The Historical Background of
Christianity
The Early History of
Christianity
by
JOHN GRESHAM MACHEN
Philadelphia, Pa.
The Presbyterian Board Of Publication and Sabbath School Work
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction 3
LESSON
1. The New Testament 5
2. The Roman Background of Christianity 10
3. The Greek Background of Christianity 15
4. The Jewish Background of Christianity:
I. Palestinian Judaism 21
5. The Jewish Background of Christianity:
II. The Judaism of the Dispersion 26
6. The Messiah 31
7. The Book of The Acts 36
8. The Cross and the Resurrection the Foundation of
Apostolic Preaching 41
9. The Beginnings of the Christian Church 46
10. The First Persecution 51
11. The First Gentile Converts 56
12. The Conversion of Paul 60
13. The Church at Antioch 67
14. The Gospel to the Gentiles 75
15. The Council at Jerusalem 81
16. The Gospel Carried Into Europe 86
17. Encouragement for Recent Converts 92
18. The Conflict with the Judaizers 97
19. Problems of a Gentile Church 103
20. The Apostle and His Ministry 109
21. The Gospel of Salvation 115
22. Paul's Journey to Rome 120
23. The Supremacy of Christ 124
24. The Church of Christ 129
25. Christ and His Followers 133
26. Training New Leaders 138
27. A Presentation of Jesus to Jewish Christians 147
28. A Graphic Sketch of the Life of Jesus 154
29. A Greek Historian's Account of Jesus 158
30. The Testimony of the Beloved Disciple 165
31. The Jesus of the Gospels 174
32. A Document of the Jerusalem Church 178
33. Jesus the Fulfillment of the Old Testament 184
34. Christian Fortitude 189
35. The Christian's Attitude Toward Error and Immorality 194
36. The Life of the Children of God 198
37. The Messages of the Living Christ 203
38. A Vision of the Final Triumph 209
39. Review 213
40. The Church and the World 219
41. The Christian Message 225
42. The Word and the Sacraments 231
43. Prayer 238
44. The Congregation 244
45. The Relief of the Needy 249
46. Organizing for Service 255
47. A Mission for the World 261
48. The Christian Ideal of Personal Morality 266
49. Christianity and Human Relationships 271
50. The Christian Use of the Intellect 277
51. The Christian Hope and the Present Possession 282
52. Retrospect: the First Christian Century 287
Copyright, 1915, by John Gresham Machen
INTRODUCTION
The general purpose of this course of lessons has been set forth in
the introduction to the Student's Text Book. There is a tendency
in the modern Church to neglect the study of Bible history. Such
neglect will inevitably result in a loss of power. The gospel is a
record of something that has happened, and uncertainty about the
gospel is fatal weakness. Furthermore the historical study of the
apostolic age--that age when divine revelation established the
great principles of the Church's life--is the best corrective for
a thousand vagaries. Much can be learned from modern pedagogy; but
after all what is absolutely fundamental, both for teacher and for
student, is an orderly acquaintance with the Bible facts.
The Teacher's Manual, therefore, is intended not merely to offer
suggestions as to methods of teaching, but primarily to supplement
the teacher's knowledge. A teacher who knows only what he actually
imparts to the class is inevitably dull. The true teacher brings
forth out of his treasure things new and old.
The sections in the Teacher's Manual, since they are intended to
be supplementary, should not be read until after careful attention
has been paid to the corresponding sections in the Student's Text
Book. Moreover, both sections together are of course in themselves
insufficient. They should be supplemented by other reading.
Suggestions about reading have been put at the end of every lesson.
Here, however, a few general remarks may be made.
Davis' "Dictionary of the Bible" and Purves' "Christianity in the
Apostolic Age," which have been recommended even to the student,
will be to the teacher almost invaluable. The earnest teacher
will also desire to refer to good commentaries on The Acts. The
commentaries which have been mentioned in connection with the
individual lessons are based upon the English Bible; but every
teacher who has any knowledge of Greek, however slight, should use,
instead, the commentary of Knowling, in "The Expositor's Greek
Testament." For the life of Paul, Lewin's "Life and Epistles of St.
Paul" and the similar book of Conybeare and Howson are still very
valuable for their vivid and extended descriptions of the scenes of
the missionary journeys. A similar service is rendered, in more
up-to-date form, by the various works of Ramsay. Stalker's "Life of
St. Paul" is a good handbook. M'Clymont's "New Testament and Its
Writers" contains instructive, though very brief, introductions
to all of the New Testament books. Hastings' "Dictionary of the
Bible" and "Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels" number among
their contributors many writers of many opinions. They are rich in
references to the vast literature of modern Biblical discussion.
The writer of this course has derived information from many
quarters. Definite acknowledgment of indebtedness, since no
originality is claimed, may be regarded as unnecessary. It is a
pleasure, however, to render special thanks to Rev. Professor
William Park Armstrong, D. D., of Princeton Theological Seminary,
whose wise counsel has been of incalculable assistance at many
points.
The actual presentation of the lessons will, of course, vary
according to the needs of the classes and the preferences of the
teachers. The Student's Text Book may often provide a convenient
order of presentation. That book is intended not merely to be read,
but also to be studied. It is to be regarded as a sort of outline of
the course.
The "topics for study" are intended to serve a double purpose. In
the first place, they will test the student's knowledge of the
lesson material; in the second place, they will afford encouragement
to special investigation. Individual topics may often be assigned
for thorough treatment to individual students, while the class as a
whole may use all the topics as guides to a general knowledge.
Personal interest in the individual students is of the utmost
importance. Instruction has a tenfold value when it is backed by
friendship. The relation of the students to the Church should
be a matter of especial concern. If any member of the class has
not confessed his faith in Christ, the study of this year offers
abundant opportunity for a word in season. Our study reveals the
Church as a divine institution. Shall we then stand aloof?
In this course the teacher has the opportunity of introducing
young people of maturing minds to the historical study of the New
Testament. There could be no more inspiring task. Carried about with
every wind of doctrine, the Church is sadly in need of an assured
anchorage. That anchorage should be sought in history. Ignorance is
weak; sound knowledge, sought with prayer, and blessed by the Spirit
of God, will lead to a more stalwart and more intelligent faith.
LESSON I
THE NEW TESTAMENT
This is an introductory lesson. It should be used, first of all, to
answer intelligent general questions about the New Testament. Some
of these questions will be discussed briefly under Sections 1 to 3,
below.
The historical study of the New Testament, based upon a study of
the circumstances under which the individual books were written,
will probably be new to many of the students. The new point of view
should be used to awaken interest. The climax of the lesson should,
however, be a presentation of the unity of the New Testament as the
very Word of God to us. Historical study should be made--and can be
made--subservient to reverent and thankful obedience.
1. THE ORIGIN AND MEANING OF THE NAME
The English word "testament" comes from a Latin word. The equivalent
Greek word is hard to translate. As used in the Greek Bible it may
mean either "covenant" or "testament." Usually it should probably be
translated "covenant."
The phrase "new covenant" occurs about five times in the New
Testament. In none of these passages does the phrase refer to the
"New Testament" in our sense. It designates a new relationship into
which men have been received with God. The old covenant was made,
through the mediatorship of Moses, with the Hebrew nation; the new
covenant, hinted at in prophecy, Jer. 31:31, and instituted by the
Lord Jesus, I Cor. 11:25, was made with all those, of every tribe
and tongue and people and nation, who should through faith accept
the salvation offered by Christ. Those who believe become, like
Israel of old, God's chosen people, and enter into the warmth and
joy of the divine communion. The names "old and new covenants,"
then, were applied first to these two special relationships into
which God entered with men. Afterwards the names were applied to the
books in which the conditions of those relationships were set forth.
Perhaps it would have been better if we had started to say "New
Covenant" where we now say "New Testament." At any rate the idea
alluded to in the name is the inspiring idea, realized in Christ,
of an alliance with God. The New Testament is the divine treaty by
the terms of which God has received us rebels and enemies into peace
with himself.
2. ONE BOOK, OR A COLLECTION OF BOOKS?
In the first place, the New Testament may be treated in every
respect as a single book. That course is adopted by many of the most
devoted lovers of the Bible. By them the Bible is treated simply
as a textbook of religion. Passages are quoted indiscriminately
from all parts of it, without much regard to the context. The wide
differences of form and of spirit among the various books are
ignored. The historical implications of the books are of course
accepted as true, but practically they are left quite unassimilated.
Now let us be quite plain about one thing. The men who use the Bible
in this way are right in the main point. They treat the Bible as the
guide of life for time and for eternity. And if by the use of the
Bible we can come into communion with God, we can afford to miss a
good many other things. Nevertheless, the Bible is as a matter of
fact not a mere textbook of religion, and if we treat it as such we
miss much of its richness. If the Bible were merely a systematic
treatise, it would be far easier to interpret. The interpreter
would be spared a great deal of trouble, but the burden would be
heaped upon the preacher. As it is, the Bible is itself a preacher,
because it is in such close contact with the actual experience of
men of flesh and blood. Its general teachings are given us in large
measure only through the medium of history, through the medium
of example. In order to arrive at the general truths, therefore,
intellectual labor is often necessary. God has made things harder
for the intellect that he may strike home the more surely to the
heart. If Paul had written a systematic theology, the New Testament
way of salvation might in some ways have been plainer than it is.
It would have been plain to the intellect, but it would have needed
interpretation to the heart. Conviction can be wrought only by
the immediate impact of personal life. The theology of Paul, of
itself, might be a dead thing; the religious experience of Paul,
interwoven with his theology, and bared before us in the epistles,
is irresistible.
In the second place, the historical form of the Bible may be
considered at the expense of its spiritual content. The Bible may
be treated simply as a storybook. Such a method of treatment is
exceedingly common to-day. "The Bible as literature" is its slogan.
This treatment has simply missed the main point altogether. It
is incomparably inferior to that treatment which takes the Bible
as a mere textbook of religion. The Bible as an addition to the
world's history or the world's literature has, indeed, considerable
educational value. But it does not give eternal life.
A third method is possible, and that third method is right. The
historical and literary form of the Bible is recognized to the full.
But it is regarded not as an end in itself, but as a means to an
end. Historical study is necessary not only to establish to the
modern man the saving facts of the gospel, but also to do justice
to the dramatic narrative form in which God has revealed to us his
eternal will.
It is nearer the truth, then, to say that the New Testament is
a single book than to say that it is a collection of books. Its
parts differ widely among themselves, in authorship, in date, in
circumstances, in aim. Those differences must be studied carefully,
if the full meaning is to be obtained. But widely as the New
Testament writings differ among themselves, they differ yet far more
widely from all other books. They presented themselves originally to
the Church with a divine authority, which is foreign to the ordinary
writings of men. That authority has been confirmed through the
Christian centuries. Those who have submitted their lives to the New
Testament have never been confounded. The New Testament has been to
them the voice of God.
3. THE FOUR DIVISIONS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT
(1) THE GOSPELS.--Christianity is based upon historical facts.
Attempts, it is true, are often made to separate it from history.
But they are bound to result in failure. Give up history, and
you can retain some things. But you can never retain a gospel.
For "gospel" means "good news," and "good news" means tidings,
information derived from the witness of others. In other words, it
means history. The question whether religion can be independent of
history is really just the old question whether we need a gospel.
The gospel is news that something has happened--something that
puts a different face upon life. What that something is is told
us in Matthew, Mark, Luke and John. It is the life and death and
resurrection of Jesus Christ.
(2) THE BOOK OF THE ACTS.--The Book of The Acts is a history of the
extension of Christianity from Jerusalem out into the Gentile world.
It represents that extension as guided by the Spirit of God, and
thus exhibits the divine warrant for the acceptance of us Gentiles,
and for the development of the Christian Church. It provides the
outline of apostolic history without which we could not understand
the other New Testament books, especially the epistles of Paul. It
illustrates to the full what has been said above about the value of
the historical form in which the Bible teaching is presented. By
reading this vivid narrative we obtain an impression of the power of
the Holy Spirit which no systematic treatise could give.
(3) THE EPISTLES.--The Epistles of the New Testament are not just
literature put in an epistolary form, but real letters. It is true
that the addresses of some of them are very broad, for example,
those of James and of I Peter; and that some of them contain no
specific address at all, for example, Hebrews and I John. But the
great majority of them, at least, were written under very special
circumstances and intended to be read first by very definite people.
The chief letter-writer of the New Testament was the apostle Paul.
To a certain extent he used the forms of letter-writing of his time,
just as everyone to-day begins a letter with "Dear Sir." Within the
last twenty years a great number of Greek private letters, dating
from about the time of Paul, have been discovered in Egypt, where
they have been preserved by the dry climate. It is interesting to
compare them with the letters of Paul. There are some striking
similarities in language; for both these letter-writers and Paul
used the natural language of daily life rather than the extremely
artificial language of the literature of that period. To a certain
extent, also, Paul used the same epistolary forms. The differences,
however, are even more instructive than the resemblances. It is
true, the Pauline epistles are not literary treatises, but real
letters. But on the other hand they are not ordinary private letters
intended to be read and thrown away, like the letters that have
been discovered in Egypt. Most of them were intended to be read
originally in churches. It is natural, then, that they should have
been written in a loftier style than is to be found in mere business
communications and the like. And if Paul uses the epistolary forms
of his time he uses them in an entirely new way. Even the mere
openings of the epistles are made the vehicle of Christian truth.
"Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ"--there is nothing like that in contemporary letter-writing.
The openings of the Pauline epistles form an interesting study.
They are varied with wonderful skill to suit the varied character
and subject matter of the letters that follow. Paul is never merely
formal.
The letters of Paul differ widely among themselves. The Epistle
to the Romans is almost a systematic exposition of the plan of
salvation. Philemon is concerned with a little personal matter
between Paul and one of his converts. But even where Paul is most
theological he is personal, and even where he is most personal, he
is faithful to his theology. Theology in him is never separate from
experience, and experience never separate from theology. Even petty
problems he settles always in the light of eternal principles. Hence
his letters, though the specific circumstances that gave rise to
them are past and gone, will never be antiquated.
(4) THE APOCALYPSE.--The Christian life is a life of hope. Inwardly
we are free, but our freedom is not yet fully realized. We are in
danger of losing our hope in the trials or in the mere humdrum of
life. To keep it alive, the Apocalypse opens a glorious vision of
the future. The vision is presented in symbolical language. It is
not intended to help in any calculation of the times and seasons.
But it shows us the Lamb upon the throne--and that is enough.
* * * * *
IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Bible," "Canon of the New Testament," "Covenant," "New Testament,"
and "Testament."
LESSON II
THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
Christianity is not a human product. It is not to be explained by
what preceded it on the earth. It is a new beginning in history, an
immediate exercise of the divine power.
But though Christianity was not produced by men, it operates upon
men, and upon men subject to all the ordinary conditions of earthly
life. Primitive Christianity, then, which we shall study this year,
cannot be understood fully without an examination of the historical
conditions under which it arose.
In the class, the lesson should probably be approached through
the New Testament examples of the general principles which are
outlined in the lesson helps. Examples will be found in the passages
assigned in the Student's Text Book, and others should be sought for
elsewhere.
1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE
By the middle of the first century before Christ the power of the
Roman republic extended around the Mediterranean Sea. Victories
abroad, however, were accompanied by serious troubles at home. The
increase of wealth and the importation of slave labor had produced
unfortunate social conditions. The realm had become too large
to be administered adequately by the old republican government.
Individuals sometimes obtained practical control of affairs, and
the state was torn by civil wars. Finally, in 49 B. C., Julius
Cæsar entered Rome at the head of an army, and Roman liberty was at
an end. After the assassination of Cæsar in 44 B. C., there was a
succession of civil wars, and then, by the victory of Actium in 31
B. C., Octavius, who later assumed the name of Augustus, became sole
ruler. Augustus died in A. D. 14.
Subsequent emperors during the first century were: Tiberius (A. D.
14-37), Caligula (A. D. 37-41), Claudius (A. D. 41-54), Nero (A.
D. 54-68), Galba, Otho and Vitellius (A. D. 69), Vespasian (A. D.
69-79), Titus (A. D. 79-81), Domitian (A. D. 81-96), Nerva (A. D.
96-98), Trajan (A. D. 98-117).
2. ROMAN ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE EMPIRE
The general advantages of the Roman imperial government have been
considered in the Student's Text Book. It will here be advisable
to consider one or two features a little more in detail. Much of
what follows can be illustrated from the New Testament; for the
acquaintance of New Testament writers, especially of Luke, with
Roman administration is not only accurate but also minute. The
students should be encouraged to seek New Testament illustrations
for themselves.
(1) THE PROVINCES.--The provinces of the empire are to be
distinguished from the territories of subject kings or princes.
The latter were quite subservient to Rome, but were given more
independence of administration. A good example of such a subject
king, theoretically an ally, but in reality a vassal, was Herod the
Great, who ruled over all Palestine till 4 B. C.
The provinces themselves were divided into two great
classes--imperial provinces and senatorial provinces.
The imperial provinces were under the immediate control of the
emperor. They were governed by "legates," who had no regular term of
office, but served at the emperor's pleasure. The imperial provinces
were those in which, on account of unsettled conditions, or for the
defense of the empire, large bodies of troops had to be maintained.
Thus, by keeping the appointment of the legates exclusively in
his own hands, the emperor retained the direct control of the
all-important power of the army. A good example of an imperial
province is the great province of Syria, with capital at Antioch.
Palestine was more or less under the supervision of the Syrian
legate.
Districts different from the great imperial provinces, but, like
them, under the immediate control of the emperor, were governed by
"procurators." Judea, from A. D. 6 to A. D. 41, and from A. D. 44
on, is an example.
The senatorial provinces were governed by "proconsuls," chosen by
lot from among the members of the Senate. The proconsuls served for
only one year. Even over these provinces and their governors the
emperor retained the fullest supervisory authority. The senatorial
provinces composed the central and more settled portions of the
empire, where large standing armies would not be needed. Examples
are Achaia, with capital at Corinth, and Cyprus with capital at
Paphos. Proconsuls of both of these provinces are mentioned in the
New Testament by name.
(2) LOCAL GOVERNMENT.--The Romans did not attempt to introduce
perfect uniformity throughout the empire. The original Greek unit of
political life was the city, and Greek cities were scattered over
the east before the Roman conquest. With regard to local affairs,
many of the cities retained a certain amount of independence. It
is interesting to observe the local peculiarities of the cities
described in The Acts.
In addition to the Greek cities, many of which were more or less
"free" in local affairs, many "Roman colonies" had been established
here and there throughout the empire. The original colonists were
often veterans of the Roman armies. Of course the populations soon
came to be mixed, but Roman traditions were cultivated in the
colonies more than elsewhere. A number of the cities of The Acts
were colonies, and one, Philippi, is expressly declared to be such.
Acts 16:12. In that city the Roman character of the magistrates
appears clearly from the Lucan narrative. There were "prætors" and
"lictors."
(3) ROMAN CITIZENSHIP.--Before New Testament times Roman citizenship
had been extended to all Italy. Italy, therefore, was not a province
or group of provinces, but was regarded as a part of Rome. Outside
of Italy Roman citizenship was a valuable special privilege. It
raised a man above the mass of the provincial population. Some of
the advantages of it appear clearly in the New Testament narrative.
Because Paul was a Roman citizen he was legally exempt from the most
degrading forms of punishment, and had a right to appeal to the
court of the emperor. Roman citizenship was sometimes acquired by
money, but Paul inherited it from his father.
3. ROMAN RELIGION
Under the empire, Rome was possessed of a state religion. The
ancient gods of the republic were retained. There were great
divinities like Jupiter and Mars, and there were numberless private
divinities of individual households. The ancient religion had,
indeed, undergone modifications. New divinities in plenty had been
received. But the reception of the new did not involve abolition
of the old. On the contrary, the gods of other peoples could be
accepted just because they were regarded as nothing but the Roman
gods under different names. Thus, long before the Christian era,
there had been a thoroughgoing identification of the gods of Greece
with the gods of Rome. The Greek Zeus, for example, was identified
with the Roman Jupiter; the Greek Ares with the Roman Mars. The gods
of countries other than Greece were also received, though, as far as
the city of Rome was concerned, with some conservatism.
In the Roman world, religion was a national affair. Worship of the
national gods was not only piety, but also patriotism. Patriotism
and religion were inseparably connected. Support of the gods of
Rome, even where personal faith in them had been undermined, was
considered to be the duty of every loyal citizen.
The political aspect of Roman religion appears most clearly in the
worship of the Roman emperors. This remarkable development appears
from the beginning of the empire. Augustus, indeed, refused to
receive divine honors, at least in the west. But in the east even he
was worshiped, and as time went on the reluctance of the emperors
disappeared. Some of the worst of the emperors were most insistent
upon their own divinity.
Perhaps the first impulse of the modern man is to regard the Cæsar
cult simply as a particularly despicable form of flattery. In
reality it was more than that. It was not established by imperial
edict. It was not dictated primarily by servile fear. The Greek
inhabitants of the empire really regarded Augustus as their saviour.
And so he was, as far as any man could be. He saved them from the
miseries of civil war, and from the rapacity of the degenerate
republic; he gave them peace and happiness. And they responded by
regarding him as a god.
To them it was natural. To them it was nothing new. Alexander the
Great had been regarded as a god long before the Christian era. His
successors in Syria and in Egypt had also received divine honors.
To the genuine Romans, the thing did not come so easy. The Cæsar
cult, at least at first, was not developed in the west. But even the
Romans could worship the emperor's "genius" or spirit, and from that
to the actual worship of the emperor was but a step. Essential to
the whole process of deification, both in Rome and in the east, was
the close connection in ancient thinking between deity and humanity,
and between religion and the state. If patriotism is religion, then
the king is a god.
The Cæsar cult was the most palpable incorporation of the state
religion. Worship of the emperor, therefore, might well be the
test of loyalty to Rome. It could be practiced by skeptics and
philosophers. It could be practiced by the devotees of all
religions--save two. Jews and Christians alone could not bow at the
emperor's shrine, for their God was a God who could brook no rival.
He was not merely the greatest among many. He was the only Lord,
Maker of heaven and earth.
4. THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND SUBSEQUENT HISTORY
Between Christianity and the Roman state, with its official
religion, a life-and-death struggle was inevitable. But in the
providence of God it was delayed. The empire was used not to crush
Christianity but to open the world before it.
But was the empire really identical with the world? It seemed so
to the Romans and to the Greeks. To them the empire was the world.
And they were right. Not, of course, in a literal sense. In the
first century after Christ, vast civilizations--for example the
civilization of China--were already in existence. There were great
peoples of whom the Romans had never heard. But Roman arrogance
has at last been vindicated. For Rome was in reality the key to
subsequent history. Rome was the parent of Europe, and Europe
is moving the world. Even China is at last being opened to the
civilization of Rome. The Romans were right. He who could master
Rome would be master, one day, of the world.
It has been a long process. But God's plans are sure. Christianity
appeared at the one time when the world was open before it. By the
power of the divine Spirit it conquered the empire. The empire
dominated its barbarian conquerors. The barbarians are the parents
of modern civilization. Modern civilization is invading the earth's
remotest bounds. China, at last, is within our ken. Realms long
closed have at last been opened. Another great opportunity! An
opportunity for greed and selfishness! An opportunity for a dismal
skepticism! And an opportunity for the Church of God!
* * * * *
IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Adeney,
article on "Cæsar"; Gwatkin, articles on "Roman Empire," and "Rome."
Hastings, "Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics": Iverach, article
on "Cæsarism." Westcott, "The Two Empires," in "The Epistles of St.
John," pp. 250-282. Ramsay, "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 48-81.
LESSON III
THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
The purpose of the present lesson is to make the student feel that
the gospel was from the beginning a real gospel in a real world. If
we isolate the early preaching from its environment, we make it seem
like an unreal thing. Study of New Testament times makes the New
Testament itself become a more living, a more interesting book.
In the Student's Text Book an outline of the Hellenistic age has
been provided. It has been supplemented below by illustrative
material. But in the class the lesson can probably be best
approached from the side of the New Testament itself. In what
languages is the Bible written? How did the New Testament come to
be written in Greek? What other languages are mentioned in the New
Testament? What light do these passages shed upon the linguistic
conditions of the time? What is the attitude of the apostles toward
Greek thought? Is that attitude altogether unfavorable, or did the
early missionaries ever lay hold upon the higher aspirations of
their Gentile hearers (Athens)? Where did the missionaries come into
contact with heathen superstition? (Several fine examples in The
Acts). What was the moral condition of the Greco-Roman world? How
was the Hellenistic age like our own? Why did God send our Lord just
in the first century? What was the social condition of the early
Christians? Do you think that was an advantage or a disadvantage?
What men of higher position are mentioned in the New Testament?
Questions like these will serve to relate the general expositions
in the lesson helps to the New Testament itself. The lesson helps
are intended to provide merely the presuppositions necessary for
intelligent study. God working for real men in a real world--that is
the subject of the lesson.
1. THE HELLENISTIC AGE
The Greek world culture which prevailed after the conquest of
Alexander was widely different from the Greek life of the classical
period. The earlier period is called the "Hellenic" period, the
later period is designated as "Hellenistic." When Greek thought
made itself master of the world, it became mingled with numberless
foreign elements. The mixture appears most clearly, perhaps, in
the sphere of religion. Polytheism was capable of indefinite
expansion. New gods could easily be identified with the old, or else
be received along with them without a conflict. The religion of
the Greco-Roman world is therefore different from that of ancient
Greece. It is a curious mixture of the most diverse beliefs.
Nevertheless, the whole deserves to be called Hellenistic, because
even the most strikingly non-Grecian elements were usually subjected
more or less to the subtle molding of the Greek spirit.
The Hellenistic age used to be despised, but among modern scholars
it is coming into its own. Its literary products are admittedly
inferior to the glories of the earlier age, but even in literature
its achievements are not to be despised, and in other spheres it is
supreme. Notably in mathematics and in natural science it was the
golden age. Euclid, the geometrician, lived three centuries before
Christ.
The learning of the Hellenistic age was centered in Alexandria in
Egypt, a city which had been founded by Alexander the Great. Athens
had, perhaps, ceased to possess the primacy. That fact is typical
of the time. Greek culture had ceased to belong to Greece in the
narrower sense. It had become a possession of the world. The great
library of Alexandria was a sign of the times. The Hellenistic age
was an age of widespread learning.
When Rome became master of the eastern world, conditions were not
fundamentally changed. Rome merely hastened a process that was
already at work. Already the nations had been brought together by
the spread of Greek culture; Roman law merely added the additional
bond of political unity. The Roman legions were missionaries of an
all-pervading Hellenism.
The Greco-Roman world was astonishingly modern. It was modern in its
cosmopolitanism. In our own time the nations have again been brought
together. The external agencies for their welding are far more
perfect to-day than they were under the empire. Even the Roman roads
would be but a poor substitute for the railroad and the telegraph
and the steamship. But on the other hand we lack the bond of a
common language. In some ways the civilized world was even more of a
unit in the first century than it is to-day.
The cosmopolitanism of the Roman Empire was a God-given opportunity
for the Church. In a cosmopolitan age, if a man has something
to say, he will not lack for an audience. His message will be
understood in one place as well as in another. The lesson is obvious
for the Church of to-day. Again God has opened the world before us.
If we have a message, in God's name let us proclaim it while yet
there is time.
2. THE GREEK BIBLE
The Church originated in Palestine. The first missionaries were
native Jews. Yet even they had been affected by the cosmopolitanism
of the time. Even they could use Greek, in addition to their native
language. And Paul, the greatest of the missionaries, though a Jew,
was a citizen of a Greek city. The Church from the beginning was
able to speak to the larger world.
One difficulty might possibly have arisen. The Christian mission
was not carried on merely by the oral word. From the beginning
Christianity was a religion with a Book. And that Book was not
Greek. On the contrary it was intensely un-Grecian. The Old
Testament is intolerant of heathen ideas. It is deeply rooted in the
life of the chosen people. How could a Hebrew book be used in the
Greek world?
The difficulty might have been serious. But in the providence of
God it had been overcome. The Old Testament was a Hebrew book, but
before the Christian era it had been translated into Greek. From the
beginning Christianity was provided with a Greek Bible. It is always
difficult to make a new translation of the Bible. Every missionary
knows that. The introduction of a new translation takes time. It
was fortunate, then, that a Greek-speaking Church had a Greek Bible
ready to hand.
Everything was prepared for the gospel. God's time had come. Roman
rule had brought peace. Greek culture had produced unity of speech.
There was a Greek world, there were Greek-speaking missionaries, and
there was a Greek Bible. In the first century, the salvation that
was of the Jews could become a salvation for the whole world.
3. THE PAPYRI
The world in which the gospel was proclaimed is deserving of careful
study. How shall it be investigated?
The most obvious way is to study the literature of the period.
Until recent years that was almost the only way. But that method
is partial at best. For literature is after all but an imperfect
measure of any age. The society that is found in books is an
idealized society, or at any rate it is the society of the great.
The plain man is unrecorded. His deeds are not deemed worthy of a
place in history.
Within the last thirty years, however, the plain people of the
ancient world have come remarkably into view. They are revealed to
us in the "non-literary papyri."
"Papyri" are pieces of papyrus. Papyrus was the common writing
material of antiquity up to about A. D. 300, when vellum, or
parchment, came into general use. Unfortunately papyrus, which was
made from the pith of the papyrus plant, is not a very durable
substance, so that ancient papyri have been preserved until
modern times only under exceptionally favorable conditions. These
conditions are found in Egypt, where the dry climate has kept the
papyrus from disintegration.
In Egypt, within the last thirty years, have been discovered large
numbers of papyrus sheets with Greek writing. Of these the "literary
papyri" contain simply parts of books. They differ from other copies
of the works in question only in that they are usually older than
the vellum manuscripts. The "non-literary papyri," on the other
hand, are unique. They are private documents of all sorts--receipts,
petitions, wills, contracts, census returns, and most interesting
of all, private letters. It was usually not intended that these
documents should be preserved. They were simply thrown away upon
rubbish heaps or used as wrappings of mummies. They have been
preserved only by chance.
The non-literary papyri are important first of all in the study
of language. They exhibit the language of everyday life, as
distinguished from the language of literature. The language of
literature always differs more or less from the language used on
the street, and the difference was particularly wide in the Greek
of the Hellenistic period. The books of the time were modeled to a
considerable extent upon the ancient classics, but the actual spoken
language had been changing. Hence the literary language had become
exceedingly artificial.
Up to within the last few years, the literary language alone could
be studied. The books of the period were preserved, but the language
of daily life was gone. Now, however, the papyri supply what was
lacking. In them there is no attempt at style. They are composed in
the language which was employed in the ordinary affairs of life and
preserve the actual spoken language of every day.
At this point a remarkable fact must be noticed. The language of
the New Testament is more like the language of the non-literary
papyri than it is like the language of contemporary literature.
The papyri indicate, therefore, that the New Testament is composed
in the natural living language of the time rather than according
to the canons of an artificial rhetoric. The artlessness of the
New Testament has sometimes been regarded as a reproach. Instead,
it is a cause for rejoicing. The simplicity of the gospel would
only be concealed by niceties of style. The greatness of the New
Testament is independent of literary art. It would be a mistake,
however, to suppose that the New Testament, because it is composed
in the language of the people, is characterized by anything like
cheapness or vulgarity. On the contrary its simplicity is the noble
simplicity of truth. In the New Testament the spoken language of the
Greco-Roman world, in all its living freshness, becomes a worthy
vehicle for the sublimest thoughts.
The non-literary papyri, then, reproduce for us the spoken language
of the time as distinguished from the artificial language of
literature. But that does not exhaust their importance. They afford
a knowledge not only of language, but also of life. Through them
ordinary people are revealed in the ordinary relations of every day.
In them, the ancient world has been made to live again.
A few examples (see the book of Professor Milligan mentioned at
the end of the lesson) will serve to indicate the character of the
papyrus letters.
The following boy's letter (of the second or the third century after
Christ) is written in very bad grammar, but is for that reason all
the more lifelike. (The translation is taken from Grenfell and Hunt,
"Oxyrhynchus Papyri," Part i., p. 186.)
"Theon to his father Theon, greeting. It was a fine thing of you
not to take me with you to the city! If you won't take me with you
to Alexandria I won't write you a letter or speak to you or say
good-by to you; and if you go to Alexandria I won't take your hand
nor ever greet you again. That is what will happen if you won't take
me. Mother said to Archalaus, 'It quite upsets him to be left behind
(?).' It was good of you to send me presents ... on the 12th, the
day you sailed. Send me a lyre, I implore you. If you don't, I won't
eat, I won't drink; there now!"
The following invitation to dinner, of the second century after
Christ, throws light upon I Corinthians (the translation taken from
Professor Milligan):
"Antonius, son of Ptolemæus, invites you to dine with him at the
table of the lord Serapis in the house of Claudius Serapion on the
16th at 9 o'clock."
"The lord Serapis" is a god. Even an ordinary dinner party seems
thus to be regarded as the table of Serapis. Under such conditions
the Christian life must have been hard to lead. No wonder the
Corinthian Christians had to ask Paul questions. Even the ordinary
affairs of life were intimately connected with a false religion.
What should the attitude of the Christians be? Where should they
draw the line in associating with their heathen friends?
4. A REAL GOSPEL IN A REAL WORLD
The people that are introduced to us so intimately in the papyri
are probably very fair representatives of the people among whom the
gospel was first proclaimed. In that cosmopolitan age the society
of Egyptian towns was probably not so very different from that of
Corinth. The people of the papyri are not the great men of the time;
they are just plain folk. But the early Christians were also usually
not of exalted social position, though there were exceptions. "Not
many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble" were
called. I Cor. 1:26. Many of the early Christians were slaves, many
were humble tradesmen. The same classes appear in the papyri. In the
papyri we are introduced into the private lives of the men to whom
the gospel was proclaimed. Seeing, but unseen, hidden as by a magic
cap, we watch them in their most intimate affairs. And we come away
with a new feeling of the reality of early Christian history. These
men were not so very different from ourselves. They were real men
and women, living in a real world. And they needed a real gospel.
* * * * *
IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible," extra volume:
Ramsay, article on "Religion of Greece," pp. 109-156, especially
pp. 135-156. Milligan, "Selections from the Greek Papyri," (with
translations). Deissmann, "The Philology of the Greek Bible," pp.
1-63, 144-147. Ramsay, "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 1-47. Browning,
"Cleon," (vol. iv, pp. 115-122 of the Riverside Edition.)
LESSON IV
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
I. PALESTINIAN JUDAISM
1. SOURCES
The New Testament is one of the chief sources of information about
the Palestinian Judaism of the first century. Other important
sources are the works of Josephus, a first-century Jewish historian,
and the Mishna. The Mishna is a collection of Jewish interpretations
of the Mosaic law. In its written form it is thought to have been
produced at the end of the second century, but it contains a mass of
earlier material which had been preserved by oral tradition.
2. OUTLINE OF JEWISH HISTORY
After the conclusion of the Old Testament period the Jewish nation
had undergone important changes. If, therefore, the Judaism of the
first century is to be understood, the student must have in mind at
least a bare outline of the history between the Testaments.
Old Testament history closes with the rebuilding of the walls of
Jerusalem and the reorganization of the national life which took
place under Ezra and Nehemiah in the fifth century before Christ.
At that time Judah, or "Judea," was the only part of Palestine
which was occupied by the Jews, and they occupied it only as
vassals--though with independence in internal affairs--of the kings
of Persia.
The Persian dominion continued for over a century. Then, in the
latter part of the fourth century before Christ, Judea was conquered
by Alexander the Great. For some hundred years after the death of
Alexander, the country was a bone of contention between the kings of
Egypt and the kings of Syria--that is, between the Ptolemies and the
Seleucids. At the beginning of the second century before Christ the
king of Syria won a permanent victory.
Under the Ptolemies and at first under the Seleucids, as well
as under the Persians, the Jews enjoyed a considerable measure
of independence in the management of their own affairs. Their
religion, in particular, was left quite unmolested. But the
assimilation which was not being accomplished by force was being
accomplished by peaceful influences. The all-pervasive Greek culture
of the period was making itself felt in Palestine as well as
elsewhere. Judea seemed to be in danger of being Hellenized.
Under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria (175-164 B. C.),
however, the policy of toleration was suddenly interrupted.
Antiochus tried to stamp out the Jewish religion by force. The
result was a heroic uprising led by Mattathias and his sons, who
are called the Maccabees. The tyranny of Antiochus had caused a
mighty popular reaction against the Hellenizing party among the
Jews. Devotion to the religion of Israel with exclusion of foreign
influences was ever afterwards the dominant tendency in Jewish
history.
The Maccabees were at first wonderfully successful against
overwhelming odds; and when the opposing forces seemed at last to
have become too powerful, internal conflicts at the Syrian court
gave the Jewish patriots that independence which they could probably
not otherwise have maintained. Rulers belonging to the Maccabean
dynasty governed the Jewish nation for about a hundred years, during
most of which period they were independent. Their territory at first
embraced only Judea, but was gradually enlarged over the other parts
of Palestine. Galilee, which--since the destruction of the northern
Israelitish kingdom centuries before--had become predominantly
Gentile, was Judaized under Aristobulus I in 104-103 B. C. Before
the time of Christ it had become thoroughly Jewish.
Unfortunately the worldly power of the Maccabees had brought
worldliness of spirit. The first revolt had been undertaken from a
lofty religious motive, in order to maintain the worship of Jehovah.
As the years went on, the Maccabean rulers became increasingly
engrossed in the extension of political power. Allying themselves
with the aristocratic party among the Jews, they came to favor the
extension of those Greek influences--though not in the sphere of
religion--which at first they had opposed. Under Queen Alexandra
(76-67 B. C.) it is true, there was a reaction. The strictly Jewish,
anti-Hellenistic party again became dominant. But under Alexandra's
successors there was civil strife, and the all-conquering Romans
found the country an easy prey. Pompey took possession of Jerusalem
in 63 B. C.
The years that followed saw the gradual rise of the family of
Herod the Great, who, as vassal of the Romans, became king of all
Palestine in 37 B. C. and ruled until 4 B. C. Herod was an Idumæan,
not a genuine Jew. Idumæa, however, the country to the south of
Judah, had been Judaized some time before. Herod was at heart a
Hellenist. He built Greek theaters and amphitheaters not only in the
numerous Greek cities in or near Palestine, but also in Jerusalem
itself. Nevertheless he was wise enough to support the Jewish
religion and generally to respect the customs of the people. His
magnificent rebuilding of the temple was probably intended chiefly
to win popular favor.
At Herod's death, his territory was divided among his sons.
Archelaus was given Judea, Antipas--the "Herod" of Jesus' public
ministry--received Galilee and Perea, with the title of "Tetrarch,"
and Philip received certain territories to the east of Galilee.
Archelaus was banished in A. D. 6, Antipas was banished in A. D.
39, and Philip died in A. D. 33. After the banishment of Archelaus,
Judea was administered by Roman procurators till A. D. 41, when all
Palestine was given to Herod Agrippa I. Acts 12:1-4,18-23. After A.
D. 44, procurators were again in control.
The misgovernment of the procurators led to the great revolt in A.
D. 66. After four years of war, Jerusalem was taken by the Roman
army in A. D. 70. The temple was destroyed, and the offering of
sacrifices ceased. The destruction of the temple marks an epoch in
Jewish history. Henceforth the national center was gone.
There was another uprising in A. D. 132-135, but that was the last.
A Gentile city was erected on the ruins of Jerusalem, and for a
considerable time at least the Jews were forbidden even to enter its
precincts.
3. ADMINISTRATION AND PARTIES
After the return from the Exile, the priests occupied a position
of leadership. The high priest, whose office was hereditary, was
practically head of the Jewish state. With him was associated a
council, composed of members of the priestly aristocracy. This state
of affairs prevailed during the Persian and Greek periods. Under the
Maccabees the power of the high priest reached its highest point.
For after a time the Maccabean rulers themselves assumed the title
of high priest, and still later the title of king. The high priest,
then, under the Maccabees, was also king. Under Herod the Great, on
the contrary, the high priesthood sank to its lowest ebb. Herod made
and unmade high priests at pleasure.
The council associated with the high priest was, under Alexandra,
opened to the members of the strict anti-Hellenistic party. At the
time of Christ it included both Pharisees and Sadducees.
These parties became distinct at the time of the Maccabees. The
Sadducees--the origin of the name is not altogether clear--were
the aristocratic party, hospitable to Greek culture. The Pharisees
were the strict Jewish party, devoted to the law, and opposed to
foreign influences. The name "Pharisee" means "separated." The
Pharisees were "separated" from the mass of the people by a stricter
observance of the Mosaic law. At first the Pharisees supported the
Maccabean leaders; for the Maccabean revolt was in the interests
of the Jewish religion. But when the Maccabees became engrossed in
worldly politics and susceptible to Greek influences the Pharisees
opposed them. At the time of Christ the essential characteristics of
the parties remained unchanged.
4. LANGUAGE
Some centuries before Christ, Hebrew had ceased to be the ordinary
language of Palestine. As the language of the Old Testament it
continued to be studied. Old Testament passages in Hebrew were
read in the synagogue. Hebrew was used also to some extent as the
language of learned discussion. But for all ordinary purposes its
place had been taken by Aramaic, a language of the Semitic family
closely related to Hebrew. At the time of Christ Aramaic was the
spoken language of the Palestinian Jews. Even in the synagogues,
the Old Testament passages, after having been read in Hebrew,
were translated orally into the language which the people could
understand.
But, since the time of Alexander the Great, another language had
made its way into Palestine along with Aramaic. This was the Greek.
The kingdoms into which Alexander's empire was divided were Greek
kingdoms. Two of them, Syria and Egypt, bore rule alternately over
Palestine. With the Greek government came Greek culture and the
Greek language. Then, under Antiochus Epiphanes, there was a mighty
reaction. Thereafter religion, at least, was kept altogether free
from Greek influences.
In other spheres, however, under the Maccabean kings and still more
under the Romans, Greek culture effected an entrance. At the time
of Christ there were typical Greek cities not only to the east of
the Jordan in Decapolis, where magnificent ruins even to-day attest
the ancient Greco-Roman civilization, and not only along the coast
of the Mediterranean, but even within the confines of Palestine
proper. With some truth Palestine in the first century may be called
a bilingual country. Greek and Aramaic were both in use.
Aramaic was the language of the mass of the people. Many, no doubt,
could speak no other language. But if a man desired to make his way
in the world in any public capacity or in trade he would be obliged
to learn the cosmopolitan language of the time. No doubt very many
could speak both languages.
Jesus and his apostles belonged to those circles which were least
affected by the encroachments of Greek civilization. The whole
atmosphere of the Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined. As is
proved by the presence of Aramaic words even in our Greek Gospels,
Aramaic was undoubtedly the language in which the gospel was
originally proclaimed. Aramaic was the language of Jesus' boyhood
home, and Aramaic was the language of his intercourse with the
disciples and of his public preaching.
It is perfectly possible, however, that even Jesus may have used
Greek upon rare occasions, for example in conversation with Pilate,
the Roman procurator. His disciples, after the resurrection,
found themselves at the head of a Greek-speaking community. The
early Church in Jerusalem was composed not only of "Hebrews," but
also of "Grecians," or Hellenists. Acts 6:1. The Hellenists were
Greek-speaking Jews of the dispersion who were sojourning more or
less permanently in the holy city. The apostles seem to have entered
upon their new functions without difficulty. Some knowledge of
Greek, no doubt, all of them brought with them from their Galilean
homes, and their knowledge would be increased through practice. It
is not surprising then that several of the original apostles and two
of the brothers of Jesus were the authors of Greek books of the New
Testament.
* * * * *
IN THE LIBRARY.--Riggs, "A History of the Jewish People," especially
pp. 105-116, 143-153, 215-231. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible":
articles on "Council," "Pharisees," "Sadducees," "Synagogue,"
"School," "Scribe," "Aramaic," and "Hebrew." The outline of Jewish
history and institutions which is provided in the lesson helps for
this lesson and the following is dependent especially upon the large
German work of Schürer.
LESSON V
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
II. THE JUDAISM OF THE DISPERSION
The presentation of the lesson in class may be begun somewhat in
the manner suggested in the Student's Text Book. The student should
be made to appreciate the practical problem of a missionary in a
new city. Various solutions of the problem may be adopted. The
missionary may simply engage in conversation with individuals in the
street, or he may hire a room and advertise his preaching. In any
case the securing of an audience is usually no easy matter. It is
difficult to know how to begin.
The case might naturally have been the same with Paul and his
companions when, for example, after the journey up from Perga they
arrived at Pisidian Antioch. Complete strangers were perhaps not
much better received in those days than they are now. How could
the missionaries get a hearing for their message? In some cases,
they might simply take their stand in the market place and talk
to the passers-by. Paul tried that method in Athens. It might do
when nothing better offered. But fortunately there was usually a
far better opportunity. The synagogue offered an audience. What is
more, it offered just exactly the most promising audience that could
possibly have been secured.
The scene in the synagogue at Pisidian Antioch is typical of what
happened again and again. The student should be made to appreciate
the remarkable liberality and informality of the synagogue customs.
There seem to have been no set preachers. Any Jew who really had a
message could be heard. He needed only to go in and sit down. Acts
13:14. Paul and Barnabas had no difficulty in making their fitness
known. "Brethren," said the rulers of the synagogue, "if ye have any
word of exhortation for the people, say on." Acts 13:15. They had a
word of exhortation indeed. "Jesus is the Messiah for whom you are
waiting. He has died for your sins. He has risen from the dead, and
is now alive to save you." It was a powerful word, and it bore fruit.
The native Jews, it is true, soon came out in opposition. The
reasons for their opposition are not far to seek. Jealousy was an
important factor. Christianity was evidently too radical a thing
to be simply a sect of Judaism. If allowed to continue, it would
destroy the prerogatives of Israel. It could not be controlled. Its
success was too great. On that next Sabbath in Pisidian Antioch,
"almost the whole city was gathered together to hear the word of
God." The Jewish mission had never had a success like that. "When
the Jews saw the multitudes, they were filled with jealousy."
Christianity had taken away the heritage of Israel.
In one way the Jewish opposition displayed genuine insight into the
situation. Christianity was really destined to be a fatal rival to
the older Judaism. What took place on a small scale at Antioch was
repeated on the larger stage of history. When the Christian mission
began, Judaism was a successful missionary religion. Soon afterwards
it had withdrawn hopelessly into its age-long isolation. Various
causes contributed to this result. The destruction of the national
life in Palestine and the increasing influence of the strict
rabbinical schools both had an important part. But at least one
factor in the process was the competition of the Christian Church.
Christianity offered the world everything that Judaism could offer,
and more. It offered the knowledge of the one God, and the lofty
morality, and the authoritative Book. In addition, it offered a way
of redemption--and the men of that time were preëminently seekers
after redemption--through the sacrifice of Christ. It offered all
these things, moreover, without requiring any relinquishment of
purely national characteristics. Christianity did not demand union
with any one race. It had a gospel for the world.
No wonder, then, that those who had been attracted by Judaism now
became adherents of Christianity. The Jews were filled with envy.
It was natural from their point of view, but it was a sad mistake.
Had they themselves accepted the gospel, the gospel would have been
to their glory. How glorious was the mission of Israel! A blessing
to the whole world! Far better than any narrow particularism! But
they were not willing to accept the message. Nevertheless, despite
their opposition, the Church should not forget the debt which she
owes to Israel. The dispersion was like the Judaism of Palestine.
In both cases the men themselves were opposed to the gospel. But in
both cases they had preserved the deposit of divine truth. Judaism,
despite itself, opened the way for the Christian Church.
One service which the dispersion rendered to Christianity has been
illustrated by the scene at Pisidian Antioch. That service was the
providing of an audience. Another service was the assurance of
legal protection. This may be illustrated by another incident in
The Acts--the appeal to Gallio. Acts 18:12-17. There the opposition
of the Jews appears in all its bitterness. No doubt that opposition
was a serious hindrance to the work of the Church. Just because
Christianity was regarded as a Jewish sect, the Christians were
subject to persecution by the Jewish authorities. But persecutions
by the Jews, annoying though they were, were far less serious than
opposition on the part of the Roman authorities. And the latter was,
at first, conspicuously absent. Gallio's decision is a fair example
of the general attitude of the Roman magistrates. Christianity, as
a Jewish sect, was allowed to go its way. Judaism, despite itself,
afforded the Church legal protection.
Beginning with these two striking scenes, the teacher may proceed to
the more general presentation of the lesson. In what follows, the
outline of the Student's Text Book will be supplemented at one or
two points.
1. THE CAUSES AND EXTENT OF THE DISPERSION
Deportations of Jews to foreign countries took place at various
times. The most famous of those deportations was carried out by
Nebuchadnezzar after his conquest of Judah, about 600 B. C. Many
of Nebuchadnezzar's captives did not join in the return under the
Persian monarchy, but remained permanently in the east and formed
the nucleus of the large Jewish population of Mesopotamia. When
Pompey conquered Palestine in the first century before Christ, he
carried many Jews as slaves to Rome. Afterwards they were liberated,
and formed a large Jewish colony at the capital of the empire. These
are merely examples. Part of the dispersion was due to forcible
exile.
Other causes have been mentioned in the Student's Text Book. It
is a question, however, whether all of these causes combined
are sufficient to account for the extraordinary growth of the
dispersion. Schürer believes that the vastness of the Jewish
population presupposes the merging of large bodies of proselytes
into the Jewish people. He also believes, however, that these
thoroughgoing conversions were less numerous in New Testament times
than they had been before.
Harnack calculates that at the time of the death of Augustus there
were from four million to four and a half million Jews in the Roman
Empire, including about seven hundred thousand in Palestine, and
that, if that estimate be correct, then the Jews formed perhaps
some seven per cent of the total population. Of course, Harnack is
himself the first to admit that such calculations are exceedingly
uncertain. But so much at least is clear--the Jews in the first
century were surprisingly numerous.
2. THE SEPTUAGINT TRANSLATION AND THE LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT
The name "Septuagint," derived from the Latin word for "seventy,"
has been applied to the Alexandrian translation of the Old Testament
in reference to an ancient story about its origin. According to
this story, the translation was made by seventy-two men summoned
from Jerusalem by Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, in order to
add the Jewish law to the royal library at Alexandria. The story
is certainly not true in details, and is probably not even correct
in representing the translation as destined primarily for the
royal library. More probably the translation was intended for the
Greek-speaking Jews of Egypt.
The Septuagint is a translation of the Hebrew Old Testament into
the Greek world language of the period, and into the popular,
spoken form of that language, not into the literary form. The
translation differs widely in character in the different books,
for many different translators had a part in it. Some of the books
are translated with such slavish literalness as to be almost
unintelligible to a Greek. Everywhere, indeed, the influence of the
Hebrew original makes itself felt to some degree. Hebrew idioms are
often copied in the translation instead of being remolded according
to the peculiarities of the Greek language.
The Septuagint exerted an important influence upon the language of
the New Testament. The Septuagint was the Greek Bible of the New
Testament writers, and the influence of a Bible upon language is
very strong. A good example is afforded by the influence of the King
James Version upon the whole development of modern English. It is
not surprising, therefore, that as the Septuagint was influenced by
Hebrew, so the language of the New Testament also displays a Semitic
coloring. That coloring was induced partly by the Septuagint, but
it was also induced in other ways. Part of the New Testament, for
example the words of Jesus, goes back ultimately to an Aramaic
original. All the New Testament writers except one were Jews,
and had spoken Aramaic as well as Greek. No wonder, then, that
their Greek was influenced by the Semitic languages. This Semitic
influence upon the language of the New Testament is not so great as
was formerly supposed, but it cannot be ignored. The New Testament
is written in the natural, non-literary form of the Greek world
language. That is the main thing to be said. But upon this base is
superposed an appreciable influence of Hebrew and Aramaic.
The importance of the Septuagint for the early Christian mission was
inestimable. Every pioneer missionary knows how difficult it is to
create the vocabulary necessary to express new religious ideas. In
the case of the earliest Christian mission, that labor had already
been done. It had been done by the Jews of Alexandria. By the
Septuagint, the great ideas of the Old Testament--and upon these
ideas Christianity was based--had already been put into a Greek
form. The Christian Church needed only to develop what had been
begun. The Church made good use of her opportunity. The influence of
the Septuagint upon the religious vocabulary of the New Testament
writers was profound. The Septuagint had provided a vocabulary which
was understood already by great masses of people--by the Jews of the
dispersion and by the hosts of the "God-worshipers" who attended
the synagogues. Naturally the Christian missionaries used the words
which people could understand.
3. CONCLUSION
The Judaism of the dispersion was a wonderful preparation for the
gospel. Israel ought to be regarded with gratitude and sympathy. But
the ultimate object of gratitude is God.
The Church was founded in a time of opportunity. The Roman
Government had brought peace. The Greek language had welded the
nations together. The dispersion of the Jews had prepared the way.
These things did not come by chance. The nations were instruments in
the hand of God. But instruments for what? A mighty, age-long plan!
Centuries of preparation! At last the Saviour came. But did he come
for naught? Or is he Saviour of you and me?
* * * * *
IN THE LIBRARY.--Edersheim (revised by White), "History of the
Jewish Nation," pp. 45-79. "The Jewish Encyclopedia": Reinach,
article on "Diaspora." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Schürer,
article on "Diaspora," extra volume, pp. 91-109.
LESSON VI
THE MESSIAH
The teaching of this lesson may be begun with Acts 2:17-21. Surely
the outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost was something
new. Yet even that was explained by a reference to prophecy. And the
reference is of remarkable aptness and beauty.
The Pentecostal speech of Peter is full of the appeal to prophecy.
Primarily, indeed, the claims of Jesus are supported by the direct
testimony to his resurrection. Without the facts, of course appeal
to prophecy would have been useless; for it was just the wonderful
correspondence of the facts with the prophecies that could induce
belief. Along with the direct testimony to the facts went the appeal
to prophecy. The promised king of David's line at last has come.
Acts 2:30; II Sam. 7:12,13; Ps. 89:3,4; 132:11. And David's son
is David's Lord--David's Lord and ours. Acts 2:34,35; Ps. 110:1;
compare Matt. 22:41-46.
1. THE NEW TESTAMENT APPEAL TO PROPHECY
This speech of Peter is typical of the preaching of the early
Church. The appeal to prophecy was absolutely central in the
presentation of the gospel. Proof of that fact does not need to be
sought. It is written plain on the pages of the New Testament. Old
Testament prophecy was found to apply not merely to one side of
the work of Christ, but to all sides. Israel had looked not merely
for a king, but also for a prophet and a priest. Peter, after his
first arrest, for example, could appeal to the notable prophecy of
Deuteronomy: "A prophet shall the Lord God raise up unto you from
among your brethren, like unto me." Acts 3:22; Deut. 18:15,19. The
author of Hebrews could appeal to the priest after the order of
Melchizedek, Heb. 5:6; Ps. 110:4, and to the symbolic sacrifices of
the temple which found their fulfillment on Calvary.
The appeal to prophecy extended even to those things which were
most distinctive of the Christian message. "I delivered unto you
first of all," says Paul, "that which also I received: that Christ
died for our sins according to the scriptures; and that he was
buried; and that he hath been raised on the third day according to
the scriptures." I Cor. 15:3,4. Here the death and the resurrection
of Christ are both declared to be according to the Scriptures. That
means that they were the subject of prophecy. But the death and the
resurrection of Christ were the fundamental elements of the gospel.
The gospel, then, in the form of prophecy, is to be found in the Old
Testament.
What Old Testament passages has Paul here in mind? With regard
to the death for our sins, the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah
was probably in his mind. That passage was being read by the
Ethiopian when Philip met him, and Philip made the passage a
basis for preaching about Jesus. Acts 8:27-35. With regard to the
resurrection, it is natural to think of Ps. 16:10. Paul himself
quoted that passage in his speech at Pisidian Antioch. Acts 13:34-37.
The appeal to prophecy did not begin with the apostles. It was
initiated by Jesus himself. "To-day," said Jesus at Nazareth after
the reading of Isa. 61:1,2, "hath this scripture been fulfilled
in your ears." A large claim! No wonder they found it difficult
to accept. When John the Baptist asked, "Art thou he that cometh,
or look we for another?" it was to "the works of the Christ" that
Jesus appealed. Matt. 11:2-6; Isa. 35:5,6; 61:1. These are merely
examples. Throughout, Jesus represented himself and his kingdom as
the fulfillment of the ancient promise. "O foolish men," he said to
the disciples on the way to Emmaus, "and slow of heart to believe
in all that the prophets have spoken! Behooved it not the Christ to
suffer these things, and to enter into his glory? And beginning from
Moses and from all the prophets, he interpreted to them in all the
scriptures the things concerning himself." Luke 24:25-27.
2. THE MESSIANIC HOPE A PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL
When the gospel was preached to pure Gentiles, a great deal of
preliminary labor had to be done. Under what title should the
claims of the Saviour be presented? "Christ" to the Gentiles was
almost meaningless, till explained. "Son of God" was open to sad
misconception. There were "sons of God" in Greek mythology, but they
were not what the early Christians meant to show that Jesus was.
These difficulties were overcome, and speedily. Gentile Christians
were imbued with a lofty and adequate conception of the Lord. The
labor was great, but it was gloriously accomplished.
In this labor, however, the missionaries were assisted by the
synagogues of the Jews. In the synagogues, "Christ" was no new term,
and no new conception. In the synagogues, one proposition needed
first to be proved, "This Jesus ... is the Christ." Acts 17:3. If
that were proved, then the rest would follow. The Jews knew that
the Messiah was Lord and Master. Identify Jesus with him, and all
the lofty claims of Jesus would be substantiated. How the identity
was established may be observed in the speech of Peter on the day
of Pentecost, or in the speech of Paul at Pisidian Antioch. Acts
13:16-43.
It will be remembered that the synagogues attracted not merely Jews
but also Gentiles. The Gentile "God-fearers," as well as the Jews,
were acquainted with the Messianic hope. Even the Gentile mission,
therefore, was prepared for by the prophets of Israel.
3. THE PERMANENT VALUE OF PROPHECY
The appeal to prophecy, however, was not merely valuable to
the early Church. It is of abiding worth. It represents Jesus
as the culmination of a divine purpose. The hope of Israel was
in itself a proof of revelation, because it was so unlike the
religious conceptions of other nations. The covenant people, the
righteous king, the living God, the world-wide mission--that is
the glory of Israel. The promise is itself a proof. But still
more the fulfillment. The fulfillment was an unfolding. Wonderful
correspondence in detail--and far more wonderful the correspondence
of the whole! The promise was manifold. Sometimes the Messiah is
in the foreground. Sometimes he is out of sight. Sometimes there
is a human king, sometimes Jehovah himself coming to judgment;
sometimes a kingdom, sometimes a new covenant in the heart;
sometimes a fruitful Canaan, sometimes a new heaven and a new
earth. But manifold though the promise, Christ is the fulfillment
of it all. "How many soever be the promises of God," in Christ is
the yea. II Cor. 1:20. There is the wonder. In Christ the apparent
contradictions of the promise become glorious unity, in Christ the
deeper mysteries of the promise are revealed. Christ the keystone
of the arch! Christ the culmination of a divine plan! That is the
witness of the prophets. It is a witness worth having.
4. THE MESSIANIC HOPE OF LATER JUDAISM
After the close of the Old Testament, the promise did not die.
It was preserved in the Scriptures. It continued to be the life
of the Jewish nation. But it was not only preserved. It was also
interpreted. Some of the interpretation was false, but much of it
was true. The Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament promise is
worthy of attention. What did the Jews of the first century mean by
the Messiah, and what did they mean by the Messianic age?
In the first place, they retained the hope of a king of David's
line--a human king who should conquer the enemies of Israel. When
it was held in a one-sided form this was a dangerous hope. It led
logically to materialistic conceptions of the kingdom of God and to
political unrest. It led to the effort of the Jews to take Jesus
by force and make him a king. John 6:15. It led to the quarrel of
the disciples about the chief places in the kingdom. Matt. 18:1-4;
Mark 9:33-35; Luke 9:46,47. This conception of the Messiah had to be
corrected by Jesus. "My kingdom is not of this world." John 18:36.
Yet even where the Messiah was conceived of as an earthly ruler,
the spiritual hope was by no means always and altogether lost. The
"Psalms of Solomon," for example, Pharisaic psalms of the first
century before Christ, though they look for an earthly ruler,
picture him as one who shall rule in righteousness. "And a righteous
king and taught of God is he that reigneth over them; And there
shall be no iniquity in his days in their midst, for all shall be
holy and their king is the Lord Messiah" (Ps. Sol. xvii, 35, 36. See
Ryle and James, "Psalms of the Pharisees," especially pp. 137-147).
No iniquity in the days of the Messiah! That is true understanding
of the Old Testament, even joined with the political ideal.
In the second place, however, the Messianic age is sometimes in
later Judaism conceived of as purely supernatural. The Messiah is
not an earthly ruler, merely helped by God, but himself a heavenly
being, a preëxistent "Son of Man," judge of all the earth. The
Messianic age is ushered in not by human warfare, but by a mighty
catastrophic act of God. Not a liberated Canaan is here the ideal,
but a new heaven and a new earth.
This transcendental, supernaturalistic form of the Messianic hope
appears in the "Book of Enoch" and other "apocalypses." Its details
are fantastic, but it was by no means altogether wrong. In many
respects it was a correct interpretation of the divine promise.
The new heavens and the new earth are derived from Isa. 65:17. The
doctrine of the two ages was accepted by Jesus and by Paul--for
example Matt. 12:32; Gal. 1:4; Eph. 1:21. The heavenly "Son of Man"
goes back to Dan. 7:13,14. The Book of Enoch was not altogether
wrong. Its use of the title "Son of Man" prepared for the title
which Jesus used.
Finally, the Messianic hope was held in a pure and lofty form by
the "poor of the land"--simple folk like those who appear in the
first two chapters of Luke. In the hymns of Mary and Zacharias and
Simeon, purely political and materialistic conceptions are in the
background, and the speculations of the apocalypses do not appear.
The highest elements of prophecy are made prominent. "For mine eyes
have seen thy salvation, which thou hast prepared before the face of
all peoples; a light for revelation to the Gentiles, and the glory
of thy people Israel." Luke 2:30-32. In those circles, the hope of
Israel burned still and pure.