ANNALS OF THE ROAD
With the close of Pontiac's Rebellion and the passing away of the war
clouds which had hung so long over the West, ten thousand eyes turned
longingly across the Alleghenies and Blue Ridge. War with all its
horrors had yet brought something of good, for never before had the
belief that a splendidly fertile empire lay to the westward taken such a
hold upon the people of Virginia. Nothing more was needed but the
positive assurance of large areas of good land, and a way to reach it.
It was ten years after the close of Pontiac's war before both of these
conditions were fulfilled.
First came the definite assurance that the meadows of Kentucky were what
Gist and others had reported them to be. The Proclamation of 1763,
forbidding western settlement, did not forbid hunting in the West--and
the great emigration which started as slow as a glacier was finally put
into motion by the proof brought back to North Carolina and Virginia by
the hunters (of whom mention has been made) who went over the mountains
between 1763 and 1773. In 1766 Colonel James Smith, undaunted by his
captivity among the Indians, hunted through the southern portion of
Kentucky. In 1767 John Finley traded with the Indians in northern
Kentucky, and James Harrod and Michael Stoner were in the southern
portion of the country. Finally, in 1769 Daniel Boone came into the land
"a second Adam in another Eden." Boone reached the edge of the beautiful
Blue Grass Region and returned home in 1771 to tell of what he saw, and
to bring his family "as soon as possible to live in Kentucky, which I
esteemed a second paradise, at the risk of my life and fortune." In 1769
also, the party of stout hunters headed by Colonel James Knox reached
Kentucky, and hunted on the Green and Lower Cumberland Rivers; they were
so long absent from home that they were given the name of "The Long
Hunters." These, too, brought glowing descriptions of the fine meadows
of _Ken-ta-kee_.
At once the forests were filled with cohorts of surveyors--the vanguard
of the host under whose feet the continent was soon to tremble. These
surveyors represented the various land companies and the bounty land
seekers, who had a claim to the two hundred thousand acres promised the
Virginian soldiers in the old French war. Scores of cabins were raised
in 1774 at Harrodsburg, near Danville, on the east fork of Salt River,
on Dick's River, and on Salt River. Their erection marks the beginning
of the first settlement of the land one year previous to the breaking
out of the war of the Revolution.
These first comers found their way to Kentucky by two routes--the
Warriors' Path through Cumberland Gap, and the Ohio River, which they
reached either by the Kittanning Path up the Juniata or by Braddock's or
Forbes's Roads. Each route was dangerous and difficult beyond
description. It was a terrible road from Cumberland to Pittsburg, and
the journey down the Ohio was not more inviting. When the river was
high and afforded safe navigation it was as much a highway for red men
as for white--and these were treacherous times. When the river was low,
a thousand natural obstructions tended to daunt even the bravest
boatmen--and the Virginian backwoodsmen were not educated to contend
with such a dangerous stream as the Ohio, with its changing currents,
treacherous eddies, and thousands of sunken trees. One frontiersman who
made the river trip at an early date, cautioned those who essayed the
trip against rowing their boats at night; lest the sound of the oars
should prevent the watchman from hearing the "riffling" of the water
about the rocks and sunken trees, on which many a boat had been wrecked
with all its precious freight. The danger of river travel down such a
stream appealed with tremendous force to the early pioneers, with the
result that the majority chose the land route.
But what an alternative! A narrow trail in the forests six hundred miles
in length was the only path. It had been traversed by many even as early
as 1775, but each traveler had made it worse, and the story of the
hardships of the journey through "the Wilderness" would make even the
bravest pause. It is a hard journey today, one which cannot be made
without taxing even the strongest; what was it before the route was
dotted with cities and hamlets, before the road had been widened and
bridged, before the mountains had been graded and the swamps drained,
before the fierce lurking enemies had been driven away?
Neither Walker nor Gist traversed what became the famed Wilderness Road
to Kentucky. When the Shawanese raided Draper's Meadows, near Inglis
Ferry, in 1755, they took their prisoners away on the trail through
Powell's Valley toward Cumberland Gap; and the rescuing party which
followed them were perhaps the first white men who traveled what became
the great pioneer thoroughfare to Kentucky. It was, undoubtedly, the
route followed by the early hunters who passed through Cumberland Gap
and found the fertile meadows of which Dr. Walker was ignorant, and of
which Christopher Gist caught only a faint glimpse. Settlements sprang
up slowly beyond Inglis Ferry, but by the time of Boone's return in 1771
a few families were on the upper waters of the Holston, and settlements
had been made on the Watauga where Fort Watauga was soon to be built,
and at Wolf Hills, now Abington. These settlements were all one hundred
miles east of Cumberland Gap, and the little path thither was not yet
marked for white man's use.
But the brave Boone was as good as his word--and he did attempt to bring
his family and five other families to Kentucky in the year 1773, over
what was soon to be known as Boone's Road. This was the beginning of the
great tide of immigration through Cumberland Gap, a social movement
which for timeliness and ultimate success ranks as the most important in
the history of the central West. This initial attempt was not a success,
for the party was driven back by Indians, with loss, entirely
discouraged. But from this time on, despite Dunmore's War which now
broke out, the dream of western immigration could not be forgotten.
But all the western movement was now put at hazard by the outbreak of
this cruel, bloody war between the "Long Knives"--as the Virginians in
the Monongahela country came to be called, from the sabres that hung at
their loins--and the Shawanese north of the Ohio. As suggested, the
preceding years had been marked by continual bloodshed. It is
undoubtedly true that those Long Knives on the upper Ohio had been doing
some dreadful slashing. Perhaps the provocations were as enormous as the
crimes; surely the Indians to the north were the most bloodthirsty and
cruel of any on the continent. At the same time it is safe to say that
many of their white foes on the Ohio were inhuman marauders, whose
principal occupation was that of shooting game for a living and Indians
for sport. Even in the statement in Boone's autobiography there is a
plain suggestion of a guilty conscience on the part of those of whom he
wrote: "The settlers [in the Monongahela country], now aware that a
general warfare would be commenced by the Indians, immediately sent an
express to Williamsburg, the seat of government in Virginia,
communicating their apprehensions and soliciting protection." How aware?
Because some of the relatives of the Indian chieftain Logan had been
basely murdered, while intoxicated, on Yellow Creek?
The Virginian House of Burgesses was quick to answer this appeal of the
western colonists, and Governor Dunmore's earnestness in arranging the
campaign resulted in the short wars bearing his name. General Andrew
Lewis, a hero of Braddock's defeat, was commissioned to raise an army of
border settlers and march down the Great Kanawha; while Lord Dunmore
went northward to Pittsburg, where, in the Monogahela country, he would
recruit another army and descend the Ohio to the mouth of the Great
Kanawha. Here the armies would unite to pierce the valley of the Scioto
in which the hell-hound Shawanese dwelt.
Lewis gathered an army of eleven hundred experienced borderers from the
Watauga settlement and the Greenbriar Valley, and marched swiftly
northward. But the enemy knew of his approach, and instead of joining
Dunmore's army at the mouth of the Great Kanawha he met a barricaded
Indian horde, equal in size to his own army, and the bloody and
momentous battle of Point Pleasant was fought and won. Arriving at the
Ohio, Lewis encamped on the point of land between the two rivers. Soon
two hunters pursuing a deer encountered the Indian vanguard which was
bearing down on the ill-placed army of whites. One hunter fell dead and
the other returned with the alarming news. General Lewis, a pupil in
that school on Braddock's Road, lit his pipe and ordered the assault.
Two regiments advanced on the Indian line, which now ranged from river
to river, completely cutting it off from retreat. Both colonels
commanding were soon killed and their men began to fall back
disconcerted. Reënforcements drove the redskins back to their
entrenchments, and renewed confidence. But at last fighting became
desperate. Among his Virginians, the brave Flemming, twice wounded, kept
repeating his order, "Advance, outflank the enemy and get between them
and the river." Among his desperate followers the calm voice of
Cornstalk was heard all day long: "Be brave, be brave, be brave!" As in
the battle of Bushy Run, where the hope of the West lay with Bouquet as
it did now with Lewis, so at Point Pleasant no way of success was left,
at the close of that October day, save in strategy. The white man did
not learn to conquer the red until he learned to deal with him on his
own terms of cunning and deceit.
In desperation Lewis sent three companies up the Great Kanawha under
cover of the bank to Crooked Creek. Ascending this stream with great
caution, these heroes of the day rushed from its bed upon the enemy's
flank, and the tide of the battle was turned. The Indians, though having
suffered least, fell back across the Ohio to their villages to the
northward. The proposed junction of the two white armies was achieved,
but Lewis had already sufficiently awed the Shawanese, who came to
Dunmore's Camp Charlotte in their valley, and gave their affirmation to
the Fort Stanwix Treaty, which surrendered to the whites all the
territory south of the Ohio and north of the Tennessee.
In less than a year Boone went through the Gap alone to the "Falls of
the Ohio" (Louisville), and returned in safety, more possessed than ever
with the ambition to take his family to the El Dorado which he had
discovered, and of which he spoke in the enthusiastic vein which has
already been quoted. He had found the splendid lands of which Gist had
guessed; he had found a straight path thither. All that was lacking was
an impetus to turn a floodtide of Virginians and their neighbors into
the new land.
This came, too, within a year after the close of Dunmore's War--an
artificial impetus in the shape of a land company, headed by a brave,
enterprising man, Colonel Richard Henderson, with whom were associated
eight other North Carolinians of high social standing. Richard Henderson
was the son of Samuel Henderson (1700) and Elizabeth Williams (1714). He
was born in Hanover County, Virginia, on the twentieth of April, 1735.
His two well-known brothers, Nathaniel and Pleasant, were born in 1736
and 1756, respectively. The sons were worthy of their good Scotch-Welsh
ancestry. When Richard was about ten years of age his father moved from
their home in Virginia to Granville County in the province of North
Carolina. Here the elder Henderson was afterward appointed sheriff of
his county, and the young Richard was soon able to assist his father by
doing the business "of the sherriffltry."[4]
After this practical introduction to the science of law young Richard
turned to the theoretical study, and read law for a twelve-month with
his cousin, Judge Williams. In that day a prospective barrister was
compelled to get a certificate from the chief-justice of his colony;
this he presented to the governor, who, being satisfied as to the
candidate's acquirements, gave him a license. Richard Henderson's
self-confidence and genuine talent are exhibited by the story which his
brother records, of his attempting to obtain a license to practice law
after the brief period of study mentioned above.
Procuring a certificate from the chief-justice he presented himself to
the governor of North Carolina as a candidate for a license.
"How long have you read law and what books have you studied?" asked the
governor.
"Twelve months," replied young Henderson, naming the books he had used.
The governor replied brusquely that it was wholly unnecessary for him to
take the time to give an examination, as no one could in that length of
time and with such books become proficient.
"Sir," replied Richard Henderson not a whit dismayed, "I am an applicant
for examination; it is your duty to examine me and if found worthy, to
grant me a license; if otherwise, to refuse one."
It can well be imagined how quickly the governor bristled up and how
mercilessly he would "quiz" a lad who informed him in such a spirited
manner what the duties of his office required of him. But the running
fire of questions did not daunt the candidate more than had the
governor's indifference--and the young Richard received at the close of
the interview, not only a license, but what meant more, many encomiums
from his governor.
Henderson soon acquired a good practice and became a judge on the bench
of the Superior Court. In 1774 the conflict with the British agent in
North Carolina was precipitated, and the colonial government was
abolished. It was at this time that Judge Henderson became interested in
the desire of the Cherokee Indians to sell land. Henderson's plan was to
purchase from the Cherokees the great territory lying south of the
Kentucky River--one-half the present state of Kentucky. This was quite
against the laws and traditions of the only colony which had any valid
claim to the territory--Virginia, his native state--but this seemed to
matter not to Henderson and his associates; these were John Williams,
under whom Henderson had studied law, Leonard Henley Bullock, James
Hogg, Nathaniel Thomas, David Hart, John Luttrell, and William
Johnstone. At the very beginning of the century Virginia had passed an
act forbidding the private purchase of lands from the Indians. The
founders of Transylvania evidently doubted Virginia's sweeping claims
to the entire interior of the continent--at any rate land companies
seemed to be the only means by which the vast wildernesses beyond the
mountains could be opened up and settled. Though Virginia soon proved
the invalidity of the purchase, she at the same time was frank enough to
admit that Henderson's Company had done a good work in giving an impetus
to westward expansion, by appropriately recompensing the North
Carolinians for their expenditure and labors.
Henderson's purchase was gigantic in its proportions, embracing nearly
twenty million acres. The consideration was ten thousand pounds
sterling. The purchase was made at the advance settlement at Watauga,
March 17, 1775--only a month before the outbreak at Lexington and
Concord. Henderson employed Boone to assist in the transaction, and
immediately after engaged him to mark out the road through Cumberland
Gap to a settlement in Kentucky, where the Transylvania Company (as
Henderson strangely named his organization) was to begin the occupation
of the empire it had nominally secured. Of this Boone writes modestly
that he was "solicited by a number of North Carolina gentlemen, that
were about purchasing the lands lying on the south side of the Kentucky
River, from the Cherokee Indians, to attend their treaty at Watauga, in
March, 1775, to negotiate with them, and mention the boundaries of the
purchase. This I accepted, and at the request of the same gentlemen
undertook to mark out a road in the best passage from the settlement
through the wilderness to Kentucky, with such assistance as I thought
necessary to employ for such an important undertaking."
As in the case of Nemacolin's Path across the Alleghenies, so now a
second westward Indian pathway was blazed for white man's use; and if
the Transylvania Colony can in no other respect be said to have been
successful, it certainly conferred an inestimable good upon Virginia and
North Carolina and the nation, when it marked out through the hand of
Boone the Wilderness Road to Kentucky. From Watauga the path led up to
the Gap, where it joined the great Warrior's Path which came down
through Kentucky from the Scioto Valley in Ohio. For about fifty miles
Boone's Road followed this path northward, whereupon, leaving the Indian
trail, Boone bore to the west, marking his course on a buffalo trace
toward "Hazel Patch" to the Rockcastle. The buffalo path was followed
onward up Roundstone Creek, through "Boone's Gap" in Big Hill; through
the present county of Madison, Kentucky; and down little Otter Creek to
the Kentucky River. Here Boonesborough was built for the Transylvania
Colony, which became the temporary center of Kentucky.
Felix Walker, one of Boone's road-making party, made an autobiographical
statement about 1824 of this brave attempt to cut a white man's path
into Kentucky. From this statement these quotations from De Bow's
_Review_ (1854) are pertinent:
"The treaty (at Watauga) being concluded and the purchase made, we
proceeded on our journey to meet Col. Daniel Boon, with other
adventurers, bound to the same country; accordingly we met and
rendezvoused at the Long Island on Holsteen river, united our small
force with Colonel Boon and his associates, his brother, Squire Boon,
and Col. Richard Callaway, of Virginia. Our company, when united,
amounted to 30 persons. We then, by general consent, put ourselves under
the management and control of Col. Boon, who was to be our pilot and
conductor through the wilderness, to the promised land.... About the
10th of March we put off from the Long Island, marked out our track with
our hatchets, crossed Clinch and Powell's river, over Cumberland
mountain, and crossed Cumberland river--came to a watercourse called by
Col.--Rockcastle river; killed a fine bear on our way, camped all night
and had an excellent supper. On leaving that river, we had to encounter
and cut our way through a country of about twenty miles, entirely
covered with dead brash, which we found a difficult and laborious task.
At the end of which we arrived at the commencement of a cane country,
traveled about thirty miles through thick cane and reed, and as the cane
ceased, we began to discover the pleasing and rapturous appearance of
the plains of Kentucky. A new sky and strange earth seemed to be
presented to our view.... A sad reverse overtook us two days after, on
our way to Kentucky river. On the 25th of March, 1775, we were fired on
by the Indians, in our camp asleep, about an hour before day. Capt.
Twetty was shot in both knees, and died the third day after. A black
man, his body servant, killed dead; myself badly wounded; our company
dispersed. So fatal and tragical an event cast a deep gloom of
melancholy over all our prospects, and high calculations of long life
and happy days in our newly-discovered country were prostrated; hope
vanished from the most of us, and left us suspended in the tumult of
uncertainty and conjecture. Col. Boon, and a few others, appeared to
possess firmness and fortitude. In our calamitous situation, a
circumstance occurred one morning after our misfortunes that proved the
courage and stability of our few remaining men (for some had gone back).
One of our men, who had run off at the fire of the Indians on our camp,
was discovered peeping from behind a tree, by a black woman belonging
to Colonel Callaway, while gathering some wood. She ran in and gave the
alarm of Indians. Colonel Boon instantly caught his rifle, ordered the
men to form, take trees, and give battle, and not to run till they saw
him fall. They formed agreeably to his directions, and I believe they
would have fought with equal bravery to any Spartan band ever brought to
the field of action, when the man behind the tree announced his name and
came in.... At length I was carried in a litter between two horses,
twelve miles, to Kentucky river, where we made a station, and called it
Boonsborough, situated in a plain on the south side of the river,
wherein was a lick with two sulphur springs strongly impregnated.... In
the sequel and conclusion of my narrative I must not neglect to give
honor to whom honor is due. Colonel Boone conducted the company under
his care through the wilderness, with great propriety, intrepidity and
courage; and was I to enter an exception to any part of his conduct, it
would be on the ground that he appeared void of fear and of
consequence--too little caution for the enterprise. But let me, with
feeling recollection and lasting gratitude, ever remember the
unremitting kindness, sympathy, and attention paid to me by Col. Boone
in my distress. He was my father, my physician, and friend; he attended
me as his child, cured my wounds by the use of medicines from the woods,
nursed me with paternal affection until I recovered, without the
expectation of reward."
[Illustration: PLAT OF BOONESBOROUGH
[_Based on a copy of the original in possession of John Stevens_]]
It was altogether fitting that among the very first to follow Boone's
blazed road to Kentucky we should find Judge Henderson and his
fellow-promoters of the Transylvania Company. Nothing shows more plainly
the genuineness of their purposes and the heroism of their spirit. They
were not foisting on their countrymen a hazardous scheme by which they
should profit, while others bore the brunt of the toil and danger. True,
Henderson had, purposely or unwittingly, ignored the technicality of
Virginia's claim to the possession of the West; but, with an honesty
unparalleled at that day in such matters, they met the representatives
of the real owners of the lands they desired, and had purchased them
and paid down the purchase money. There is almost no doubt that they
could have satisfied Virginia's technicalities at a less cost; and then
have gone, as so many have done, to fortify their possessions and "fight
it out" with the genuine owners of the soil, who would eventually get
nothing and lose everything.
This Judge Henderson did not do; nor did he sit down comfortably at home
and send others to turn his holdings into money. He arose and
started--amid dangers that shall not be mentioned lest they be
minimized--for far-away Kentucky, on the little roadway Boone was
opening.
Henderson's party left Fort Watauga March 20, 1775, and arrived at the
infant Boonesborough April 20. The leader of the party fortunately kept
a record, though meager, of this notable journey. This precious yellow
diary is preserved by the Wisconsin Historical Society. It reads:
"Monday March 20th 1775
Having finished my Treaty with the Indians, at Wataugah Sett out for
Louisa & arrived at John Shelbeys in the Evening--Tuesday the 21^{st}
went to M^r John Seviers in Company of Col^o Williams & Col^o Hart &
staid that day--Wednesday the 22^d--Mess^{rs} Williams & Hart set off
Home & I staid with M^r Sevier Thursday 23^d Still at M^r Seviers--N. B.
because our Horses were lost tho. not uneasiy as Mess^{rs} Hart and
Letteral made a poor Hand of Traveling--
Friday 24^{th} Sett of in pursuit of M^r Hart & Letteral. Overtook them
Both & Lodged at Capt Bledsoe's--
Satterday the 25^{th}. came to M^{rs} Callaway's.
Sunday 26^{th} staid there.
Monday 27^{th} Emplied in storeing away Goods.
Tuesday 28^{th}--Sett off for Louisa
Wednesday Continued Journey. N. B. M^r Luttrel not come up.
Thursday 30^{th} Arrived at Cap^t Martins in Powels Valey--
Fryday 31^{st} Imploy'd in makeing house to secure the Waggons as we
could not possibly clear the road any further. N. B. My Waggon & Sam^l
Hendersons came up in A.M. W. Luttrel in the Evin^g
Satterday the 1 day of April--Imploy'd in making ready for packing &^c
M^r Hart came up--
Sunday 2^d Continued at Capt^t Martins Waiting for the Waggon Monday the
3^d Still continued Waiting for the Waggon--
Tuesday the 4^{th}--Still continued Waiting for the Waggon. The same
evening the Waggon arrived--tho so Late we cood Not proceed--
Wednesday 5^{th} Started off with our pack Horses ab^t. 3 oClock Traveld
about 5 Miles to a Large Spring. The Same evening M^r Litteral went out
a Hunting & has Not yet returned. [Next. Both Henderson and Sa^l Durning
went in pursuit of him--_erased in diary_.] The same evening Sam^l.
Hendersons & John Farriers Horses took a Scare with there packs Run away
with Sams Saddle & Briddle. Farrars Saddle Baggs other things Damaged.
Next Morning Sam^l Henderson & Farrar went in pursuit of there Horses.
Saddle &c--the same Evening John Farrar returnd to our Camp with News
that they had found all there goods. But two of there horses were
Missing
Thursday 6 sent John Farrar Back with provission to meet & Assist Sam
Henderson with orders to stay with him, till they overtook Us, as we
promis'd to wait for them at Cumberland Gap
Fryday the 7^{th}--Sam^l. Henderson & John Farrar Returned to us with
there Horses Packs & every thing safe.
we having waited at our Camp 10 miles below Martins for them
[Thursday the 6^{th}--_erased_]. Traveled about Six Miles to the last
Settlement in Powels Valey where we were obliged to stop and kill a Beef
wait for Sam Henderson & [N. B?] this was done whilst waiting for Sam^l
Henderson as afo[re mentioned]
Fryday the 7^{th}. About Brake of Day begun to snow, About 11 ^oClock
received a letter from M^r Littereals camp that were five persons kill'd
on the road to the Cantuckee by Indians--Cap^t Hart, uppon the receipt
of this News Retreated back with his Company & determin'd to Settle in
the Valley to make Corn for the Cantuckey People
The same Day Received a Letter from Da^n. Boone. that his Company was
fired uppon by Indians Kill'd Two of his men--tho he kept the ground &
saved the Baggage &c.
Satterday the 8^{th}. Started ab^t. 10 ^oClock Cross'd Cumberland Gap
about 4 Miles Met about 40 persons Returning from the Cantuckey. on
Acc^t. of the Late Murder by the Indians could prevail one one [_sic_]
only to return. Mem^o Several Virginians who were with us returned.
Sunday the 9^{th}. Arrived at Cumberland River where we met Rob^t Wills
& his son returning &c
Monday 10^{th}. Dispach^d Cap^t Cocke to the Cantukey to Inform Cap^t
Boone that we were on the road Continued at Camp that day on Acc^t of
the Badness of the Wether
Tuesday 11^{th} started from Cumberl^d. made a very good days Travel of
Near 20 Mile Kill'd Beef &c.
Wednesday the 12 Travel'd about 5 Miles, prevented going any further by
the rains & high water at Richland Creek--
Thursday the 13^{th}. Last Night arrived men [of] our Camp Stewart & ten
other men, campt within half mile of us on there Return from Lousia
Campt. that Night at Larrel River--they had well nigh turnd three or
four of our Virg & us back.
Fryday the 14. Traveld about 12 Miles to a Camp &c
Satterday the 15^{th}. Traveld about 18 Miles & campt on the North side
of Rock Castle River.--this River's a fork of Cumberland--lost an ax
this morn at Camp.
Sunday the 16^{th}. About 12 oClock Met Jemes McAfee with 18 other
persons Returning from Cantuckey Traveld about 22 Miles and Campt on the
head of Dicks River where Luna from Mc.Afees camp came to us resolved to
go to the Louisa--
Monday 17^{th} Started about 3 oClock prevented by Rain. Traveld 7 Miles
Tuesday the 18^{th}. Traveld about 16 Miles, met Michael Stoner with
Pack Horses to assist us. Campt that Night in the Edge of the Rich
Land--Stoner brought us Excellent Beef in plenty
Wednesday 19^{th}. Traveld about 16 Miles Campt on Oter Creek--a good
mill place
Thursday the 20^{th}. Arrived at Fort Boone. on the Mouth of Oter Creek
Cantukey River--where we were Saluted by a running fire of about 25
Guns; all that was then at Fort--The men appeared in high Spirits &
much rejoiced on our arrival"[5]
Colonel Henderson (as the leader of the Transylvania Colony is best
known) arrived at Boonesborough one day after the outbreak of the
Revolutionary struggle at Lexington and Concord, and on his own fortieth
birthday.
A clearer glimpse of the fortunes of this company of pilgrims who
followed in Boone's wake is preserved for us in the journal kept by
William Calk, who was with Hart's party that Henderson met at Martin's
cabin on the second of April. The original manuscript is in the
possession of the family of the late Mr. Thomas Calk, near Mt. Sterling,
Kentucky.
It reads:
"1775 Mond. 13th--I set out from prince wm. to travel to caintuck on
tuesday Night our company all got together at Mr. Prises on rapadan
which was Abraham hanks[6] philip Drake Eaneck Smith Robert Whitledge &
my Self, thear Abrams Dogs leg got Broke By Drake's Dog.
Wedns. 15th,--We started early from prises made a good Days travel &
lodge this night at Mr. Cars on North fork James River.
Thurs. 16th,--We started early it raind Chief part of the Day Snowd in
the Eavening very hard & was very Coald we traveld all Day & got to Mr.
Blacks at the foot of the Blue Ridge.
fryd. 17th--We start early cross the Ridge the wind Blows very hard &
cold and lodge at James loyls.
Satrd. 18th--We git this Day to William Andersons at Crows ferrey &
there we Stay till monday morning.
Mond. 20th--We start early cross the fery and lodge this night at Wm.
Adamses on the head of Catauby.
tuesd. 21st--We start early and git over pepers ferey on new river &
lodge at pepers this night.
Wedns 22d--We start early and git to foart Chissel whear we git some
good loaf Bread & good whiskey.
thurs 23d--we start early & travel till a good while in the Night and
git to major Cammels on holston River.
fryday 24th--we start early & turn out of the wagon Road to go across
the mountains to go by Danil Smiths we loose Driver Come to a turabel
mountain that tired us all almost to death to git over it & we lodge
this night on the Lawrel fork of holston under agrait mountain & Roast a
fine fat turkey for our suppers & Eat it without aney Bread.
Satrd 25th--We start early travel over Some more very Bad mountains one
that is caled Clinch mountain & we git this night to Danil Smiths on
Clinch and there we staid till thursday morning on tuesday night &
wednesday morning it snowd Very hard and was very Coald & we hunted a
good deal there while we staid in Rough mountains and kild three deer &
one turkey Eanock Abram & I got lost tuesday night & it a snowing &
Should a lain in the mountains had not I a had a pocket compas By which
I got in a littel in the night and fired guns and they heard them and
caim in By the Repoart.
thursd 30th--We set out again & went down to Elk gardin and there suplid
our Selves With Seed Corn & irish tators then we went on a littel way I
turnd my hors to drive afore me & he got scard ran away threw Down the
Saddel Bags and broke three of our powder goards & Abrams beast Burst
open a walet of corn & lost a good Deal & made a turrabel flustration
amongst the Reast of the Horses Drakes mair run against a sapling & noct
it down we cacht them all agin & went on & lodgd at John Duncans.
fryd 31st--We Suployd our Selves at Dunkans with a 108 pounds of Bacon &
went on again to Brileys mill & suployd our Selves with meal & lodged
this night on Clinch By a large cainbraike & cuckt our Suppers.
April Satrd first--this morning there is ice at our camp half inch thick
we start early & travel this Day along a verey Bad hilley way cross one
creek whear the horses almost got mired some fell in & all wet their
loads we cross Clinch River & travell till late in the Night & camp on
Cove creek having two men with us that wair pilates.
Sund 2d--this morning is a very hard frost we Start early travel over
powels mountain and camp in the head of Powels valey whear there is
verey good food.
mond 3d We Start early travel down the valey cross powels River go some
throu the woods without aney track cross some Bad hils git into
hendersons Road camp on a creek in powels valey.
Tuesday 4th Raney, we Start about 10 oclock and git down to Capt.
martins in the valey where we over take Coln henderson & his Companey
Bound for Caintuck & there we camp this Night there they were Broiling &
Eating Beef without Bread.
Wednesday 5th Breaks away fair & we go on down the valey & camp on
indian Creek we had this creek to cross maney times & very Bad Banks
Abrams saddel turnd & the load all fell in we go out this Eavening &
kill two Deer.
thurs 6th this morning is ahard frost & we wait at Camp for Coln
henderson & companey to come up they come up about 12 o'clock & we join
with them and camp there Still this night waiting for some part of the
companey that had thier horses ran away with their packs.
fryday 7th this morning is a very hard snowey morning we still continue
at Camp Being in number about 40 men & Some neagros this Eaven--Comes a
letter from Capt. Boone at caintuck of the indians doing mischief and
some turns back.
1775
Satrd April 8th--We all pact up and started crost Cumberland gap about
one oclock this Day We Met a great maney peopel turned Back for fear of
the indians but our Companey goes on Still with good courage we come to
a very ugly Creek with steep Banks & have it to cross several times on
this Creek we camp this night.
Sunday 9th--this morning we wait at camp for the cattle to Be drove up
to kill a Beef tis late Before they come & peopel makes out alittel
snack & agree to go on till Night we git to Cumberland River & there we
camp meet 2 more men turn Back.
Monday 10th--this is alowry morning & very like for Rain & we keep at
Camp this day and some goes out ahunting. I & two more goes up avery
large mountain Near the tops we saw the track of two indians & whear
they had lain unter some Rocks some of the companey went over the River
a bofelo hunting but found None at night Capt. hart comes up with his
packs & there they hide some of thier lead to lighten thier packs that
they may travel faster.
tuesday 11th--this is a very loury morning & like for Rain But we all
agree to start Early we cross Cumberland River & travel Down it about 10
miles through Some turrabel cainbrakes as we went down abrams mair ran
into the River with Her load & Swam over he folowd her & got on her &
made her Swim Back agin it is a very raney Eavening we take up Camp near
Richland Creek they kill a beef Mr. Drake Bakes Bread without washing
his hands we Keep Sentry this Night for fear of the indians.
Wednesday 12th this is a Raney morning But we pack up & go on we come to
Richland Creek it is high we toat our packs over on a tree & swim our
horses over & there we meet another Companey going Back they tell such
News Abram & Drake is afraid to go aney further there we camp this
night.
thursday 13th this morning the weather Seems to breake & Be fair Abram &
Drake turn Back we go on & git to loral River we come to a creek Before
wheare we are able to unload & toate our packs over on a log this day we
meet about 20 more turning Back we are obligd to toat our packs over
loral river & swim our horses one hors Ran in with his pack & lost it in
the River & they got it agin.
fryday 14th--this is a clear morning with a smart frost we go on & have
a very mire Road and camp this Night on a creek of loral River and are
surprisd at camp By a wolf.
Satterday 15th clear with a Small frost we start early we meet Some men
that turns & goes With us we travel this Day through the plais caled the
Bressh & crofs Rockcass River & camp ther this Night & have fine food
for our horses.
Sunday 16th--cloudy & warm we start early & go on about 2 mile down the
River and then turn up a creek that we crost about 50 times Some very
bad foards with a great Deal of very good land on it in the Eavening we
git over to the waters of Caintuck & go a littel Down the creek & there
we camp keep sentry the forepart of the night it Rains very har all
night.
monday 17th this is a very rany morning But breaks about a 11 oclock &
we go on and camp this Night in several companeys on Some of the creeks
of Caintuck.
tuesday 18th fair & cool and we go on about 10 oclock we meet 4 men from
Boons camp that caim to cunduck us on we camp this night just on the
Begining of the good land near the Blue lick they kill 2 bofelos this
Eavening.
Wednesd 19th Smart frost this morning they kill 3 bofelos about 11
oclock we come to where the indians fired on Boons company & kild 2 men
& a dog & wounded one man in the thigh we campt this night on oter
creek.
thursday 20th this morning is clear and cool. We start early and git
Down to caintuck to Boons foart about 12 o'clock wheare we stop they
come out to meet us & welcom us in with a voley of guns.
fryday 21st warm this Day they Begin laying off lots in the town and
prearing for peopel to go to worck to make corn.
Satterday 22nd they finish laying out lots this Eavening I went
a-fishing and cactht 3 cats they meet in the night to Draw for choise
of lots but refer it till morning
1775
Sunday April 23d this morning the peopel meets & Draws for chois of
loots this is a very warm day.
monday 24th We all view our loots & Some Dont like them about 12 oclock
the Combses come to town & Next morning they make them a bark canew and
Set off down the River to meet their Companey.
tuesday 25th in the eavening we git us a plaise at the mouth of the
creek & begin clearing.
Wednesday 26th We Begin Building us a house & a plaise of Defense to
Keep the indians off this day we Begin to live without Bread.
thursday 27th Raney all Day But We Still keep about our house.
Satterday 29th--We git our house kivered with Bark & move our things
into it at Night and Begin houskeeping Eanock Smith Robert Whitledge &
my Self.
May, Monday first I go out to look for my mair and saw 4 bufelos the
Being the first that I Saw & I shot one of them but did not git him when
I caim Home Eanock & Robin had found the mair & was gone out a hunting
& did Not come in for--Days and kild only one Deer.
tuesday 2d I went out in the morning & kild a turkey and come in & got
some on for my breakfast and then went & Sot in to clearing for
Corn."[7]
The personal statement of Mrs. Elizabeth Thomas is of interest in this
connection. She was one of Col. Calloway's company that followed
Henderson in September 1775. This statement is preserved in the library
of the Wisconsin Historical Society and reads:
"I was born in Virginia on the 4^{th} day of Sept 1764 In Rockbridge
county near the Natural Bridge my father moved on the North Fork of
Holston within 4 or 5 miles of Abbingdon & remained there two or three
years and in March 1775 we moved down Holstien near the Big Island,
[Long Island] where we remained until Sept 1775 when Col Calloway and
his company came along going to Kentucky, when my father William Pogue
packed up and came with him with our family, Col Boone and with his
wife and family and Col Hugh Mcgary, Thomas Denton and Richard Hogan
were on the road before us and when we arrived at Boonesborough the
latter part of September There was only fur [four] or six cabbins built
along on the Bank of the Kentucky river but not picketted in being open
on two sides."[8]
This was the great pathway of early pioneers to Kentucky, and the course
of the marvelous floodtide of immigration which swept over the mountains
in the last three decades of the eighteenth century.
[Illustration: FILSON'S MAP OF KENTUCKY (1784)]
The itineraries of early travelers describe the Wilderness Road in
definite terms. One of the earliest is that given by John Filson, whose
history of Kentucky was published as early as 1784. It described the
route from Philadelphia to Louisville (eight hundred and twenty-six
miles), as follows:
Miles
From Philadelphia to Lancaster, 66
To Wright's on the Susquehanna, 10
To Yorktown, 12
To Abbotstown, 15
To Hunterstown, 10
To mountain at Black's Gap, 3
To other side of the mountain, 7
To Stone-house Tavern, 25
To Wadkin's Ferry on Potomac 14
To Martinsburg, 13
To Winchester, 13
To Newtown, 8
To Stoverstown, 10
To Woodstock, 12
To Shenandoah River, 15
To North Branch Shenandoah, 29
To Staunton, 15
To North Fork James River, 37
To Botetourt C. H., 12
To Woods on Catawba River 21
To Paterson.s. on Roanoke, 9
To Alleghany Mountain, 8
To New River, 12
To Forks of Road, 16
To Fort Chissel, 12
To Stone Mill, 11
To Boyds, 8
To Head of Holstein, 5
To Washington C. H., 45
To the Block-house, 35
To Powell Mountain, 33
To Walden's Ridge, 3
To Valley Station, 4
To Martin's Cabin, 25
To Cumberland Mountain, 20
To Cumberland River, 13
To Flat Lick, 9
To Stinking Creek, 2
To Richland Creek, 7
Down Richland Creek, 8
To Racoon Spring, 6
To Laurel River, 2
To Hazel Patch, 15
To Rockcastle River, 10
To English Station, 25
To Col. Edward's Crab Orchard, 3
To Whitley's Station, 5
To Logan's Station, 5
To Clark's Station, 7
To Crow's Station, 4
To Harrod's Station, 3
To Harlands', 4
To Harbisons, 10
To Bardstown, 25
To Salt Works, 25
To Falls of the Ohio, 20
---
826
Mr. Speed preserves for us the itinerary with "observations and
occurrences" of William Brown, the father of Judge Alfred M. Brown, of
Elizabeth town, Kentucky. "It is contained in a small manuscript book,"
writes Mr. Speed, "which has been preserved in the family. It is
especially interesting from the fact that immediately upon his arrival
in Kentucky, by the journey of which he made a complete record, the
Battle of Blue Licks occurred. He aided in burying the slain, among whom
was his own brother, James Brown." The itinerary and "observations and
occurrences" follow:[9]
(1782)
"Hanover to Richmond, Henrico Co., 18
To Widow Simpson's, Chesterford, 14
To Powhatan Co. House, 16
To Joseph Thompson's at the forks of
the road, 8
To Long's Ordinary, Buckingham, 9
To Hoolen's on Willis Creek, 8
To Mrs. Sanders, Cumberland, 3
To Widow Thompson's passing Hood's and
Swiney's, 27
To Captain Hunter's, 5
To Thompson's on the Long Mo., Campbell, 5
To Dupriest, 6
To New London, 10
To Liberty Town, 16
To Yearley's, at Goose Creek, Bedford, 12
To M. Loland, at the Blue Ridge Gap, 6
To Big Flat Lick, 10
To Fort Lewis, Botetourt, 12
To Hans' Meadows, 20
To English's Ferry, New River, 12
To Fort Chiswell, 30
To Atkins' Ordinary, 19
To Mid Fork Holstein, --
To Cross White's, Montgomery, 3
To Col. Arthur Campbell's, 3
To 7-mile Ford of Holstein, 6
To Maj. Dysart's Mill, 12
To Washington Co. House, 10
To Head of Reedy Creek, Sullivan Co.,
North Carolina, 20
To Block House, 13
To North Fork Holstein, 2
To Moccasin Gap, 5
To Clinch River, 11
To Ford of Stock Creek, 2
To Little Flat Lick, 5
To North Fork of Clinch, 1
To Powell's Mountain, 1
To Wallan Ridge, 5
To Valley Station, 5
To Powell's River, 2
To Glade Spring, 4
To Martin's Station, 19
To Big Spring, 12
To Cumberland Mountain Gap, 8
To Yellow Creek, 2
To Cumberland River, 13
To Big Flat Lick, 9
To Little Richland Creek, 10
To Big Richland Creek, 1
To Robinson Creek, 10
To Raccoon Spring, 1
To Laurel River, 2
To Little Laurel River, 5
To Raccoon Creek, 8
To Hazel Patch, 4
To Rockcastle Creek, 6
To Rockcastle River, 7
To Scaggs' Creek, 5
To Head of Dicks River, 15
To English Station, 8
To Crab Orchard, 3
To Logan's Old Fort, 11
To Doehurty's Station, 8
To Harrod's Station, 6
To Harrodsburg, 6
From Hanover to Harrodsburg is 555 miles.
_Observations and Occurrences_: Set Out from Hanover Monday, 27th May,
1782; arrived at the Block-house about the first week in July. The road
from Hanover to this place is generally very good; crossing the Blue
Ridge is not bad; there is not more than a small hill with some winding
to go over. Neither is the Alleghany Mountain by any means difficult at
this gap. There are one or two high hills about New River and Fort
Chiswell. The ford of New River is rather bad; therefore we thought it
advisable to cross in the ferry-boat. This is generally a good-watered
road as far as the Block-house. We waited hereabouts near two weeks for
company, and then set out for the wilderness with twelve men and ten
guns, this being Thursday, 18th July. The road from this until you get
over Wallen's Ridge generally is bad, some part very much so,
particularly about Stock Creek and Stock Creek Ridge. It is a very
mountainous country hereabout, but there is some fine land in the
bottoms, near the watercourses, in narrow slips. It will be but a thin
settled country whenever it is settled. The fords of Holstein and Clinch
are both good in dry weather, but in a rainy season you are often
obliged to raft over. From them along down Powell's Valley until you get
to Cumberland Gap is pretty good; this valley is formed by Cumberland
Mountain on the northwest, and Powell Mountain on the southeast, and
appears to bear from northeast southwestwardly, and is, I suppose, about
one hundred miles in length, and from ten to twelve miles in breadth.
The land generally is good, and is an exceeding well-watered country, as
well as the country on Holstein River, abounding with fine springs and
little brooks. For about fifty miles, as you travel along the valley,
Cumberland Mountain appears to be a very high ridge of white rocks,
inaccessible in most places to either man or beast, and affords a wild,
romantic prospect. The way through the gap is not very difficult, but
from its situation travelers may be attacked in some places, crossing
the mountain, by the enemy to a very great disadvantage. From thence
until you pass Rockcastle River there is very little good road; this
tract of country is very mountainous, and badly watered along the trace,
especially for springs. There is some good land on the water-courses,
and just on this side Cumberland River appears to be a good tract, and
within a few years I expect to have a settlement on it. Some parts of
the road are very miry in rainy weather. The fords of Cumberland and
Rockcastle are both good unless the waters be too high; after you cross
Rockcastle there are a few high hills, and the rest of the way tolerable
good; the land appears to be rather weak, chiefly timbered with oak,
etc. The first of the Kentucky waters you touch upon is the head of
Dick's River, just eight miles from English's. Here we arrived Thursday,
25th inst., which is just seven days since we started from the
Block-house. Monday, 29th inst., I got to Harrodsburg, and saw brother
James. The next day we parted, as he was about setting off on a journey
to Cumberland.
On Monday, August 19th, Colonel John Todd, with a party of one hundred
and eighty-two of our men, attacked a body of Indians, supposed to
number six or seven hundred, at the Blue Lick, and was defeated, with
the loss of sixty-five persons missing and slain.
_Officers lost_: Colonels--John Todd and Stephen Trigg; Majors--Edward
Bulger and Silas Harlan; Captains--W. McBride, John Gordon, Jos.
Kincaid, and Clough Overton; Lieutenants--W. Givens, and John Kennedy;
Ensign--John McMurtry.
In this action brother James fell. On Saturday 24th inst., Colonel
Logan, with four hundred and seventy men, went on the battle-ground and
buried the slain; found on the field, slain, forty-three men, missing,
twenty-two, in all sixty-five.
I traveled but little about the country. From English's to Harrodsburg
was the farthest west, and from Logan's Fort to the Blue Lick the
farthest north. Thus far the land was generally good--except near and
about the Lick it was very poor and badly timbered--generally badly
watered, but pretty well timbered. At Richmond Ford, on the Kentucky
River, the bank a little below the ford appears to be largely upward of
a hundred feet perpendicular of rock.
On my return to Hanover I set off from John Craigs' Monday, 23d
September, 1782; left English's Tuesday, 1 o'clock, arrived at the
Block-house the Monday evening following, and kept on the same route
downward chiefly that I traveled out. Nothing material occurred to me.
Got to Hanover sometime about the last of October the same year."
Thomas Speed's grandfather gives the following itinerary from "Charlotte
Court-House to Kentucky" under date of 1790:
Miles
"From Charlotte Court-House
to Campbell Court-House, 41
To New London, 13
To Colonel James Callaway's, 3
To Liberty, 13
To Colonel Flemming's, 28
To Big Lick, 2
To Mrs. Kent's, 20
To English's Ferry, 20
To Carter's, 13
To Fort Chissel, 12
To the Stone-mill, 11
To Adkins', 16
To Russell Place, 16
To Greenaway's, 14
To Washington Court-House, 6
To the Block-house, 35
To Farriss's, 5
To Clinch River, 12
To Scott's Station, 12
To Cox's at Powell River, 10
To Martin's Station, 2
To--[manuscript defaced]
To Cumberland Mountain 3
To Cumberland River, 15
To Flat Lick, 9
To Stinking Creek, 2
To Richland Creek, 7
To Raccoon Spring, 14
To Laurel River, 2
To Hazel Patch, 15
To Rockcastle, 10
To--[manuscript defaced]."
The foregoing itineraries afford us some conception of the settlements
and "improvements" that sprang up along the winding thoroughfare from
Virginia to Kentucky. The writer has sought with some care to know more
of these--of the modes of travel, the entertainment which was afforded
along the road to men and beasts, and the social relation of the greater
settlements in Virginia and Kentucky to this thin line of human lives
across the continent. Very little information has been secured. It is
plain that the great immigration to Kentucky would have been out of the
question had there been no means of succor and assistance along the
road. There were many who gained their livelihood as pioneer innkeepers
and provisioned along Boone's Road. Among the very few of these of whom
any record is left, Captain Joseph Martin is perhaps the most prominent
and most worthy of remembrance. Martin's "cabin" or "station," as it is
variously termed, occupied a strategic point in far-famed Powell's
Valley, one hundred and eighty miles west of Inglis Ferry, twenty miles
east of Cumberland Gap and about one hundred and thirty miles southeast
of Crab Orchard and Boonesborough. Captain Martin was Virginia Agent
for Indian affairs, and was the most prominent man in the scattered
settlements in Powell's Valley, where he was living at the time of the
founding of Boonesborough. Later he made his headquarters at Long Island
in North Carolina. It is plain from Colonel Henderson's journal that
wagons could proceed along Boone's Road in 1775 no further than Martin's
cabin. Here everything was transferred to the packhorses. Several
letters from Colonel Henderson to Captain Martin, preserved by the
Wisconsin Historical Society, give us a glimpse of silent Powell's
Valley. One of them reads:
"Boonesborough
12^{th} June 1775
Dear Sir:
M^r Ralph Williams, David Burnay, and William Mellar will apply to
you for salt and other things which we left with you and was sent
for us since we came away--Please to deliver to them, or those they
may employ what they ask for, and take a receipt--Also write me a
few lines informing me, what you have sent &c by hem & by whom--I
long much to hear from you, pray write me at Large, how the matter
goes with you in the valey, as well as what passes in Virginia--If
the pack-horsemen should want any thing towards securing my books
from Damage pack-saddles, provisions, or any thing which you see is
necessary; please to let them have it on our acc^t.--All things
goes well hitherto with us, I hope the[y] do with you would have
sent your Mares but am afraid they are not done horsing They will
be safely brought by my brother in a few weeks
I am D^r Sir your
Hble Serv^t
Rich^d. Henderson
M^r Joseph Martin in the Valley"[10]
On July 20 he wrote again:
"Am sorry to hear that the People in the valey are distressed for
provisions and ammunition have given some directions to my brother to
assist you a little with Powder.
Standly, I suppose has before now delivered your Inglish mare, and the
other you'l receive by my brother--when we meet will render an acc^t.
for my behaviour in Keeping them so long--We did not forget you at the
time of making Laws, your part of the Country is too remote from ours to
attend our Convention you must have Laws made by an Assembly of your
own, I have prepared a plan which I hope you'l approve but more of that
when we meet which I hope will be soon, tho 'til Col. Boone comes cant
say when--Am extreamly sorry for the affair with the Indians on the 23^d
of last month. I wish it may not have a bad effect, but will use my
endeavors to find out who they were & have the matter settled--your
spirited conduct gives me great Pleasure--Keep your men in heart if
possible, now is our time, the Indians must not drive us--depend upon it
that the Chief men and warriors of the Cherokees will not countenance
what there men attempted and will punish them--Pray my Dear Sir dont let
any person settle Lower down the valey I am affraid they are now too
low & must come away I did not want any person to settle yet below
Cumberland gap--My Brother will [tell] you of the news of these
parts--in haste D^r Sir...."
In December, John Williams wrote Captain Martin from Boonesborough and
his letter gives us a closer insight into affairs along Boone's Road:
"... With respect to the complaints of the inhabitants of Powells Valley
with regard to cattle being lodged there, I should think it altogether
unjust than [that] non-inhabitants should bring in cattle to destroy and
eat up the range of the inhabitants' stock; Yet, Sir, I cannot conceive
that Col. Hart's stopping his stock there, when on their way here, to
recruit them for their journey, can be the least infringement. Col. Hart
is a proprietor, & [has] as great a right in the country as any one man.
In the Valley are many lands yet unentered; and certainly if there be a
right in letting stock into the range, he has a right equal to any man
alive. I therefore hope you will endeavor to convince the inhabitants
thereof, and that it is no indulgence to Col. Hart, but a right he
claims, and what I think him justly entitled to.
I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you at Boonesborough the 21^{st}
instant--in the meantime making not the least doubt but that you will
use every justifiable Method in Keeping up peace and harmony in the
Valley"[11]
As indicated in the former letter, the emigrants from the colonies were
encroaching upon the Cherokee lands beyond the Henderson purchase.
Joseph Martin was under the necessity of protesting to the Assembly of
North Carolina against settlers from that state pressing beyond the
Henderson lands and settling in the Cherokee country.[12] It is seen by
Colonel Henderson's letter that Boone's Road marked the most westerly
limit to which pioneers could go with safety. Irresponsible Cherokees
invaded the Henderson purchase, and equally irresponsible (or ignorant)
whites invaded the Cherokee country. The difficulty probably lay in not
having a definite, plain boundary line that he who ran might recognize.
The settlement here in Powell's Valley meant everything to the pioneers
of Kentucky. This is made additionally plain by the attempt of
interested parties to have Captain Martin's Indian Agency removed from
Long Island to a point on Boone's Road near Cumberland Gap. In December
1782 William Christian wrote Governor Harrison from "Great [Long]
Island," explaining the dependence of the inhabitants (undoubtedly both
red and white) upon Martin in time of need. "I find," he wrote, "that
the party here, consisting of fifty odd, are living on Col. Martin's
corn. Whenever a family begins to be in a starving condition, it is very
probable they will push for this place & throw themselves upon him for
bread."[13]
Fourteen days later he wrote from Mahanaim to "Hon. Col. Sampson
Matthews" of Richmond; protesting against Virginia's Indian Agency being
kept at Long Island, North Carolina; and urging that it be removed to
near Cumberland Gap:
"The Gap is near half way betwixt our settlements on Holston and
Kentucky, and a post there would be a resting place for our poor
citizens going back and forward, and would be a great means of saving
the lives of hundreds of them. For it seldom happens that Indians will
kill people near where they trade; & it is thereabouts the most of the
mischief on the road has been done.... I view the change I propose as of
great importance to the frontier of Washington, [County] to our people
journeying to & from Kentucky, particularly the poor families moving
out...."[14]
It was, throughout the eighteenth century, exceedingly dangerous to
travel Boone's Road; and those who journeyed either way joined together
and traveled in "companies." Indeed there was risk enough for the most
daring, in any case; but a well-armed "company" of tried pioneers on
Boone's Road was a dangerous game upon which to prey. It was customary
to advertise the departure of a company either from Virginia or
Kentucky, in local papers; in order that any desiring to make the
journey might know of the intended departure. The principal rendezvous
in Kentucky was the frontier settlement of Crab Orchard. Certain of
these advertisements are extremely interesting; the verbal changes are
significant if closely read:
Notice
is hereby given, that a company will meet at the Crab Orchard, on
Sunday the 4^{th} day of May, to go through the wilderness, and to
set out on the 5^{th}. at which time most of the Delegates to the
state convention will go[15]
A large company will meet at the Crab orchard on sunday the
25^{th} of May, in order to make an early start on Monday the
26^{th} through the wilderness for the old settlement[16]
A large company will meet at the Crab Orchard on the 15^{th}. day
of May, in readiness to start on the 16^{th}. through the
Wilderness for Richmond[17]
Notice
Is hereby given that several gentlemen propose meeting at the
Crab-orchard on the 4^{th}. of June in perfect readiness to move
early the next morning through the Wilderness[18]
Notice
A large company will meet at the Crab-Orchard the 19^{th}. of
November in order to start the next day through the Wilderness. As
it is very dangerous on account of the Indians, it is hoped each
person will go well armed[19]
It appears that unarmed persons sometimes attached themselves to
companies and relied on others to protect them in times of danger. One
advertisement urged that everyone should go armed and "not to depend on
others to defend them."[20]
The frequency of the departure of such companies suggests the great
amount of travel on Boone's Road. As early as 1788 parties were
advertised to leave Crab Orchard May 5, May 15, May 26, June 4, and June
16. Nor does it seem that there was much abatement during the more
inclement (safer?) months; in the fall of the same year companies were
advertised to depart November 19, December 9, and December 19. Yet at
this season the Indians were often out waylaying travelers--driven no
doubt by hunger to deeds of desperation. The sufferings of such
redskinned marauders have found little place in history; but they are,
nevertheless, particularly suggestive. One story, which has not perhaps
been told _ad nauseam_, is to the point; and would be amusing if it were
not so fatally conclusive. In the winter of 1787-88 a party on Boone's
Road was attacked by Indians not far from the Kentucky border. Their
horses were plundered of goods, but the travelers escaped. Hurrying "in"
to the settlements a company was raised to make a pursuit. By their
tracks in the snow the Indians were accurately followed. They were
overtaken at a camp, where they were drying their blankets, &c., before
a great fire. At the first charge the savages, completely surprised,
took to their heels--stark naked. Not satisfied with recovering the
stolen goods the Kentuckians pursued the fugitives into the mountains.
Along the course they found trees stripped of pieces of bark, with which
the Indians had attempted to cover their bodies. They were not
overtaken, though some of their well protected pursuers had their own
feet frost-bitten. The awful fate of the savages is unquestionable.
Before Richard Henderson arrived in Kentucky Daniel Boone wrote him: "My
advice to you, sir, is to come or send as soon as possible. Your company
is desired greatly, for the people are very uneasy, but are willing to
stay and venture their lives with you, and now is the time to flustrate
the intentions of the Indians, and keep the country whilst we are in it.
If we give way to them now, it will ever be the case."
This letter shows plainly how the best informed man in Kentucky regarded
Henderson's settlement at Boonesborough. Henderson's purchase was
repudiated by both Virginia and North Carolina; but the Virginia
Legislature confirmed Henderson's sales of land, in so far as they were
made to actual settlers, and not to speculators, Henderson and his
associates were granted land in lieu of that taken from them. The
Transylvania Company, while looked upon askance by many who preferred to
risk their tomahawk claim rights to those the Company granted, exerted
as great a moral influence in the first settlement of Kentucky as Daniel
Boone affirmed it would--a greater influence than any other company
before the Revolutionary War.
What it meant to the American colonies to have a brave band of pioneers
in Kentucky at that crucial epoch, is an important chapter in the
history of Boone's Road.