter.[93]

Wages to lay officials conclude the account. The steward of Tokeby

received 10s. and of Oken, 20s. The steward of Croxden, Ashbourne, and

Cauldon was John Wistowe, gent., and was paid £1. The bailiff and rent

collector in Leicestershire was paid £1 13s. 4d., and the collectors in

Oken and Croxden with its members 10s. and £1 6s. 8d. respectively. The

bailiff of Ashbourne and Cauldon was paid £1 a year.

When we attempt to compare this valuation with the first valuation made

after the surrender, as given in _Monasticon_ we find that the

latter omits various sources of income, as has already been mentioned

is commonly the case. The valuation of the demesne at Croxden had

decreased from £16 to £14 2s. 5d., but that of Musden Grange had risen

from £13 6s. 8d. to £19 11s. 8d. Alton rents had risen from £5 4s.

1d. to £5 15s. 3d., and the value of the water-mill there from £2 5s.

4d. to £4. Rents in Tokeby in Leicestershire had risen from £8 to

£11 9s. 4d., and the tithe there from £4 to £7. It appears as though

the rents from lesser folk had been generally raised, but the richer

people managed to keep down the valuation of their property. The total

valuation for the property which is mentioned is £157 1s. 2d. When it

is remembered that items amounting to some £15 are not included, this

is a very large increase on _Valor Ecclesiasticus_. The following

are not mentioned in the earlier valuation but appear in the later:

Great Gate and Denstone--rents £2 16 8

Ditto with Musden, Calder, and Trussley (tithes) 6 13 4

Great Gate and Ridding--messuage and wood 3 5 0

Crakemarsh Grange 3 0 0

Calton, fixed rents 3 6

Cauldon--rents 3 7 0

„ water-mill 1 0 0

Musdon, 3 messuages 3 12 0

Ellaston--rents 4 11 8

„ water-mill 1 6 8

Hunchedial 17 18 8

Puttels 1 4

East Norton, tithe 2 13 4

Caythorpe, „ 13 4

There are also a few other items of small amount.

DIEULACRES ABBEY

Dieulacres was another Cistercian house which had profited by the wool

trade, and had done much to bring the Moorlands into cultivation. Its

monks had improved the course of the river Churnet, which flowed down

the valley, had effected a great scheme of drainage, including the

building of a stone drain so huge as to give rise to an impossible

story of an underground passage from the Abbey to the Church, and

had constructed a raised paved road across the valley. They had been

well endowed at the commencement, and had begun with the advowson

of the Church at Leek and its chapels. They owned a London house.

The Abbot’s court was sometimes attended by as many as three or four

hundred persons. His gallows stood at the end of the town, and his fair

was held at Leek annually for seven days at the Feast of St. Arnulph

(July 28th). He was a county magnate of importance, and even so late

as 1504 we find him stipulating in the lease of the Manor of Pulton

that he was to be entertained there with twelve mounted companions

twice a year. Such a position was dangerous, and it is not surprising

to find that the Abbot sometimes carried things with a high hand. In

1379 it was alleged against the Abbot that he attempted “to perpetrate

maintenance in his marches” (_in marchiis suis manutenenciam

facere_) and to oppress the people. He had a band of twenty-one

retainers, who are described as common disturbers of the King’s peace,

living at the Abbey and doing all the mischief they can, lying in wait

for travellers, assaulting, maiming, and even killing them. Some of

them were captured on the definite charge of murdering John de Warton

at Leek, and were committed to the Marshalsea, with Edmund de Draycot,

Cellarer at Dieulacres, and William del Brugge, Vicar of Leek, who,

with the Abbot, had harboured the murderers. But the Abbot managed to

delay proceedings again and again, and finally no one was punished.[94]

In 1413 a monk of Dieulacres, with a large number of armed men, raided

a neighbouring park, and took by force much stone, the Abbot being

privy to the deed. The Abbot in question was Richard Whitmore, and one

of the armed men who led the expedition was Adam Whitmore, Knight.

Abbot Whitmore was frequently engaged in quarrels with his neighbours,

as was his successor, John Goodfellow. He once stole goods worth £40,

and once engaged in a riotous attack on the Vicar of Ilam, who had

given the tithes to a neighbour he disliked.[95]

When the Commissioners visited Dieulacres the Abbot was Thomas Whitney,

and subsequent events showed he inherited the spirit and vigour of his

predecessors.

The summary[96] is arranged like that of Croxden and Rocester. The

ecclesiastical income is mainly derived from Leek and its chapels: £1

4s. from glebe, £18 3s. 8d. from tithes of straw and hay, £46 8s. from

oblations, £10 from tithes of sheep and wool, and £6 from tithes of

cattle. From Leek also comes £6 5s. 4d. in Easter dues. Besides these

there are two items from Sandbach: £23 16s. tithes of straw and hay,

etc., and 14s. 8d. from glebe.

Fixed rents include 5s. 8d. from Leek, 1s. 6d. from Thornley, 5d. from

Stafford, and 11s. from Norbrook and Biscopham in Lancashire; other

“lands and tenaments” produce £160 15s. A salt-pan at Middlewich, worth

£3 yearly, is included.

The demesne is said to be reserved _ad usum hospicii monasterii_,

and to have been estimated by the discretion of the Commissioners to

be worth £8 18s. 6d. per year. “Perquisites” of the Court and other

“casual [fees]” are estimated in a similar manner at £4.

The outgoings begin with a payment of £4 13s. 4d. to the Royal

Exchequer at Chester, and include 2s. to the landlord of Field for

lands there; £3 13s. 4d. to the Abbot of Shrewsbury for the Lancashire

lands; 8d. to Lord Audley for lands in Longton, and 2s. to Thomas

Butler, Kt., for lands in Biscopham. “Pensions, Procurations, and

Synodals” are paid to the Archdeacons of Stafford (15s.) and Chester

(7s. for Sandbach), and to the Abbot of Combermere (18s. 6d.).

Wages to lay officials are given as follows: William Damport, £1 6s.

8d., as steward of the courts, and a similar amount for his fee as

“Collector or Receiver” of the rents in Le Frith and elsewhere in

Staffordshire; 13s. 4d. to John Corden, collector in Leek, and £2 to

Humfry Whitney, collector in Cheshire. It will be noticed that the last

mentioned bears the same surname as the Abbot. In 1537 he received a 49

years’ lease of a salt-pan at Middlewich.

Other possessions named, besides those already mentioned, were situated

at Heyton, Tentisworth, Esyng, Lowe, Longnor, Horton, Cheddleton,

Pulford, Poulton, Duddleston, Chirton Cestria, Byveley, Yatehouses and

Rudheth, Bagford and Hadford, Knutsford, Newbalt, and Rossall.

At the Dissolution the following lay officials received “fees and

annuities”: Lord Derby, steward of the monastery and town of Leek, £2;

Richard Grosvenor, Steward of Poulton, 26s. 8d.; Humfry Whitney, £3 6s.

8d.; William Davenport, £4; Robert Burgh, forester (amount not stated);

John Gordon, bailiff of Leek, £1; John Aleynn, bailiff of Rossall,

etc., 26s. 8d.; Richard Daun, late steward of the household at Rossall,

etc., £3; and eleven others, one of whom was subsequently described as

chamberlain to the Abbot.

In the post-Dissolution valuation there are only two omissions, which

amount to £2 12s. The site and demesne had fallen from £8 18s. 6d.

to £3 18s. 1d. Rents at Heyton had risen nearly £3, at Thoreby, £1

4s.; at Tettysworth, £2 8s. 5d.; at Middlewich, over £4; but in some

places they had slightly fallen, and at Esyng they had dropped from

£3 3s. 8d. to £1 5s. 6d. The value of the Frith had fallen from £35

16s. 3d. to £31 4s. 11½d., and the salt-pan at Middlewich from £3 to

£1 16s. 8d. Perquisites of the Court at Leek had fallen from £4 to £1

17s. 9d. Perquisites of the Court are added at Heyton (8s. 9d.), the

Frith (2s. 7d.), Lowe (4d.), and Poulton (6s. 8d.). Other additions are

water-mills at Leek (£4 6s. 8d.) and Heyton (12s.). Rents in kind at

Heyton--“_reddit’ mobil’ caponum_”--(10s. 6d.) and at Lowe (8s.);

rents at Nether Tettysworth, etc. (£1 17s. 4d.), Newbold in Aslebery

(£1), tithes at Gostree (£3 6s. 8d.), and Hulme (£6 13s. 4d.), rents at

Aldelegh (£2 5s.). Rents in Leek remained practically unchanged, but

the Rectory was raised nearly £20. The manor of Poulton remained at

£25, but the tithes at Sandbach had fallen £10. Rossall Grange remained

almost the same. Grants under the seal of the Abbot or Convent appear

at the Frith (£24 14s. 2½d.); Tettysworth (£2 19s. 8d.) and Lowe (£14

6s.10d.); perhaps these are the ante-dated leases, which Abbot Whitney

arranged, and which were divulged by John Whitney long afterwards, as

will be related in due course. The valuation amounted to £285 14s. 6d.

DUDLEY PRIORY

Dudley Priory was a cell to the great Austin Priory of Wenlock in

Shropshire, and its Prior at the visit of the Commissioners was John

Webley.[97]

The bulk of its income came from places in the diocese of Lichfield.

The house, with three demesnes adjoining, is valued at £7 10s. 8d., and

it is stated that the Commissioner who made the valuation was Walter

Wrottesley, Kt. A further sum of £3 10s. is made up from divers rents

of lands and houses in Sedgeley, Omburn, and Woodford, the land at

Omburn being described as arable (10s.). From Sedgeley also came tithes

of grain worth £6 6s. 8d.; and tithes from Omburn and Trefull amount to

£10. From Worcester diocese came a total of £9 0s. 8d., Dudley supplied

fixed rents (£2 1s.), other rents (£1 6s. 8d.), and herbage and tithes

therefrom (£2 10s.). The rest came from fixed rents in Churchill and

pensions from Northfield.

Disbursements (£2 6s. 8d.) are shared between two officials, Edward

Blount, gent. the steward (6s. 8d.), and John Coke, the bailiff (£2).

The latter is stated to hold his office for life, and when Sir John

Dudley obtained the possessions of the Priory at the Dissolution they

continued to be charged with John Coke’s annual fee.[98]

The payment from the rectory of Northfield is returned as £2 6s., but

in the Worcestershire return it appears as £2 6s. 8d. (p. 270), and no

mention is made of the 10s. which the vicarage of Dudley paid (p. 275).

The valuation made after the Dissolution is given in _Monasticon_

(v, 84). It is described as follows: “_Compotus Johannis Dudley

militis perceptoris Reddituum et Firmarum ibidem per tempus praedictum.

Redditus et Firmae pertinentes nuper Cellae sive Prioratui de Dudley

praedicta._” The site and demesne had risen in value to £8 3s. 2d.

Rents in Dudley are £4 9s. 3d.-- a decrease from £5 17s. 8d.; in

Sedgeley there was an increase to £1 2s. 8d. The tithes at Dudley had

risen to £6 6s. 8d., and tithes “from divers parishes” amounted to £19

18s. 8d. £5 as the _firma_ of Trysull Grange is added. The total

is given as £39 10s. 9d., but it has proved impossible to make it

agree with the items which are given in _Valor Ecclesiasticus_.

Outgoings are given as follows: Edward Blount, steward, and John Coke,

bailiff, receive their fees as before; the auditor’s fee for writing

the valuation was 2s.; and the Bishop’s visitation fee is 2s. for

Dudley and 12d. for Omborne and Trysull.

It is mentioned that various leases had been granted by the Priory for

life, and that 45½ acres of the pasture of the demesne in divers closes

were in separate parcels. They were “occupied” by John Dudley, but

unfortunately no valuation of them is given.

HULTON ABBEY

The Cistercian Abbey of Hulton had annexed the parish church in 1368,

when it was stipulated that a suitable proportion of the profits should

be reserved for a resident vicar. It had been prosperous in the golden

days of the wool trade, and in 1310 had given Edward II’s army as much

in the way of supplies as Burton Abbey; but its wealth had seriously

declined. In later years it had possessed a pottery. The Abbot’s name

when the Commissioners visited Hulton was John, but his rule ended

shortly afterwards.

In the summary given in _Valor Ecclesiasticus_[99] the income is

given in detail from each manor and parish. The same arrangement is

followed in the case of Trentham, Stafford, Stone, and Ronton.

The following are the particulars relating to the several manors:

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

| Rents of | Chief | Court |

Demesne | tenements | rents | perquisites | Water-mills

£ s. d. | £ s. d. | £ s. d. | s. d. | s. d.

Hulton Manor 6 0 0 | 9 15 0 | 6 0 | 3 4 | 5 0

Normacot Manor 5 18 0 | | | 2 0 | 6 8

Bradnop Manor 4 0 | 1 16 8 |11 6 0 | 3 4 |

Cambryngham Manor | | | |

(Lincs.) 3 6 8 | 12 17 1½ | | 3 4 |

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

At Hulton the rent came from twelve tenements held “_ad

voluntatem_,” and in each case the demesne comprised arable, meadow,

and pasture. At Rushton Grange there was also arable, meadow, and

pasture, worth £4.

The remaining property was all in Lincolnshire: Fillingham (5 tenements

and a cottage), £2 4s. 4d.; Coots (lands), 4s. 4d.; Willingham (part of

a meadow), 16d.; and Lincoln (one cottage), 1s.

The temporal disbursements comprised payments to the Abbot of

Dieulacres, the Prior of Trentham, and the Prior of Torksey; to

the King for Fillingham; to Philip Dreycote, miles, chief steward

of the Staffordshire manors (£1 6s. 8d.), and Richard Sutton, Kt.,

chief steward of Cambringham; and to the bailiffs--£1 to Thomas Leer

(Hulton), 10s. to Laurence Ratclyffe (Bradnop), 10s. to Robert Asten

(Normacot), £1 to William Rede (Cambringham). The Under Steward, Sir

Richard’s deputy, was paid 13s. 4d.

The spiritual income consisted of tithes (£18 10s.) and glebe

(£2), from the parishes of Audley (£11) and Byddell (£4 10s.) in

Staffordshire, and Cambringham (£2 10s.) in Lincolnshire.

The spiritual outgoings included £1 13s. 4d. to the Bishop of

Lichfield, “_extra ecclesias de Audeley and Byddell predictas per

idempnitate sua_,” and 6s. 8d. every third year for visitation fees;

10s. 4d. to the Archdeacon of Stafford for procurations; 7s. 6d. to

the Archdeacon of Stowe (Lincs.); 6s. 8d. to the Bishop of Lincoln for

synodals; 5s. 4d. to “the ... of Blessed Mary of Lincoln” as a pension.

3s. 4d. is also paid to the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield “_pro

idempnitate_,” and 3s. 4d. to the Priory of Coventry for the same

purpose.

There was a change of Abbots between the valuation in 1535 and October

1st, 1536, for on the latter date the Abbot who received a grant of

exemption from the Act suppressing the Lesser Monasteries was Edward

Wilkyns. The payment he had to make was £66 13s. 4d.[100]

In the valuation given in _Monasticon_ (v. 716) the rents at

Hulton Manor only amounted to £1 16s., but additions were made of rents

at Stoke, 6s.; Burdeslyme and Sneyd, £18 18s. 3d.; More, £1 18s., and

Myxton Heyes (pastures), £5 16s. 8d., as well as at Northwich, 10s.,

and Bridgeworth, 2s. The water-mill at Hulton was omitted, but one

was mentioned at More worth 14s. Rushton Grange had risen in value to

£7 5s., but Normacot Manor had fallen to £2 1s., and the water-mill

is not mentioned. The demesne at Bradnop Manor is not mentioned,

nor are Cambryngham, Fillingham, Coots, Willingham, or Lincoln. No

“perquisites of Courts” are mentioned. The valuation amounted to £67

3s. 4d.

ROCESTER ABBEY

The house of Austin Canons at Rocester was often called an Abbey, and

its Abbot was William Grafton. It was a house with a history containing

many points of minor interest. We see how the religious were able to

turn the difficulties of others to their own advantage when we read

that when Sir Hugh de Okeover’s unwavering loyalty to Henry III during

the Welsh War and the Barons’ Revolt seriously impoverished him and he

had to sell much of his patrimony, the neighbouring Abbot of Rocester

was a ready purchaser of his lands.

The wool trade made Rocester prosperous for a time, and Edward I

granted the Abbot a fair and a market. So late as the reign of Henry

VI a second fair was obtained. The Manor of Rocester had been granted

to the Abbey when the Chester Earldom was appropriated by Henry III

as a provision for the heir-apparent. The house had once maintained

two chantries, one at Halywell in Warwickshire and another at Lees in

Staffordshire.

The prosperous days of the canons had ended even before the Black

Death. In 1318 they alleged that the cattle plague and bad harvests

had reduced them to such poverty that they had been obliged to go out

and beg _quasi mendicantes_. But on Bishop Norbury’s personal

visitation of Rocester Priory he found that heavy debts had been

incurred through the attempt to obtain possession of the appropriation

of Woodford in Northamptonshire. There were other abuses, too.

He forbade the granting of corrodies and the keeping of _canes

venatici_, but his injunctions were not observed.

It was in the time of Bishop Norbury that the interesting question

arose about Easter Communions, which has already been mentioned.

The arrangement of the summary in _Valor Ecclesiasticus_[101] is

identical with that of Croxden, with an interesting addition which

will be noticed presently. Ecclesiastical revenues include the tithes

of straw (“garbas”) and hay in Rocester (with Waterfall and Bradley),

Edensor, Kynston, and Woodford. The tithes in Rocester, etc., appear to

be leased (_de firma_). The total is £46 13s. 10d.

The fixed rents were from lands in “Le Clownams” (Clownholme), Glaston,

Great Meadow, and Rocester, and amounted to 13s. 1d.

Lands and tenements produced £40 8s. 8d. They were situated in

Rocester, Swinscoe, Stanton, Combridge, Quickshill (“Quitsell”),

Denstone, Alton, Waterfall, Foston, and Hognaston.

The value of the demesne lands is stated to be estimated, by the

judgment of the Commissioners and others appointed by them, at £23

16s. _per annum_: they were reserved “_ad usum hospicii

monasterii_.” From the Paper Survey we know they consisted of

arable, 70 acres; pasture, 201 acres, and meadow, 20 acres.

The outgoings begin with the fixed payments: 1d. to the Earl of

Shrewsbury for lands in Alton, £1 to William Bassett, Kt., for lands in

Swinscoe, and 10s. to the King.

The ecclesiastical payments included fees to the Archdeacons of Derby

(for procurations and synodals for the Church of Edensor) and Stafford

(for Rocester and Kynston); £4 6s. 8d. for a chantry in Lichfield

Cathedral; 6s. 8d. to the Rector of Kyngeley for the chapel at Bradley,

and 10s. to the Rector of Blythfield for the Church of Kynston.

Only two lay officials are mentioned: Henry Pole, Steward of the Courts

at Rocester (13s. 4d.) and John Needham, collector (£2).

Lastly comes an interesting section of “Annual Alms to the Poor,” which

amount to £1 17s. 4d. At Easter four quarters of frumenty cakes were

distributed (a quarter is reckoned to be worth 8s.); and at Hallowmas

8 dishes (“_fercula_”) of meat, 16 loaves, and 8 gallons of ale

(“_servicia_”). These are the only doles mentioned in the Rural

Deanery, and it is expressly stated, in accordance with the official

instructions, that each is “_ex fundatione monasterii_.”

In the valuation made subsequent to the Dissolution we find the

site and demesne had risen in value from £23 16s. to £36 8s. 10d.

The Rectory of Rocester (£4) is added and also a fulling mill there

(£2 6s. 8d.). Rents had slightly fallen at Waterfall and Swinscoe,

but had risen £2 at Rocester, and 16s. at Quickshill and Denstone.

Additions are, besides those already mentioned, perquisites of

the Court at Rocester, 6s. 8d., tithes at Waterfall (£1 6s. 8d.),

Calton (£1), and Quickshill and Denstone (11s. 8d.), and rents at

Somersall--pasture--(10) and Scropton (£1 3s. 4d.). Kynston Rectory had

fallen from £7 to £1. The omissions are small and amount to £6 only,

but the total valuation was raised to £129 6s. 3d.

RONTON PRIORY

The Priory at Ronton had been built on assarted land, that is, land

reclaimed and cleared from the surrounding forests. Its full name was

_S. Maria de Exsartis_ or _Ste Marie des Essarz_, and in its precincts

had formerly stood almshouses in connection with which we read of a

gift of _unam assartam in campis de Flotesbroc_ (Flashbrook). No trace

of them appears in _Valor Ecclesiasticus_ or in any of the records

of the Dissolution. The Priory was dependent on Haughmond Abbey in

Shropshire, to which it made an annual payment. So long ago as 1246

this had been fixed by the Bishop at £5, and this amount was paid down

to the time of the suppression. The Prior of Haughmond was supposed

to visit Ronton every year, but no effective control was exercised.

In the fourteenth century Bishop Norbury found much to censure at

Ronton, and Bishop Blythe had recently (1530) refused to institute one

of its canons who had been nominated to a vicarage, as he found him

_indoctus et indignus_. In 1535 the Prior was Thomas Alton. _Valor

Ecclesiasticus_[102] records that the temporal income came from Ronton

and Heathhouse Grange (£13 11s. 8d.), the town of Ronton (£3 18s.

8d.), Clanford, Knighton, Ellerton, Bachaker, Hevedale, Hevehall,

Watteley More, Seighford, Brucheford, Ellenhall, Billington, Orslow,

Apeton, Launde Stockton, Aston and Cokysland, Walford, Gnosall,

Halghton, Offley, Eccleshall, Newcastle-under-Lyme, Milwich, Whitgreve,

Wodeyton, and Cowley in Staffordshire, besides 7s. 4d. from Stafford.

The amounts are all small. From Shepey in Leicestershire came £4 8s.

8d.; from St. Mary’s Gild in Newport (Salop), 1s.; and from Grenburgh

(Warw.), £4.

The demesne at Ronton produced £4 6s. 8d. arable, £6 5s. pasture, and

£3 came from “_xxviii dey mathys prati ibidem_.” The total amount is

£13 11s. 8d., and from the Paper Survey we know the acreage was as

follows: arable, 79 acres; pasture, 121½ acres; meadow, 39 acres.

At the town of Ronton 18s. 4d. came from two parcels of land and a

water-mill.

Temporal outgoings consisted of payments to the Bishop for houses

in Eccleshall and Knighton; Henry, Lord Stafford (Billington), John

Gifford (Dulverne), and Thomas Gifford, Kt., “Lord” of Cariswall

(Hevehall), Thomas Astley, Kt. (Shepey), the canons of Penkridge

(Billington), John Harcourt, Kt. (Ronton), the Prebendary of

Chyltrenhall in Gnosal (pastures in Gnosal), William Essex, Kt.

(Walford).

The chief steward was John Harcourt (£2). Bailiffs are Reginald Carte

(Grenburgh), Robert Vincent (Shepey), and John Hoggson (Ronton, etc.).

The spiritual income consisted of tithes only: £13 8s. 6d. from

Seighford and £32 17s. from Grenburgh (Warw.).

Spiritual payments were as follows: Bishop £3 6s. 8d. triennially

as visitation fees, 6s. 8d. annually from Grenburgh, and 4s. from

Seighford; £5 to Haughmond Abbey.

The valuation of Ronton after the Dissolution (_Monasticon_, vi,

259) amounted to £116 16s. 9d. There were additions as follows: A

salt-pan at Nantwich, £1 11s.; rents at Brichford, 9s. 4d.; Heathcote

Grange, £3 16s.; tithes in Aston (Staffs.); Doddington and Cotton, £3

13s. 4d.; Oldall Grange, £1 4s.; Ronton Rectory, £4 13s. 4d.; Ellenhall

Rectory, £3 12s. 8d. The omissions are Ronton, rents £3 0s. 4d.;

water-mill, 18s. 4d.; Clanford, rents, £2 13s. 4d.; Hevedale, rents, £1

4s.; Orslowe, 12s.; Apeton, 8s.; Offley, 9s.; Cowley, 6d.; and Newport

(Salop), 1s. Seighford Church is £6 5s. 2d. only, and there are tithes

there worth £4 13s. 4d. Watteley More Grange, £2 13s. 4d., is added.

Aston (Staffs.) and Cokysland has risen from 6s. 8d. to 19s. 4d.,

including 1s. for “_terra vasta_.” Grenburgh Rectory was £36 7s.

instead of £32 17s. The remaining items are either unchanged or usually

show a slight increase. The demesne remained practically unchanged,

though in the Paper Survey it is £16 7s.[103]

ST. THOMAS’S PRIORY, STAFFORD

The Austin Canons of St. Thomas the Martyr, near Stafford, had often

given striking illustrations of the worldly spirit which gradually

infused itself in the “religious.” They were such keen men of business

that their transactions were sometimes questionable. It has already

been mentioned that when a verderer of the Forest of Cannock, in the

latter part of the thirteenth century, laid himself open to the severe

penalties of the Forest Laws and fled for his life beyond the seas, St.

Thomas’s Priory did not hesitate to strike a bargain with him and to

buy his manor. They possessed it at the Dissolution. They built a fine

church and had a well-furnished house, fit to entertain Henry IV on

his return from his victory at Shrewsbury. They were paid 26s. 8d. for

their hospitality on the occasion.

In 1389 the Priory received from Robert de Ferrers an interesting

grant from the revenues of the rectory of Weston. It was to vary

with the number of Canons. There was to be an allowance of food

(_pictancia_) from the kitchen every Thursday, and it was to

be suitable to the season of the ecclesiastical year (_prout

tempus_), and if the number of canons increased the allowance was

to be correspondingly increased. Moreover, in 1409, the Bishop ordered

that it was to be paid “_in Refectario seu Infirmaria prout tempus

aut necessitas exquirit_.”[104]

In 1535 the Prior was Richard Whytwell. The Commissioners[105] found

that at the Priory were lands--arable, meadow, and pasture--worth £2,

and similarly at Arberton Grange, worth £10. At each of the manors was

a demesne and usually a Court:

-----------+---------+-----------------+-------------+------------

Manor | Demesne | Rents of | Perquisites | Water-mill

| | tenements | of Court |

-----------+---------+-----------------+-------------+------------

| £ s. d. | £ s. d. | s. d. | £ s. d.

Frodeswell | 2 0 0 | 6 17 7[106] | 1 0 |

Penford | 4 0 0 | 5 18 7½ | 1 2 |

Drayton | 1 6 0 | 5 18 2 | 6 | 2 0 0

Mere | 2 0 0 | 5 13 4 | 6 |

Apeton | 1 9 8 | 3 4 2 | |

Coton | 4 0 0 | 6 0 0 | |

Penulton | 4 0 0 | 14 18 6 | |

-----------+---------+------------- --+-------------+------------

[106] And 1 lb. pepper.

In each case the demesne is described as arable, meadow, and pasture.

In Stafford the Priory had burgages, orts, and gardens worth £14.

Other possessions were at Amerton, Drayngton, Grindley, Newton,

Lee, Acton Trussell, Colton, Salt, Hopton, Shradycote, Whitgreve,

Admaston, Rycerdysctote, Lichfield (a burgage, 6s.), Byssheton,

Olton, Marchington, Bednall, Walton, Hanyate, and Swynneshed, in

Staffordshire. Elsewhere are Ashbourne, Duranstrope, Quinton, “_villa

de Wico Malbano_” (where £2 13s. 4d. comes “_de duobus domibus

salinis_,” called “Salt Howses”), besides the Manor of Penulton

already mentioned.

The temporal outgoings include the following:

To the King, 2s. for “Sute silver” from the Manor of Penford, 10d. from

Arberton, 12d. from Salt, and 13d. from Pennulton; to the Bishop of

Lichfield, 20s. 11d. for lands in Stafford, etc.; to William Chetyn,

Kt., from Stafford and Salt, 4s. 10d.; Thomas Bagott, Kt., from

Admaston, 3s.; George Gresley, mil., from Colton and Admaston; to Sir

John Dudley, 3s. from Penford; to Rose Cleyton of Bushbury, widow,

from Penford; to Richard Egerton, clerk, Master of St. John’s Hospital

at Stafford, 4s. 4d.; to the Prior of Stone, 2s.; of Ronton, 2s.; of

Croxden, 2s.; of Shene, 10s. 4d.; to the presbyters of the College of

Stafford, 3s. 4d.; to the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, 8d.

The chief steward was Earl Ferrers and his fee was £4. The steward of

Pennulton, Alexander Ratclyffe, received £1. Thomas Crosse, deputy

steward or custodian of the Manor Courts in Staffordshire, received

13s. 8d. The bailiffs were Otto Holond at Penulton, George Boughey at

Frodswell, etc., Edward Whythell at Coton and Stafford, William Russell

at Drayton, William Parry at Penford, Hugh Brenn’ at Mere, John Kelyng

at Apeton. Their fees ranged from 33s. 4d. to 6s. 8d.

Of these at the Dissolution[107] Earl Ferrers received a pension of

40s.; Ratcliffe, 13s. 4d.; Holland, 13s. 4d., Boughey, 20s., and Edward

Whytell, 33s. 4d. There were also the following: Mr. Robert Browne,

15s.; Mr. Philip Chetwynd, 26s. 8d.; Hugh Baker, 20s.; William Harney,

10s.; William Bagley, 10s.; Richard Torner, baker, 10s.; James Cocke,

20s.; Thomas Stapleton, 10s.; and Richard Whytell, 20s. These were all,

evidently, lay officials of the house, and doubtless some of them were

the successors of those named in _Valor Ecclesiasticus_.

The spiritual income came from glebe and tithes at Stowe, Bushbury,

Geyton, Berkyswiche, Weston, and Aldelem (Cheshire), tithes at

Cariswall and Mere, Easter dues from Stowe, Weston, Geyton, and

Berkyswiche. The glebe is particularised, and amounts to £6 6s. 4d.

Spiritual outgoings include £2 4s. to the Bishop for appropriated

churches, and £3 6s. 8d. every third year for visitation fees; 3s. 6d.

to the Archdeacon of Stafford; £18 10s. to the Dean and Chapter; and

15s. to the Priory of Coventry.

No valuation subsequent to the Dissolution is given in

_Monasticon_. The fine for continuance was £133 6s. 8d.[108]

The house was comfortably furnished, and there were considerable

quantities of stores and a fair amount of live stock, etc., as will be

detailed later.

STONE PRIORY

The Austin Priory of Stone had had many struggles arising out of the

encroachments of the “religious” on the sphere of the “secular” clergy.

In the twelfth century it employed an agent to purchase livings and

many troubles arose in consequence of his success.

In the competition for appropriations and tithes which went on

between the religious houses there was keen rivalry. St. Thomas,

Stafford, attempted in 1278 to obtain the Church of Stone, and sought

to get Bishop Longsword on its side by submitting the matter to his

arbitration. But Stone retaliated by appealing to the Dean and Chapter

with a gift of 10 marks. In the same century there was a dispute

between Kenilworth Priory, on behalf of its dependent house at Stone,

and St. Remigius, on behalf of Lapley, about the tithes of Shefford.

Ultimately, they were taken from Lapley and bestowed on Stone, but in

1368 there were further disputes about the same subject.

In the reign of Henry III there was strife between the parishioners and

the Priory about the payment of tithes, and it was formally arranged

that all parishioners, freemen and villeins alike, should pay the

definite sum of two farthings a year, with “oblations” four times

yearly.

The Canons of Stone trafficked largely in corrodies. From Edward I

they obtained permission for a fair. They entered thoroughly into the

affairs of the world. During the Barons’ War they were not above

plundering the lands of those who were fighting: their cellarer was

charged with breaking into the house of a man who was a prisoner in

the hands of the Barons. The Priory suffered, however, from making

itself too “secular,” and in the days of Bishop Norbury it was

brought to the verge of bankruptcy by the frequent calls which were

made on its hospitality by travellers on the King’s highway beside

which it stood. It maintained its spirit of worldliness. In 1473 the

Prior is found associating himself with one Sir Thomas Fyton, Kt.,

in disseising Richard Whalley of property in Darlaston, Anslow, and

Aston, near Stone. Neither appeared to answer the charge, and their

bail was forfeited. The Prior was fined £6, and the Knight £120, with

£60 damages, he having taken the property _vi et armis_.[109] The

Prior in the time of Bishop Smythe (1493–1496), whose name was Thomas

Fort, acted as suffragan bishop in the diocese while the diocesan

employed himself in political work.

The Prior at the time of the Suppression was William Smith. In

the returns which he supplied to the Commissioners for _Valor

Ecclesiasticus_[110] there are not many details of particular

interest, though the old connection with Kenilworth is shown to be

still maintained.

From the Manor of Stone came £27 13s. 2d., the items of which are of

tenements with their appurtenances, £8 12s.; 26 cottages, £5 7s.;

demesne arable, £3 6s. 8d.; pasture, £2 10s.; meadow, £2 1s. 4d.; a

water-mill, £4; perquisites of the Court, 13s. 4d.; chief rents, £1 2s.

10d. £16 came from Stallington, and smaller sums from Stoke, Walton

near Stone, Aston in fee of Walton, Burston, Shebridge, Stafford (5s.

8d.), Coppenhall, Wotton, Hilderstone, and Darlaston. Among these

an orchard at Aston produces 4d., and Hilderstone, “_de crofto et

orio_,” 2s.

Temporal outgoings included 1s. 8d. to Henry, Lord Stafford, and 5s.

1d. to the heirs of Henry Vernon, mil. The chief steward was Edward

Aston, mil., and his fee was £1 5s. 8d.; his deputy, Thomas Moreton,

received 13s. 4d. Walter Walkeden, the bailiff, received £1 6s. 8d.

Spiritual income came as follows: £40 from Stone, £8 10s. in tithes

from Milwich, £2 from Swynnerton, £1 from Checkley, and £24 from Tyso

in Warwickshire. The revenue from Stone was £8 in Easter dues; tithes,

£28; lesser tithes called “White Tythes,” £1, and oblations to St.

Wulphade, etc., £3.

Spiritual outgoings consisted of Episcopal visitation fees £3 6s. 8d.

triennially and £1 6s. 8d. annually for procurations, etc.; 13s. 4d.

to the Dean and Chapter; £2 to the Vicars of the Cathedral; 19s. to

the Archdeacon of Stafford; £9 to Kenilworth Abbey; and 13s. 4d. to

Coventry Priory.

The payment of £9 to Kenilworth Abbey appears as £9 11s. 4d. in the

_Valor_ of that Abbey, but there is no entry of the 2s. paid

by the Priory of St. Thomas, Stafford (_V.E._, p. 111), or of

the £2 3s. paid from the churches of Berkswich, Bushbury, and Weston

(_V.E._, p. 129).

In the valuation after the Dissolution (_Monasticon_, vi, 233),

Coppenhall and Darlaston are omitted, but Myford, 3s.; Fulford, 8s.;

Tittensor (tithes), £2 13s. 4d., and Burston (tithes), 10s. 4d., are

added; also a fulling-mill at Stone worth £1 6s. 8d., and Madeley

Rectory, £9 6s. 8d. Decreases are the demesne at Stone (to £5 0s. 4d.),

rents in Stafford (3s. 4d.), Stone Rectory (£39 10s.), Tyso Rectory

(£22), Milwich Rectory, £4. The rents at Stone had increased to £49 8s.

10d., at Stallington to £23 6s. 8d., at Walton to £6 0s. 4d., at Stoke

(with Aston, Darlaston, and Burston) from £3 16s. to £7 11s. 6½d., at

Shebridge to £2, at Walton to £8 0s. 5d., and at Hilderstone to 5s. The

Court perquisites at Stone Manor had also risen to £1 6s. 8d.; this

with the decrease in the value of the demesne and the enormous increase

in rents shows that a considerable part of the demesne had been let.

The total valuation is £199 19s. 1½d.

TRENTHAM PRIORY

The Priory of Trentham had always been an aristocratic house,

intimately connected in its early days with the Earls of Chester and

later with the Earls of Lancaster, their successors. It had, of course,

been involved in the struggles of its patrons. In the early days of

Stephen, during one of the periods when Earl Ralf was on Matilda’s

side, he allowed her (1139) to nominate the Prior of his house at

Trentham. The Prior was declared to be appointed _tam largitione quam

presentacione venerabilis Domine nostre Matilde_.[111]

During the rebellion of Thomas of Lancaster Prior Richard de

Lavynden died (1321). Lancaster promptly asserted his claim to the

presentation, forcibly entered the house against the wish of the

Canons--or so they subsequently asserted when Lancaster fell--and

insisted on the election of Richard de Dulverne. Dulverne petitioned

the King, immediately after Lancaster’s execution, to allow his

election. Edward II assented, on receiving a fine of forty marks, but

asserted that the right of preservation had “always” belonged to the

Crown.[112] Edward II also enforced his claim to nominate to corrodies

at Trentham with vigour and harshness, and _Valor Ecclesiasticus_

shows that the claim was still maintained in the reign of Henry VIII.

But the royal patronage of Trentham did not avail to protect the Priory

in times of disorder. In 1428 Prior Thomas had his goods plundered by

Richard Twigg of Ashbourn, who also laid in wait to kill him, so that

he had to keep a bodyguard of defenders.

The Prior in 1535 was Thomas Bradwall. According to _Valor

Ecclesiasticus_,[113] the main part of the temporal income came from

the Manor of Trentham (£39 6s. 6d. out of £83 19s.). There were demesne

lands worth £26, arable, meadow, and pasture, and a water-mill. The

remainder was chief rents (18s. 8d.), 11 tenements, another water-mill,

and 16 cottages “_cum pertinentibus_” in Trentham (£11 15s. 10d.),

and the perquisites of the Courts (12s.). The remaining property in

Staffordshire was at Longton, Kybbulston, Blurton, Cokenage, Newstead,

Hanchurch, Cleyton Gryffin, Chaldon, Mere juxta Caryswall, Elkeston,

and Newcastle-under-Lyme. The proceeds from Longton include 4 barbed

arrows, and there was a water-mill worth 30 shillings at Chaldon. In

Warwickshire Fenny Compton produced £2 and in Leicestershire Gaddesby

produced 13s. 4d.

Outgoings included 11s. 6d. to the King for lands, etc., in Newcastle,

and 2s. 6d. for lands in Chaldon; 4s. to the Bishop of Lichfield; 3s.

6d. to the heirs of Robert Sheffield (Newcastle and Clayton Gryffin);

4s. 4d. to the heirs of Henry Vernon (Kybbulston). William Chetwyn is

chief steward (£1) and his deputy is Thomas Ironmonger (13s. 4d.). The

bailiffs were Henry Bredehurst (Franchises of Trentham, 13s. 4d.), and

Richard Gynne (Elkeston, 13s. 4d.). Laurence Bradwell was receiver and

was paid £2.

Henry Akers had a corrody of £2 a year _ex dono regis_.

The spiritual income came from the parishes of Trentham (£12 3s.

4d.) and Barleston (£6 14s. 4d.) in Staffordshire, Barkeley in

Leicestershire (£5 13s. 4d.), and Sutton in Derbyshire (£12 13s. 4d.).

The amount left to Sutton was £4 16s. 8d. From Trentham came Easter

dues, £3; tithes of grass, £6 13s. 4d.; tithes of sheep, £2 10s.; and

oblations, 10s. From Barlaston came Easter dues, 13s. 4d., tithes of

grass and hay, £5 0s. 8d.; tithes of sheep, 13s. 4d.; oblations, 3s.;

lesser tithes (called “White Tythes”), 3s.

The payment from Barkeley is described as “_extra ecclesiam predictam

appropriat’ monasterio Prat’ Leic’_”; and that from Sutton was from

glebe and tithes of grass.

The spiritual payments included 10s. synodals from Trentham and 10s.

7d. synodals and procurations to the Bishop of Lichfield; 13s. 4d. to

the Archdeacon of Stafford; £3 17s. 4d. every third year to the Bishop

as visitation fees; £2 13s. 4d. to the Priory of Tutbury for Sutton,

and £1 to the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem for the same church. 7d.

annually is paid to the heirs of Lord Mountjoy out of the glebe at

Sutton. The 16s. 8d. paid by Hulton Abbey (p. 107) does not appear in

the receipts, nor the 20s. from Dalbury (p. 167).

The valuation after the Dissolution (_Monasticon_, vi, 397)

amounted to £156 8s. 10d. Omissions are the rents at Kybbulston,

Blurton, Cokenage, Newstead, Hanchurch, and Mere. Additions are rents

at Wyttemore, 4s.; Meyford, 1s.; Schebrige (crofts), 4s.; Wall Grange,

£6 13s. 4d., Bradborne, £1 1s. 8d. At Trentham Manor the demesne and

mill had increased to £32 15s. 10d., and rents had increased to no less

than £44 13s. 1½d. Trentham Rectory also had increased to £15 15s. 4d.

Rents at Longton had increased to £2 8s. 6d., at Chaldon to £3 6s.

8d., at Newcastle to £7 10s. 4d., at Clayton Gryffin to £14 10s. 2d.

Perquisites of the Court are 7s. 10d. Barleston Church had fallen in

value to £2. The other items are practically identical.

TUTBURY PRIORY

Tutbury was another house which had always had aristocratic

connections, and its history had been influenced by its proximity to

Tutbury Castle, one of the great houses of the Dukes of Lancaster. Its

dependence on St. Peter-sur-Dive was ended in consequence of the French

Wars, though Lancaster had some difficulty to enforce his authority.

On a vacancy occurring in 1337 in the headship of the Priory Henry Earl

of Lancaster claimed the presentation, alleging that the Prior who had

just resigned had been appointed on his nomination. The monks claimed

the right of election, and asserted that the last Prior, though he had

been nominated by Lancaster, had been rejected and another elected,

whose election, however, had been set aside by the Abbot of the parent

house of St. Peter-super-Divam. Against this exercise of authority

on the part of the parent house they had appealed to Rome. The suit

was still pending, and they alleged that the Prior had only resigned

through conviction that judgment would be given against him. But they

could not deny that Lancaster was patron of the house, and he won his

case, and his nominee was ordered to be admitted by the Bishop.[114]

The new authority was not more effective than the foreign had been,

and Bishop Norbury found at Tutbury general disorder, incontinency,

addiction to hunting, and even a military spirit. It is to be feared

that the Kings valued the control they had acquired over the houses

with foreign connections mainly for its financial advantage. Henry IV

gave his Queen Joan charges on the revenues of Tutbury and we have

already seen that the claim to nominate to a corrody there was enforced

as late as 1532.[115]

In 1535 the Prior was Arthur Meverell. He had only just been

appointed. His predecessor had died in the January of the very year

the Commissioners visited the Priory, and the Earl of Shrewsbury

had immediately written to Cromwell begging the preferment for the

Sub-Prior, “Dn. Arthur Meverell.” Even before the late Prior was dead,

a recommendation of Meverell for the post soon to be vacant had been

sent in, and an unknown hand has endorsed it: “He was my godfather, and

I knew him a comely grave man.”[116] The Bishop wrote to Cromwell on

May 7th: “I beg you will not be displeased in the matter of the Prior

of Tutbury. I have your letters wherein you desired me not to meddle

therein. But now your pleasure known the bond shall be substantially

made and the penalty sent to you with all diligence”; and on May 28th:

“I sent to the Prior of Tutbury to repair to you.”[117] Dn. Arthur

Meverell was, apparently, to judge from his later history, one of the

“divers abbottes that could be perswaded or were ... for the purpose

placed ... [and who subsequently] made surrender of their houses

and conveied them to the Kinge by order of lawe, and had competent

pencions.”[118]

The summary of Tutbury is arranged in counties; firstly, the temporal

income from Derbyshire, then that from Staffordshire; then comes the

spiritual income: annual “pensions” from various counties grouped

together (£25 11s. 4d.), and tithes arranged in counties. The outgoings

are arranged under the headings of “pensions,” fixed rents, annual

fees, and alms.

The temporal income from Derbyshire was £141 14s. 3d. and from

Staffordshire, £29 4s. 1d.; £38 11s. 5d. from Doveridge and £8 from

the demesne lands called Doveridge Holt there; demesne lands (£5)

at West Broughton, and Tutbury (“Chapel Yard,” £3 16s. 10d., and

“Prior’s Holmes,” £2 6s. 8d.); perquisites of the Courts at Doveridge,

Matherfield, Kirkbroughton, and Marston, 16s. 8d.; lands, etc., at

Somersall, Osmaston, and Edulneston, Wotton, Ednaston, and Holington,

Kirkbroughton, Duffield (John Prince), Norbury (called “the lands

of the demesne”), Fenton, Brailsford, Overton, and Matherfield. At

Mulneston is a mill worth (with lands) £2 0s. 9d.

The temporal outgoings included £2 0s. 8d. in fixed rents and £18 13s.

4d. in annual fees. The former comprised 5s. “Sheriff’s Geld” for

Wetton; 2s. 4d., chief rents in Tutbury; 3s. 4d., “Palfrey Money” in

the Hundred of Apultre, and £1 10s. to the Keepers of Needwood Forest

at the Feast of the Purification. All except the last item went to the

King.[119]

Annual fees comprised £3 6s. 8d. to the Chief Steward, George, Earl

of Shrewsbury; £1 6s. 8d. to Henry Pole, Clerk of the Manor Courts;

£2 to Francis Basset, Auditor, and £2 to Humfry Meverell, receiver

of the bailiffs, Roland Heth (the franchises of Tutbury and West

Broughton) paid £2, and the others £1 6s. 8d. each as follows: William

Hyll (Wetton), Ralf Wodcoke (Matherfield), Richard Lane (Edlaston and

Osmonston), William Wetton (Adnaston and Hollington), Thomas Wyllot

(Marston and Duffield), Henry Mylward (Doveridge).

The spiritual outgoings comprised 13s. 4d. to the Bishop for the

appropriated church of Broughton; £6 13s. 4d. to the Dean and Chapter

for the church of Matherfield; £8 2s. 2d. to the Archdeacon of Derby

(Richard Strete) for Kirkbroughton and Marston (procurations and

synodals); £5 to Thurston Courtnay, Vicar of Tutbury; £6 13s. 4d. to

Robert Gaunt, Vicar of Kirkbroughton; and 15s. to the Archdeacon of

Stafford for procurations for Matherfield and Tutbury.

The alms were £2 given to the poor at Corpus Christi, by ancient

foundation, and £1 given on the anniversary of the death of the founder.

The valuation subsequent to the Dissolution, as given in

_Monasticon_ (iii, 399), is impossible to compare with that

of _Valor Ecclesiasticus_, the items and allotments being so

grouped and apportioned that they do not correspond with the earlier

arrangement in the great majority of cases. New rents appear at

Doveridge to the amount of nearly £48, and the demesne there has

risen from £8 to £25 7s. Doveridge Rectory is increased exactly £2.

At Wetton, demesne is given worth £8 16s., rents £36 16s. 10¾d., and

the Rectory, £8 6s. 8d. Matherfield Rectory was only worth £4 10s. in

tithes. The tithe at Sudbury is called “St. Mary’s Tithe,” and appears

at only half its former value. Sales of wood and perquisites of the

Court are mentioned at Churchbroughton, Edelston, Calton, Wetton,

Shirley, Hollington, Esteleke (Leics.), Hatton, Tutbury, Langley, and

Doveridge, but in every instance the amount is stated as _nulla_.

_Redditus mobiles_ are mentioned at Wetton (£4 4s.), and Doveridge

(13s. 6d.). At Hollington £15 13s. 4d. is given as “payment in lieu of

pigs” (_Pens’ sive Porc’_) and at Wymondham the tithes of pigs

appear as having been leased at a rent of £1 9s. 8d. [_Firm’ Porc

X^{mae} ad Firm’ dimiss’_). The total valuation was £358 2s. 0¾d.

* * * * *

It will be noticed that no friaries have been mentioned: the Diocesan

Returns of _Valor Ecclesiasticus_ entirely omit them. The reason

is possibly to be found in the remark which is made under the heading

of “House of the Friars Minors at Coventry”[120]: “Brother John

Stafford being examined upon oath, says that they have no lands or

tenements nor any other possessions or revenues spiritual or temporal

of any annual value, but only the licensed alms of the neighbourhood

and the uncertain charity of the people.” That no attempt was made

to estimate the worth of such “alms and charity” may be taken as

indicating a certain amount of sympathetic regard for the friars.

We know, however, that the Black Friars at Newcastle-under-Lyme

received rents to the amount of £2 per year. At Stafford the Austin

Friars had rents bringing in £2 11s. 8d. and the Grey Friars £1 6s. 8d.

The latter had some timber and growing corn, six “lands” in the common

fields, a close and an orchard, and a meadow which had been given them

recently by Robert Quytgrave, gent., for a yearly obit. Half of it was

let at 20s. annual rent. At the Dissolution Quytgrave asked for the

return of the gift as, he alleged, the bargain had not been kept.

There are other omissions which are more surprising. Woods were

extensive in Staffordshire yet they are unmentioned in _Valor

Ecclesiasticus_ in all the Staffordshire houses with the single

exception of Burton-on-Trent. Even in the post-Dissolution valuation

of Tutbury Priory woods are only mentioned in order to record that they

produce no revenue. Yet the earlier history of the houses shows that

they possessed large tracts of woodland which should have yielded a

profitable income. The Black Friars at Newcastle, we learn from Bishop

Ingworth, had a “proper wood,” leased to Master Broke. The value of

mills, whether water-mills for grinding corn, or fulling-mills, for

fulling or milling cloth by beating it with wooden mallets and cleaning

it with soap or Fuller’s earth, is often small, and there is no mention

of any revenue from tolls or markets. A recent Act of Parliament (21

Henry VIII, c. 13) had forbidden the monks to engage in trade, and they

appear to have complied with its behests. The revenue from salt-pans

is small: perhaps for the same reason. Water-mills are mentioned at

Burton (2), Bromley Hurst, Derby (belonging to Burton Abbey); Alton,

Cauldon, and Ellaston (belonging to Croxden); Hulton, Normacot, and

More (belonging to Hulton Abbey); Ronton; Drayton (belonging to St.

Thomas’s, Stafford); Stone; Trentham (2), and Chaldon (belonging to

Trentham Priory; and at Mulneston belonging to Tutbury Priory. The

three at Hulton were only worth in all £1 5s. 8d. a year, and that at

Ronton was only worth 18s. 9d. a year. The three belonging to Croxden

produced at most £6 6s. 8d. a year, and the one at Tutbury £2 0s. 9d.

On the other hand, the one at Stone was worth £4 a year, and the two at

Burton were worth no less than £12 a year.

Fulling-mills are only found at Rocester and Stone, and their annual

value in each case is small, £2 6s. 8d. and £1 6s. 8d. respectively,

so that in Staffordshire at any rate it could not be said that the

monasteries competed to any large extent with lay industries. Salt-pans

are only mentioned in the case of Dieulacres (£3) and Ronton (£1 11s.).

It is strange that no mention is made of the Pottery Works at Hulton

Abbey, and the Tannery which the same house had possessed at the time

of Pope Nicholas IV’s _Taxatio_ (1288) had also disappeared.

In the _Taxatio_ four mills had been taken into account in the

valuation of Burton Abbey, one each in those of Croxden, Dieulacres,

and Stone, and two each in those of Hulton, Ronton, St. Thomas’s

Priory, and Tutbury.

The revenue from Courts is also small. It is as follows:

£ s. d.

Burton Abbey 3 6 8

Dieulacres Abbey 4 0 0

Hulton Abbey 12 0

Rocester Abbey 6 8 (in post-Dissolution Valuation).

St. Thomas’s Priory 3 2

Stone Priory 13 4 (£1 6s. 8d. in post-Dissolution Valuation).

Trentham Priory 12 0

Tutbury Priory 16 8 (_nulla_ in post-Dissolution Valuation).

It is difficult to account for the smallness of these figures. It is

idle to say the monks withheld all the information they possessed when

we find the Valuers after the Dissolution deliberately stating that the

revenue from all the Courts which had belonged to Tutbury was nothing.

Perhaps the Court profits were in many cases included in other items,

but more probably the explanation is to be found in the feeling of

insecurity which must have been general throughout the whole period

with which we are dealing. The shadow of the impending Dissolution

must have been for some time darkening the land, and tenants would not

readily take new tenancies, with the accompanying admission fees, in

the general uncertainty. It shows that there had been few changes of

tenants or of tenures during recent years.

The dissolution of the monasteries · 第 4 / 8 章