After the defeat of the French in Southern Germany, the Tyrol, and

Italy, by the Archduke Charles, Hotze, and Suwarow, they were to be

driven out of Switzerland. Marshal Massena, who had succeeded

Schauenburg in the command of the French troops, had at the commencement

of the war seized Graubuenden, and forced it, free state though it was,

to join the Helvetic Republic to which it so strongly objected. But in

May, 1799, it was recaptured by Hotze, a gallant swordsman of Swiss

birth;[87] who had risen to the rank of field-marshal in the Austrian

army. Hotze drove the French from the central highlands, Roverea

likewise taking a prominent part in the expedition. About this time the

Archduke Charles entered Switzerland at Schaffhausen, and, carrying all

before him, advanced to Zurich. This city, after various skirmishes in

its neighbourhood, he seized on the 4th of June, forcing Massena to

retire to the heights beyond the Limmat river. But now a cessation of

hostilities intervened for some months, owing to differences between

Austria and Russia, and with this came a change of tactics. Archduke

Charles withdrew, and his place was taken by Korsakow with a Russian

army forty thousand strong. A plan was now agreed upon under which

Suwarow should join Korsakow from Italy, and they should then combine

their forces in a grand attack on the French, on September 26th. This

Massena was determined to prevent. By admirable manoeuvring he

disposed his eight divisions about Eastern and Central Switzerland, his

force amounting to no fewer than seventy-five thousand men. The

highlands of Schwyz, Uri, and Glarus, were held by Lecourbe, a skilled

strategist, thoroughly at home in the Alps, and the entrance to the St.

Gothard pass was blocked. Marshal Soult gave battle to Hotze in the

marshy district between Lake Zurich and Walensee, on the 25th of

September, with the result that Hotze was slain, and the Austrian force

retired from Swiss soil. Wherever the Austrians had gained a footing,

the reactionists had taken advantage of it to re-establish the _status

quo_. On the 25th and 26th of September, Massena attacked the Russian

forces under Korsakow, at Zurich. This second battle of Zurich--the

fighting was continued (from outside) into the very streets--resulted in

the complete defeat of Korsakow. Fortunately the city itself, having

remained neutral, escaped violent treatment, but Lavater was unfortunate

enough to be struck by a shot during the engagement, whilst carrying

help to some wounded soldiers.[88]

[Illustration: DILIGENCE CROSSING THE SIMPLON PASS.]

Quite unaware of what was being done in Switzerland, Suwarow reached the

heights of St. Gothard on the 24th of September, and, finding the pass

occupied by the enemy, cut his way through in brilliant style. Whilst

some of the Russians--at Teufelsbrueche, for instance--held in check the

French, the larger portion of their army scrambled down the steep rocks

lining the Reuss, amidst the French fire. Wading across the rapid

torrent they hurried down the valley to Flueelen, intending to push on to

Lucerne and Zurich. But to their great dismay they found no road

skirting Uri lake, and all the boats removed. They were thus locked up

in a labyrinth of mountain fastnesses, the outlets from which were

blocked by their foes. In this desperate strait there was nothing for it

but to proceed over the mountains as best they might, by any rough path

which might present itself. In reality, however, these passes were no

highroads for armies, but only narrow paths used by occasional shepherds

or huntsmen. Devoted to their leader, the Russian troops toiled up from

the sombre Schaechenthal, and along the rugged Kinzig pass, pursued by

their enemies. On reaching Muotta they learned the disheartening news

that Korsakow had been defeated. No wonder that down the weather-beaten

face of the brave old general, the tears rolled as he gave the order to

retreat. But Suwarow was not inclined to sit still and repine, and

undaunted by his recent terrible struggle against nature, at once

resumed his march across the toilsome Pragel pass into the canton of

Glarus, where he had good hopes of finding Austrian friends. But on his

arrival he learnt that the Austrians had left the neighbourhood. Thus

baffled once more, and unable to get to the plains at Naefels on account

of the enemy, he was compelled to retreat again, and again attempt the

terrible passage across the mountains. Striking across the Panixer pass,

which rises to the height of eight thousand feet, he found himself

confronted by greater difficulties than before. Snow had lately fallen,

and all traces of the path had disappeared. For five terrible days the

force decimated, dying with cold, hunger, and fatigue, unshod--their

boots were entirely worn out--struggled along those wintry regions,

creeping like caterpillars up walls of snow and over icy peaks. Hundreds

of men and horses fell into the hidden crevices, down which also many a

piece of artillery fell with sudden crash. Fully one-third of the

gallant band perished during that fearful passage. The worn and famished

survivors reached Graubuenden on the 10th of October, and thence made

their way into Austrian territory. Suwarow had failed, but immortal

glory attaches to the memory of the dauntless and resolute old general.

The non-success of the foreign invasions meant also the failure of the

reactionists in their attempt to overthrow the "Helvetic Republic."

Indescribable misery was the consequence of the foreign wars, and it was

intensified by the French occupation, and especially by the disgraceful

system of spoliation practised by the French generals and agents,

Mengaud, Lecarlier, Rapinat, &c. A few examples of the treatment

Switzerland received at the hands of the French "liberators" may be

given. Urserenthal, one of the Uri valleys, was called upon during the

year Oct. 1798 to Oct. 1799, to provide food for a total of 861,700 men,

and a pretty hamlet in Freiburg for twenty-five thousand, within half a

year. During four months, Thurgau spent one and a half million francs,

and the Baden district well-nigh five millions, in provisioning French

troops within a year. All protestations of inability on the part of the

inhabitants were useless; Rapinat[89] and others, like vampires, sucked

the very life-blood out of the unfortunate Swiss. The "Helvetic

Republic" had its noble side, it is true, but the French occupation, by

which it was maintained, and which indeed was the outcome of it, caused

the Helvetic scheme to be regarded by the people at large with disgust

and hatred.

The brightest side of the "Helvetic Republic" was seen in the remarkable

efforts of noble patriots--foremost amongst them Rengger and Stapfer--to

mitigate the effects of all these calamities by promoting, in spite of

all difficulties, or against all odds of the time, the material and

ideal interests of the people. Both Rengger and Stapfer were highly

cultivated men, and both were ministers of state, the former holding the

portfolio of finance, the latter that of arts and sciences. Rengger

directed his efforts to the improvement of trade and agriculture; one of

his practical efforts being the introduction of English cotton-spinning

machines. Stapfer, on the other hand, worked for the spread of popular

education. "Spiritual and intellectual freedom alone makes free," he

maintained. He himself had been born in one of the new enfranchised

subject lands, it may be noted parenthetically. He drew up a remarkable

scheme of national education, a scheme embracing the child in the

primary school, and the young man in the National University. This dream

of a national university, by the way, is still unrealized,[90] but

Stapfer intended that it should crown his whole system of national

education, and should combine German depth with French versatility and

Italian taste. Most of Stapfer's grand scheme remained untried through

want of means and time, but it was a very remarkable scheme for that

day. Yet much was done. Numerous schools sprang up, and every canton had

its educational council and its inspector of schools. Lucerne, which had

hitherto been quite behindhand in these matters, now founded schools in

all its communes (by 1801), and Aarau established a gymnasium. Some four

thousand children from the wasted and ruined country districts were

brought into the towns and educated; whilst numerous journals were

started, and many literary and art societies founded. Perhaps Stapfer's

chief title to honourable remembrance is his appreciation of, and his

assistance to, Pestalozzi. Leaving Stanz on account of confessional

differences, the great philanthropist established his famous school at

Burgdorf, winning for himself by it European renown.

These noble efforts towards national advancement intellectually are the

more admirable as the country was convulsed with constitutional

struggles. From the first days of the Revolution, there had sprung up

two political schools, the Centralists, who[91] wished to see one single

state with one central government; and the Federalists, who clung to

the historical traditions of their fatherland, and to the _status quo

ante_ of 1798. These latter desired to see cantonal self-government

preponderating over the central authority. It was a struggle to the

death between advanced Liberals and stout Conservatives. Within the

short space of five years, the country saw no fewer than four _coups

d'etat_, complete overthrowings of government and constitution. We can

notice only the chief points in the history of these changes. The first

shock came with the change in France from the Directory to the

Consulate, and the return of Napoleon from Egypt, on the 9th of

November, 1798. Ochs, detested as the tool of France by nearly all the

Swiss, was hurled from his eminence; and La Harpe following suit, the

Swiss Directory was replaced by an executive committee. The Peace of

Luneville, February, 1801, left the Swiss free to chose their own form

of government, but Napoleon himself gradually went over to the

Federalist view. Drafts of new constitutions followed each other in

quick succession, each in its turn being upset by that which followed.

The sketch of La Malmaison, drawn up by the Federalists, restored the

Tagsatzung, and the independence of the cantons, May, 1801. Another

overthrow, and then Alois Reding rose to the position of first

Landammann, and head of the Conservative government (Oct. 28, 1801).

Chivalrous and of unflinching resolve, Reding lacked the pliancy

necessary for a statesman, and desired to see Vaud again placed under

the rule of Bern. "Sooner shall the sun turn from west to east,"

fiercely exclaimed Napoleon, "than Vaud shall go back to Bern." Reding

was deprived of his office, and shut up at Aarburg, a fate that befell

him on several other occasions under Bonaparte. In July, 1802, Napoleon

withdrew the French troops from Swiss territory, with the view

ostensibly of complying with the treaty of Amiens, but in reality to

show the Swiss how powerless they were without his help. This was the

signal for a general outbreak of civil war, humorously called

_Stecklikrieg_, or _Guerre aux batons_, in allusion to the indifferent

equipment of the soldiery. The Helvetic Government which was then in

power fled from Bern, and took up its quarters at Lausanne. Its small

force was defeated at Avenches by the Federalists, who pushed on to the

Leman city, when an order to lay down their arms reached them from

Paris. Through the medium of General Rapp, Napoleon offered his services

as "mediator" in the civil troubles of Switzerland, and at his heels

followed Marshal Ney, with an army of forty thousand men to enforce

order.

FOOTNOTES:

[86] The utter failure clearly shows how little such a centralization of

government, leaving the cantons no scope for action, could suit the

separate states of the Confederation at any time. The name "canton" was

first used in French treaties with Switzerland, and became thenceforward

the general term. It had not come into use even so late as the Helvetic.

[87] He was a native of a large village in the Zurich district.

[88] He lingered on suffering from his wound for a whole year, and then

died, distinguished to the very last by his love for all mankind, and

for his country especially.

[89] The following lines, common in men's mouths afterwards, tell their

own tale:--

"La Suisse qu'on pille et qu'on ruine

Voudrait bien que l'on decidat

Si Rapinat vient de rapine,

Ou rapine de Rapinat."

[90] And not very likely to be realized, as the respective cantons cling

to their four universities and two academies, which are their pride.

[91] In German, _Centralisten_ or _Unitarier_.

XXXI.

THE MEDIATION ACT AND NAPOLEON.

(1803-15.)

From a constitutional point of view this period--the mediation period

(1803-13)--is the most satisfactory portion of the epoch between the

French revolutions of 1789 and 1830. It suited Napoleon's fancy to

assume the position of a directing providence to the Alpine lands. And,

finding that the federalists and the centralists of Switzerland--the

_laudatores temporis acti_ and the progressivists--were quite unable to

agree upon a compromise, it pleased him to give the country a new

constitution. He stopped their squabbles by summoning the "Helvetic

Consulta" to Paris. Sixty-three deputies, of whom but fifteen were

federalists, obeyed the call, many of the foremost statesmen among them.

Those who disobeyed the summons, like Reding and his party, were

arrested (Nov., 1803). In the official gazette Napoleon was pleased to

speak of the Swiss nation as one that had "always stood out in history

as a model of strength, courage, and good manners," and he expressed a

wish that the Swiss should "aim at good government, and should sacrifice

their party feelings to their real interests, to glory, and

independence." Thus complimentary was his language, and the painstaking

care and thoughtful consideration he brought to bear on the

reorganization of Swiss affairs presents the great despot under a

singularly amiable aspect; and the Mediation Act which he drew up would,

but for the selfish _arriere pensee_ running through it, be one of his

noblest and most beneficent political acts.

From the drafts and data presented by the Conference Napoleon, in two

months (Nov. 25th-Jan. 24th), drew up his famous scheme. Laying it first

before the whole assembly, he then had selected an inner committee of

ten for a further and final consultation. This took place on Jan. 29th

at the Tuileries, the sitting lasting from one o'clock to eight in the

evening. The French commissioners[92] afterwards stated that they had

never witnessed such a scene, and that "never had the First Consul

devoted such close attention, even to the most important matters of

European politics." The Swiss party, representing both the political

sections, and the four French Commissioners, sat round the table,

Napoleon himself in the middle of them, beaming with graceful

amiability. The proposals respecting the three classes of cantons were

read out, and two of the delegates, Stapfer of whom we have heard

before, and Hans von Reinhard,[93] were called upon to express their

respective views. A general discussion followed, the Consul giving the

closest attention to every detail. His own speeches showed an intimate

acquaintance with Swiss matters, and whilst full of practical wisdom,

also evidenced his real interest and sympathy with the little republic.

He pointed out that Switzerland was quite unlike any other country in

its history, its geographical position, in its inclusion of three

nationalities and three tongues. The characteristics and the advancement

of three nations had, in fact, to be considered and maintained. Nature

itself had clearly intended that it should be a federal state. To the

Forest Cantons, to which he avowed the whole republic owes its

characteristic hue, he restored the time-honoured _landsgemeinde_, "so

rich in memories of the past"; to the city cantons he gave back their

ancient councils, re-fashioned in accordance with modern ideas; and to

the subject lands he gave autonomy. The position of these last in the

past was, he averred, incompatible with the modern character of a

republic, and his elevation of them into new cantons is the special

merit of his scheme. Meeting the views of the federalists by giving

independence or home-rule to each canton, he also met those of the

centralists by planning a well-organized central government in the form

of a _Tagsatzung_ with enlarged powers. At the head of this he placed a

Swiss Landammann with almost _plein pouvoir_. Napoleon selected as

first Landammann a man he highly esteemed--Louis d'Affry, of Freiburg,

son of Count d'Affry. Both father and son had served in France as

officers and statesmen, and Louis was one of the few who had escaped the

massacre at Paris in 1792. He was a perfect courtier, mild and

conservative in his views. It is worth mentioning that during the

_intermezzo_, which occurred at five o'clock, when refreshments were

handed round, the Consul, standing by the mantelpiece, with a circle of

delegates round him, talked incessantly on Swiss politics and spared no

pains to impress on his hearers how much Swiss interests were bound up

with those of France. There was no mistaking his meaning, which, to do

him justice, he did not attempt to conceal. The members of the

Conference, whom Napoleon treated all through with marked distinction,

were quite alive to the danger threatening their country, but trusted

that some turn of the wheel might avert it. After this parley the Consul

redrafted the Mediation Act, and presented it in person on the 19th of

February for signature, afterwards taking leave of the whole deputation.

La Harpe gained for the Swiss the countenance of the Emperor Alexander,

and Prussia and Austria were engaged in a territorial squabble, and no

interference took place. An epoch of peace and prosperity followed the

general amnesty (April 15, 1803) granted by the Mediation Act. The

period of quiet was broken only by the Bockenkrieg in 1804, a rising in

which an attempt was made by the country folk of the Zurich Canton to

stand against the unredeemed land rents and tithes still due to the

city.[94] The insurrection was put down by force.[95] Six new cantons

were formed by the new Act--Buenden, St. Gall, Thurgau, Aargau, Vaud, and

Ticino; and these were added as equals to the thirteen _Alte Orte_, the

management of its own affairs being granted to each. The liberal

principles inaugurated by the "Helvetic" were to a great extent borne in

mind, though the lower orders were still excluded from direct political

representation. Mercenary wars, military movements, and leagues between

separate cantons, were strictly forbidden; but so, also, was forbidden

the maintenance of a federal army, save a small force to maintain order,

and thus the country was robbed of adequate means of defence. Freiburg,

Bern, Soleure, Basel, Zurich, and Lucerne, became in their turns

managing or dictatorial cantons for one year at a time. That is, they

were the seats of the Diet, and their chief magistrate--schultheiss or

burgomaster, as the case might be--became Landammann. To the larger

cantons, _i.e._, those having not less than one hundred thousand

inhabitants, two votes at the Diet were assigned, to the smaller, one

vote. It is not necessary to go into more minute details here, as there

are numerous constitutional changes to be noted between that period and

the year 1874.

Thus, whatever may be thought of Napoleon's ultimate aims, it was owing

to him that Switzerland enjoyed quiet, prosperity, and perfect

self-government at a time when Europe generally was torn by quarrels and

steeped in war. The Swiss people gave their whole attention to home

affairs, and to the striving after intellectual and material progress,

as they had done in the Helvetic days, but now with more success.

Benevolent societies were founded, high schools established, and

institutions for the advancement of letters, science, and art, sprang

up. Many men of note mightily stirred the ideal side of life; amongst

them we may mention the novelist, Zschokke,[96] of Aargau; Martin

Usteri, the poet-artist; and George Naegeli, the Saengervater, or "Father

of Song." Both these latter were of Zurich, and Naegeli gave a great

impulse to the founding of musical societies, and did much to spread the

art of singing so common in the German districts, and especially

cultivated at Basel and Zurich. Pestalozzi established a new school at

Yverdon in Vaud; and his friend and former pupil, Von Fellenberg, of

Bern, the superior of his master in practical management, founded his

famous institution at Hofwil. This comprised a whole series of schools,

high schools, schools for the middle class, agricultural schools, and

elementary schools for the poor. Pater Girard, a friend of Pestalozzi,

at Freiburg, did for the Catholics much what these men did for the

Protestants. Another noble and devoted man was Escher, who, though of

aristocratic birth himself, was yet an ardent worker for the benefit of

the poorer classes. His chief work was the canalization of the Linth

between Walensee and the Lake of Zurich, by means of which some

twenty-eight thousand acres of unhealthy swamp became valuable

agricultural land. For this labour of love, to which he sacrificed his

health, the Diet decreed to him and his family the honourable addition

of "Von der Linth."[97] The introduction of machinery gave a great

impetus to trade and industry. In 1800 the cloisters of St. Gall were

turned into the first Swiss spinning mill, and during the following

decade four more mills were started in the canton. In 1808 Heinrich

Kunz, the "King of spinners on the Continent," laid the foundations

(Zurich) of the first of his numerous mills. In 1812 the great firm of

Rieter and Co., whose machines soon gained a world-wide reputation,

started business at Winterthur.

Yet all was not smooth in the little Swiss state. Switzerland was

compelled not only to enter into a close defensive alliance with France,

but to keep the French army constantly supplied with sixteen thousand

Swiss soldiers. So great was the drain of this "blood-tax," that in

some cantons even the prisons had to be opened to enable the levy to be

made up. Switzerland was made an _entrepot_ for English contraband

goods; and the decree of Trianon, in 1810, ordered the confiscation of

these, and placed a tax on English goods of half their value. All this

weighed heavily on Switzerland, and the Landammann's touching

representation to Napoleon, that twenty thousand families were rapidly

becoming breadless, passed unheeded. In 1806 the despot gave Neuchatel

to his favourite general, Berthier, and in 1810 he handed over Ticino to

Italy, on the pretext that that district was harbouring English

contraband goods. The same year he joined to France the Valais district,

where he had a few years earlier (1802) constructed the famous Simplon

road into Italy. The Swiss naturally protested against these

mutilations, but he threatened to annex the whole country, and D'Affry

and Reinhard, who stood in favour with him, had much ado to calm his

temper. When, however, the impetuous Sidler, of Zug, and the heroic

Reding, defied him, and advised an armed resistance at the Diet,

Napoleon sent word to Reinhard that he would march fifty thousand men

into the country, and compel the Swiss to unite with France.

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