levied an army of ninety-eight thousand men, at the head of which was
placed General Dufour of Geneva. The Sonderbund raised seventy-five
thousand men, under General Salis-Soglio, a Protestant from Buenden.
Dufour was a soldier of the old Napoleonic school, and a consummate
tactician, and was revered by his fellow countrymen for his patriotism,
lofty character, and high culture. It was under his management that the
Swiss topographical maps bearing his name--the first of their kind--were
executed. His selection as general gave great satisfaction. Thanks to
Dufour's ability the campaign was short, lasting only from the 4th to
the 29th of November, 1847, and the losses were comparatively small.
Honours were lavished on Dufour on all sides, even they of the
Sonderbund heartily acknowledging his great services.
Heartburning and jealousy enough and to spare there had been between the
opposing religious parties. On the 29th of October, 1847, the last
occasion on which the Diet had attempted to reconcile Catholic and
Protestant, there had been the utmost dissension and rancour. But such
is the nature of Swiss patriotism that when, three short months after,
the countries around Switzerland were convulsed with revolutions, and
the Swiss lands were threatened with invasion, the contending
religionists forgot their domestic quarrels entirely. And the glorious
sight was seen of Catholic and Protestant standing shoulder to shoulder,
ready to vie with each other in meeting danger and death in defence of
their common and beloved fatherland. Not a vestige of hostile party
feeling was left. It has ever been thus in Switzerland.
FOOTNOTES:
[99] Wyp had studied at Goettingen, which was still under English rule,
and had there been impressed by the English national anthem, of which
his own is an imitation, the air being borrowed from "God save the
Queen."
[100] One of the leading collectors of subscriptions in aid of the
Greeks was Eynard, a wealthy Genevese, whose own contributions were most
munificent.
[101] "La Suisse a montre qu'elle etait prete a faire les plus grands
sacrifices pour maintenir sa dignite et son honneur. Elle a su faire son
devoir comme nation independente; je saurai faire le mien, et rester
fidele a l'honneur.... le seul pays ou j'avais trouve en Europe appui et
protection.... Je n'oublierai jamais la noble conduite des cantons qui
se sont prononces si courageusement en ma faveur... surtout Thurgovie"
(Extracts from Napoleon's letter of thanks to the Landammann of Thurgau,
published in Dr. Kern's "Souvenirs politiques").
[102] See "Souvenirs Politiques de 1838-83," by Dr. Kern, Swiss
Ambassador at Paris, Bern, and Paris, 1887, pp. 51, 52.
XXXIII.
UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1848.
The year 1848, which crowned the noble aspirations of the Regeneration
period in Switzerland, marks a fresh starting-point in the history of
the country. Providence had dealt graciously with the little republic.
France, Prussia, and Austria were battling with the "February
Revolution," and were thus prevented from dealing out to her the fate of
unhappy Poland. Meanwhile eminent Swiss statesmen were drafting the new
Federal Constitution which was to bind the various nationalities into
one people, and the twenty-two cantons into a well-riveted Bundestaat, a
state which, thanks to its policy, its prosperity, and its independent
spirit, was soon to command the esteem of even the most antagonistic
Powers.
On the 12th of September, 1848, the new pact was proclaimed, amidst
cannonading, illumination, and general rejoicing. The old and crippled
Tagsatzung was abolished. The new constitution borrowed some features
from that of the United States, and, though greatly on the lines of the
Mediation Act, blended far more happily the central and federal
systems. Only the essential points can here be noted.
The Central Government, whose _raison d'etre_ is the maintenance of
peace and order at home, and the upholding of the national honour
abroad, divides itself into three authorities or divisions, the Federal
Assembly, the Legislative body; the Federal Council, which is the
executive body; and the Federal Tribunal. The Federal Assembly consists
of two chambers, the National Council, and the Council of the States;
the former elected by the Swiss people at large, the latter representing
the different cantons. The Nationalrath is elected by ballot for three
years, one member to every twenty thousand souls. At present (1889)
there are 145 members. The cantonal governments elect the members of the
other chamber, two to each canton, one to a semi-canton. The Federal
Council (Bundesrath) is the Executive, and consists of seven members.
Its chairman or president holds the highest dignity in the country,
though his powers do not exceed those of his fellow-ministers. The whole
Cabinet is _collectively_ responsible for the conduct of all public
business, and holds the _summum imperium_. Thus the _whole Federal
Council, and not its president only_, occupies the position similar to
that of the President of the United States.[103] There are various
departments of the Executive--Foreign Affairs, Interior and Education,
Justice and Police, Military, Finance and Customs, Industry and
Agriculture, Post and Railway. The Federal Assembly sits twice a year,
and elects both the Bundesrath, and Bundesgericht (Tribunal). The
Cabinet is subject to re-election every three years, but the same
ministers are commonly chosen again and again. The Tribunal, or
judiciary body, consists of nine members, who are elected every six
years, with headquarters at Lausanne (since 1884).
[Illustration: POLYTECHNIKUM AT ZURICH.]
Bern, on account of its position between the German and French-speaking
districts, was chosen as the seat of the central government. Zurich was
to have been the home of the National University, but the plan failed,
and it is now the seat of the National Polytechnikum, or technical
university. Thus the two leading cities of the Confederation keep up
their old characteristics, as governmental and intellectual
respectively. Zurich's claims to intellectual distinction are
unquestionable. Its magnificent system of schools, &c., is probably one
of the most complete in Europe, if not in the world.
It would be tedious as it is unnecessary to enter in detail into the
powers of the central government as compared with those of the separate
cantons. Suffice it to say, that the Bund reigns supreme in all
relations with foreign states--it is only through the medium of the
central government that any canton can treat with a foreign Power--that
it controls all military matters, regulates coinage (Mints), weights and
measures, posts and telegraphs, and fixes customs duties. It also partly
controls the national education--the Polytechnikum at Zurich is wholly a
federal affair, for instance--but in general each canton is left to its
own devices in the matter. Thus, though every Swiss takes a pride in his
schools, there is not one uniform standard throughout the state.
Every burgess is bound to perform military service, and at any time a
force of 200,000 men of the _elite_, and first reserve, can be placed in
the field, not including the Landsturm. Since the Franco-German war
military matters are engaging the serious attention of the country,
seeing the central position of Switzerland, and the unsettled state of
Europe.[104] It remains to be said that the new Constitution secured
freedom in religious matters, though the Jesuits were denied free
settlement, and the Jews were not recognized till 1866. The _Octroi_, or
duties between the cantons, was not removed till 1887, and then only
after a hard fight on the part of some of the cantons, notably Bern, to
whom these dues were a great source of profit.
It is a problem requiring all the powers of the skilled statesmen to
make the two Swiss sovereignties--the federal and cantonal--run side by
side without allowing either to trench on the other's ground. And it is
a much disputed point how far it is to the national benefit to increase
the powers of the Federal Government. The centralization of the
Government undoubtedly secures a better administration in most points,
but the cantons jealously guard against any infringement of their rights
by the Federation. They believe that a healthy rivalry and emulation
between the states is a good thing, and one not lightly to be given up.
The new Bundesrath was soon called upon to prove the quality of its
mettle, for troubles arose in Neuchatel. This canton was, up to 1848, a
veritable mediaeval relic in its form of government--a mixture of
monarchy and free state. Few spots in Europe have had a more typical and
characteristic history than Neuchatel, and did space permit it would be
most interesting to trace that history downwards, from its junction with
the empire in 1033; through its rule by native lords, the counts of
Neuchatel, till their extinction in 1395; its vassalage to the house of
Chalons; the suzerainty of the Orleans-Longueville family; the regency
of Marie de Nemours (1679-1707). But here suffice it to say, that
through fear of the designs of Louis Quatorze, Neuchatel gladly
accepted the ducal supremacy of the kings of Prussia. In 1815 it was
incorporated with the Confederation, as a canton with equal rights and
standing to the rest. Notwithstanding this, Prussia still claimed to be
its overlord, and thus arose a double _regime_, a condition of things
plainly untenable. In 1848 the Confederation endeavoured to obtain the
release of the canton from Prussian rule, and this by the peaceful
methods of diplomacy, but in vain. In 1856 a conspiracy was set on foot
to undo the work of 1848--the granting of a more democratic constitution
to Neuchatel. At the head of these royalist plotters were Count
Poustates and De Meuron. However, their plans failed, and five hundred
prisoners were taken. Out of these, twenty-five were by order of the
Federal Government kept back to be tried as insurgents. Frederick
William IV., of Prussia, demanded their unconditional pardon and
surrender, an order obedience to which would have been a renunciation of
the canton, and a defiance of the Federal rule. The demand was refused,
and the question of the release became the centre about which all the
negotiation now turned. In this emergency Napoleon III., of France,
offered his services as mediator, mindful of the hospitality shown to
him of old by Switzerland. He further promised to espouse the Swiss
cause if the prisoners were released, and to Switzerland his offer
carried greater weight than all the promises of Prussia. "I shall act in
the matter as if I were the Swiss Government," he assured Dr. Kern, who
had been sent as special envoy to the French Court, and in a further
conversation tried in every possible way to prove his sympathy with the
little republic.[105] England made similar promises. However the
Prussian king made no overtures, and neither France nor England gave
sufficient guarantee that Neuchatel should be ceded to Switzerland, and
the Swiss Government therefore declined to proceed further on these
vague terms. Frederick William threatened war, and began to mobilize his
troops. The Federal Council likewise began its preparation, and without
outward sign of fear or hesitation, but with a unanimous feeling of
heroic enthusiasm though the length and breadth of the country, the
Swiss went on with their military organization. Most touching instances
of devoted patriotism were witnessed--from the greyhaired old man to the
mere boy the people offered their services; fellow-countrymen abroad
sent large sums of money; even school children offered their savings.
Catholic and Protestant, French and German, Italian and Romansch, all
were animated by one spirit, all were equally ready to defend the honour
and independence of their beloved country. Dufour was again elected
Commander-in-chief of the Federal forces. To the crowds who gave him a
splendid ovation he replied in these memorable words: "I rejoice to end
my life in the service of my country. I am old"--he was seventy--"and my
task is heavy, for the enemy is powerful, but I trust I shall carry on
my mission in the name of the God of our Ruetli, who has never ceased to
protect our Fatherland." Such has ever been and ever will be the love of
the Swiss for their native soil, a love not based merely on the beauty
of their land, nor on the perfection of its institutions, but on the
knowledge that it is a stronghold of noble freedom, and one of their own
rearing. The proud bearing of the Swiss made a great impression on the
Powers, and particularly excited the admiration of Napoleon, who,
forgetting the former distrust shown towards him, again offered his
services as mediator. By his advice the prisoners were conducted to
France, and there set free, on January 16, 1857, and they remained in
banishment till the settlement of the dispute. This was finally
accomplished on May 26th, at the conference of Paris, when the Prussian
king formally renounced for ever all claims on Neuchatel, whether duchy
or canton, retaining, however, the title of Fuerst von Neuenburg. Thus
the district was entirely ceded to Switzerland.
The cession of Nice and Savoy to Napoleon III. by Victor Emmanuel in
1859-60, led to dissensions with the emperor, which might have turned
out serious, the Swiss having some claims on Chablais and Faucigny. The
point is not settled even yet. There have also been disputes with the
Papal See, consequent on the development of the Old Catholic movement,
and the Pope's encroachments. Though the old diocese of Geneva had been
long abolished, Pius IX. appointed Mermillod as bishop. Lachat, Bishop
of Solothurn, turned out of their cures several priests for declining to
accept the dogma of infallibility. The exasperation in the country was
great, the two bishops were banished from Switzerland, and the Papal
Nuncio was discharged. It was not till 1883 that Mermillod was allowed
to return.
It remains to speak briefly of some of the constitutional revisions
which have taken place, up to 1883, or even to the present moment. In
1874 the Federal Pact was amended. Briefly the improvement on the pact
of 1848 consisted mainly in arranging a better and more effective
centralization in financial, military, and judicial matters. Experience
had brought to light many defects in the representative system.
Personal, local, or class interests often weighed more with delegates
than national interests; or occasionally a minister would assume too
great powers to himself. To give the people a more direct share in the
legislation, two institutions were set on foot which are peculiar to
Switzerland. These are the "Initiative" and the "Referendum." They are
perhaps the furthest developments of democracy yet reached, and are
exciting considerable interest in English-speaking countries at the
present time.
The Initiative is a development of the right of petitioning. By it any
voter or voters may propose new legislation, and if the requisite number
of voters can be got to support the proposal by signing the formal
petition in its favour, the matter must be put to the popular vote. The
number of signatures necessary is five thousand in the case of cantonal
legislation, and fifty thousand in Federal matters. The people have thus
always the power to bring on the discussion of any matter, however much
the Council, or the legislators may object.
[Illustration: VIEW OF SION. (_From a Photograph_.)]
The Referendum, which by the way is far more frequently applied,
secures that any law passed by the cantonal assemblies, or by the
Federal Assembly, shall be put before the forum of the whole
people[106]--_referred_ to the whole body of voters--if again the
required number of supporters can be got together. In cantonal matters
this number is the same as in the case of the Initiative; in matters
relating to the Confederation, thirty thousand votes, or eight cantons
are necessary. There are two kinds of Referendum, adopted by different
parts of the country, the "facultative," or optional Referendum, by St.
Gall, Zug, Lucerne, Baselstadt, Schaffhausen, Vaud, Neuchatel (1882),
Geneva, Ticino (1883); and the "obligatory" or compulsory Referendum,
which obtains in Zurich (1869), Bern (1869), Thurgau, Aargau, Solothurn,
Schwyz, Graubuenden, and Baselland. Uri, Glarus, the two Unterwalden, and
the two Appenzell cantons, still cling to their old _landsgemeinde_,
whilst Valais has a _financial_ Referendum, and Freiburg is content with
its older representative form of government. Opinion is much divided in
Switzerland as to the value of the Referendum. In this, probably, most
Swiss agree, that an arrangement which places the sovereign will of the
people above that of the authorities and legislative bodies is a good
arrangement, providing the people at large are intelligent and educated.
And here Switzerland shows to great advantage. Probably no people in the
world have so fully and so clearly recognized that "education alone
makes free." The Swiss educational system is such, that it reaches down
to the poorest child and penetrates into the remotest valley. All
primary education is gratuitous and compulsory. If any people deserve by
education and intelligence to be entrusted with powers like that
conferred by the Referendum, it is the Swiss. Yet men of every political
shade admit that the Referendum is a two-edged weapon which may cut both
ways. It is at any rate no new thing in Switzerland. It may be styled a
_landsgemeinde by ballot_. And, as far back as the sixteenth century,
the question of the Reformation was put to the Referendum--in a somewhat
different way, it is true--both in Zurich and Bern. In its present form,
of course, the Referendum is modern. It is curious to find that though
introduced by the advanced democratic party it turns out in actual
working to be a decidedly conservative measure. It may stop a sound and
beneficial measure occasionally, but it is more likely to check rash and
insufficiently considered legislation, as the Swiss are naturally averse
to needless changes. An example or two may serve to illustrate this.
Baselland thrice brought forward a Bill for the revision of its cantonal
code; thrice the Bill was rejected, under the compulsory Referendum. At
Zurich quite recently (spring of 1889), the Grand Council wished to
bring in a new law for bettering the education of the masses by
improving the supplementary schools. The country labourers had a
majority, and rejected the measure, objecting, it is said, to the
additional expenditure. It is to be hoped, however, that this measure
will be carried eventually. On the whole, perhaps, the "facultative"
Referendum is to be preferred to the obligatory. We may mention, in
conclusion, that out of 107 Bills passed by the Federal Council, between
1874 and 1886, nineteen were submitted to the Referendum, and of these
nineteen, but six were ultimately adopted by the whole body of voters
thus appealed to.[107]
[Illustration: LAW COURTS AT LAUSANNE.]
FOOTNOTES:
[103] There is, in fact, no office in Switzerland similar to that of the
United States President, though foreigners nearly always speak of the
_President of the Swiss Republic_, when they mean simply the _Chairman
of the Cabinet_.
[104] The reader is referred for fuller information to the most
interesting account by Sir F. O. Adams and Mr. Cunningham in "The Swiss
Confederation" (Longmans).
[105] Kern, "Souvenirs Suisses," pp. 124-129, where other instances of
Napoleon's goodwill in 1848-9 are mentioned.
[106] Legislative Acts are, in fact, referred _to the whole people_ for
approval or disapproval, as in limited monarchies they are referred to
the _sovereign_. But in Switzerland the veto possessed by the people is
a _real_ thing, and not a virtual impossibility, as in England for
instance.
[107] For further notes on the Referendum, see Adams and Cunningham's
"Swiss Confederation," alluded to above. The Referendum seems likely to
attract increasing attention, in England and America especially.
XXXIV.
INDUSTRY, COMMERCE, RAILWAYS, EDUCATION THE "RIGHT OF ASYLUM."
Our story must be brought to a close with a short account of several
important matters on which nothing has as yet been said, viz., the
industrial condition of the country, and its material progress. Hardly
any other country has had to contend with so many natural disadvantages
as Switzerland, in prosecuting her industries and establishing her
trade. The difficulty of the country, the absence of coal and iron, the
want of navigable rivers, the scanty produce of the soil in the more
elevated districts, the want of seaboard--all these and other things
increased the severity of the struggle in the race for wealth. Then she
is fenced in as it were by protection. As a set-off against these
drawbacks, there is an abundance of water-power. But it is evident that
agriculture alone could not suffice to provide for all the inhabitants,
and thus it comes to pass that the Swiss have turned their energies in a
remarkable manner to the establishment and development of manufactures.
It may here be pointed out parenthetically that the poverty of the
country in the pre-manufacturing days accounts for, and to some extent
excuses, the old and reprehensible practice amongst the Swiss of hiring
themselves out as soldiers to the highest bidder. Raw material in vast
quantities is imported, and finished goods sent out. Switzerland
competes successfully with some of the greatest manufacturing
countries--England, Belgium, France--nay, considering her population,
she almost surpasses them. Putting imports and exports together,
Switzerland does a trade of L60,000,000 annually, the imports consisting
mainly of coal, iron, raw silk, cotton, gold, and other raw materials,
the exports of manufactured goods. The value of the imports exceeds that
of the exports by no less a sum than six and a half millions sterling
(Federal Statistics, 1887), the counterbalance being supplied by the
tourists, and by the interest on foreign investments. The Swiss are a
stirring and business-like people, and had already in the first half of
the present century carried their enterprises abroad, especially in the
principal seaports. As early as 1812, Egg, a citizen of Zurich, took two
hundred operatives, and started a cotton factory at Piedimonti, near
Naples, notwithstanding the blockade, the machinery being taken by way
of Trieste and the Adriatic. Now the Swiss are to be found all over the
world, as every one knows.
A few figures in detail respecting the imports and exports may be
interesting. They are from the official statistics for 1887.
IMPORTS.
Food stuffs 242,935,277 francs.
Raw materials 330,324,615 "
Finished or partly-finished goods 263,775,024 "
-----------
Total 837,034,916 "
EXPORTS.
Food stuffs 78,565,548 francs.
Raw materials 95,922,106 "
Finished products 496,604,979 "
-----------
Total 671,092,633 "
Switzerland imports chiefly from the neighbouring countries, but her
export trade is largely with England and America, as well as with
Germany and France. Of the industries of the country, the largest as
well as the oldest is the production of silk goods, dating back to the
thirteenth century, the chief seats being Zurich and Basel. Cotton
manufacture is carried on at Zurich, Aargau, St. Gall, and other places;
embroidery is made at St. Gall and Appenzell; and watches at Neuchatel
and Geneva. This last town has also a great trade in jewellery and
musical boxes. Then there are considerable manufactures of machinery,
cheese, condensed milk, and other things, and wood carving is carried on
to a large extent. The last returns give the exports of silk as
198,768,230 francs, cotton as over 158,000,000, and watches over
84,000,000.
[Illustration: "VICTIMS OF THE WORK," ST. GOTHARD TUNNEL, FROM A
BAS-RELIEF BY VELA.
(_Photographed by Guler. By permission of the Sculptor._)]