1876-1878
Lord Lytton becomes Viceroy--Difficulties with Sher Ali
--Imperial assemblage at Delhi--Reception of the Ruling Chiefs
--Queen proclaimed Empress of India
--Political importance of the assemblage
--Sher Ali proclaims a 'Jahad'--A journey under difficulties
With a new Commander-in-Chief came a new Viceroy, and it was while
we were in Bombay seeing the last of Lord Napier that the _Orontes_
steamed into the harbour with Lord Lytton on board. Little did I
imagine when making Lord Lytton's acquaintance how much he would have
to say to my future career.
His Excellency received me very kindly, telling me he felt that I was
not altogether a stranger, as he had been reading during the voyage
a paper I had written for Lord Napier, a year or two before, on
our military position in India, and the arrangements that would be
necessary in the event of Russia attempting to continue her advance
south of the Oxus. Lord Napier had sent a copy of this memorandum to
Lord Beaconsfield, by whom it had been given to Lord Lytton.
[Illustration: FIELD-MARSHAL LORD NAPIER OF MAGDALA, G.C.B., G.C.S.I.
_From a photograph by Messrs. Maull and Fox._]
During the summer of 1876 our frontier policy was frequently under
discussion. Sir Bartle Frere wrote two very strong letters after the
Conservative Government came into power in 1874, drawing attention
to the danger of our being satisfied with a policy of aloofness, and
pointing out the necessity for coming into closer relations with
the Amir of Afghanistan and the Khan of Khelat. Soon afterwards the
Secretary of State communicated with the Government of India as to the
advisability of establishing British agents in Afghanistan, and of
persuading the Amir to receive a temporary Embassy at Kabul, as had
originally been proposed by Lord Northbrook.
The members of Lord Northbrook's Council were unanimously opposed to
both these proposals, but they did not succeed in convincing Lord
Salisbury that the measures were undesirable; and on the resignation
of Lord Northbrook, the new Viceroy was furnished with special
instructions as to the action which Her Majesty's Government
considered necessary in consequence of the activity of Russia in
Central Asia, and the impossibility of obtaining accurate information
of what was going on in and beyond Afghanistan.
The question of the Embassy was dealt with at once; Lord Lytton
directed a letter to be sent to the Amir announcing his assumption
of the Viceroyalty, and his intention to depute Sir Lewis Pelly to
proceed to Kabul for the purpose of discussing certain matters with
His Highness.
To this communication a most unsatisfactory reply was received, and
a second letter was addressed to the Amir, in which he was informed
that, should he still decline to receive the Viceroy's Envoy after
deliberately weighing all the considerations commended to his serious
attention, the responsibility of the result would rest entirely on the
Government of Afghanistan, which would thus alienate itself from
the alliance of that Power which was most disposed and best able to
befriend it.
This letter was the cause of considerable excitement in Kabul,
excitement which ran so high that the necessity for proclaiming a
religious war was mooted; and, to complicate matters, the Amir at
this time received overtures from General Kauffmann, the Russian
Governor-General in Turkestan.
A delay of six weeks occurred before Sher Ali replied to Lord Lytton's
letter, and then he altogether ignored the Viceroy's proposal to send
a Mission to Kabul, merely suggesting that the British Government
should receive an Envoy from him, or that representatives from both
countries should meet and hold a conference on the border, or, as
another alternative, that the British Native Agent at Kabul should
return and discuss affairs with the Viceroy.
The last suggestion was accepted by the Government of India, and the
agent (Nawab Ata Mahomed Khan) arrived in Simla early in October. The
Nawab gave it as his opinion that the Amir's attitude of estrangement
was due to an accumulation of grievances, the chief of which were--the
unfavourable arbitration in the Sistan dispute; the want of success of
Saiyad Nur Mahomed's mission to India in 1873, when it was the desire
of the Amir's heart to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance
with the British Government; the interposition of Lord Northbrook's
Government on behalf of Yakub Khan;[1] the recent proceedings in
Khelat,[2] which the Amir thought were bringing us objectionably near
Kandahar; the transmission of presents through Afghanistan, to his
vassal, the Mir of Wakhan, without the Amir's permission;[3] and,
above all, the conviction that our policy was exclusively directed to
the furtherance of British interests without any thought for those of
Afghanistan.
As regarded the proposed Mission to Kabul, the Envoy said that His
Highness objected to it for many reasons. Owing to local fanaticism,
he could not insure its safety, and it seemed probable that, though of
a temporary nature to begin with, it might only be the thin end of the
wedge, ending in the establishment of a permanent Resident, as at the
courts of the Native Rulers in India. Furthermore, the Amir conceived
that, if he consented to this Mission, the Russians would insist upon
their right to send a similar one, and finally, he feared a British
Envoy might bring his influence to bear in favour of the release of
his son, Yakub Khan, with whom his relations were as strained as ever.
In answer, the Viceroy enumerated the concessions he was prepared to
make, and the conditions upon which alone he would consent to them;
and this answer the agent was directed to communicate to the Amir.
The concessions were as follows:
(1) That the friends and enemies of either State should be those of
the other.
(2) That, in the event of unprovoked aggression upon Afghanistan
from without, assistance should be afforded in men, money, and arms;
and also that to strengthen the Amir against such aggression, the
British Government was willing to fortify Herat and other points on
the frontier, and, if desired, to lend officers to discipline the
army.
(3) That Abdulla Jan should be recognized as the Amir's successor to
the exclusion of any other aspirant; and that the question of
material aid in support of such recognition should be discussed by
the Plenipotentiaries.
(4) That a yearly subsidy should be paid to the Amir on the
following conditions:
That he should refrain from external aggression or provocation of
his neighbours, and from entering into external relations without
our knowledge.
That he should decline all communication with Russia, and refer
her agents to us.
That British agents should reside at Herat and elsewhere on the
frontier.
That a mixed commission of British and Afghan officers should
determine and demarcate the Amir's frontier.
That arrangements should be made, by allowances or otherwise, for
free circulation of trade on the principal trade routes.
That similar arrangements should be made for a line of telegraph,
the direction of which was to be subsequently determined.
That Afghanistan should be freely opened to Englishmen, official
and non-official, and arrangements made by the Amir, as far as
practicable, for their safety, though His Highness would not be
absolutely held responsible for isolated accidents.
The Viceroy concluded by suggesting that, if the Amir agreed to these
proposals, a treaty might be arranged between the agents of the
respective Governments, and ratified either at Peshawar, by the Amir
meeting Lord Lytton there, or at Delhi if the Amir accepted His
Excellency's invitation to be present at the Imperial Assemblage.
The Amir at the time vouchsafed no reply whatever to these proposals
or to the invitation to come to Delhi.
In the autumn of 1876 preparations were commenced for the 'Imperial
Assemblage,' which it was announced by the Viceroy would be held
at Delhi on the first day of January, 1877, for the purpose of
proclaiming to the Queen's subjects throughout India the assumption
by Her Majesty of the title of 'Empress of India.' To this Assemblage
Lord Lytton further announced that he proposed 'to invite the
Governors, Lieutenant-Governors, and Heads of Administration from all
parts of the Queen's Indian dominions, as well as the Princes, Chiefs,
and Nobles in whose persons the antiquity of the past is associated
with the prosperity of the present, and who so worthily contribute to
the splendour and stability of this great Empire.'
Delhi was selected as the place where the meeting between the Queen's
representative and the great nobles of India could most appropriately
be held, and a committee was appointed to make the necessary
arrangements. As a member of the committee I was deputed to proceed to
Delhi, settle about the sites for the camps, and carry out all details
in communication with the local authorities. The Viceroy impressed
upon me that the Assemblage was intended to emphasize the Proclamation
Lord Canning issued eighteen years before, by which the Queen assumed
the direct sovereignty of her eastern possessions, and that he wished
no trouble or expense to be spared in making the ceremony altogether
worthy of such a great historical event.
I returned to Simla in October, when my wife and I accompanied the
Commander-in-Chief on a very delightful march over the Jalauri Pass
through the Kulu valley, then over the Bubbu Pass and through the
Kangra valley to Chamba and Dalhousie. Our party consisted of the
Chief, his Doctor (Bradshaw), Persian interpreter (Moore), General and
Mrs. Lumsden, and ourselves. The first slight shower of snow had just
fallen on the Jalauri Pass, and as we crossed over we disturbed a
number of beautiful snow-pheasants and minals busily engaged in
scratching it away to get at their food. The scenery on this march is
very fine and varied; for the most part the timber and foliage are
superb, and the valleys are very fertile and pretty, lying close under
the snow-capped mountains.
Having inspected the 'Hill stations,' we proceeded to Peshawar,
where the Viceroy had arranged to hold a conference with the
Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab and the Commissioner of Peshawar
about frontier affairs.
Early in December I was back again at Delhi, where I found the
arrangements for the several camps progressing most satisfactorily,
and canvas cities rising up in every direction, I had previously
chosen the site of the old cantonment for the camps of the Viceroy,
the Commander-in-Chief, and the principal officials, while for the
Assemblage itself I had selected ground about three miles off.
The Chiefs and Princes were all settled in their several camps ready
to meet the Viceroy, who, on his arrival, in a few graceful words
welcomed them to Delhi, and thanked them for responding to his
invitation. He then mounted, with Lady Lytton, on a state elephant,
and a procession was formed, which, I fancy, was about the most
gorgeous and picturesque which has ever been seen even in the East.
The magnificence of the Native Princes' retinues can hardly be
described; their elephant-housings were of cloth of gold, or
scarlet-and-blue cloths embroidered in gold and silver. The howdahs
were veritable thrones of the precious metals, shaded by the most
brilliant canopies, and the war-elephants belonging to some of
the Central India and Rajputana Chiefs formed a very curious and
interesting feature. Their tusks were tipped with steel; they wore
shields on their fore-heads, and breastplates of flashing steel;
chain-mail armour hung down over their trunks and covered their backs
and sides; and they were mounted by warriors clad in chain-mail, and
armed to the teeth. Delhi must have witnessed many splendid pageants,
when the Rajput, the Moghul, and the Mahratta dynasties, each in its
turn, was at the height of its glory; but never before had Princes and
Chiefs of every race and creed come from all parts of Hindustan, vying
with each other as to the magnificence of their _entourage_, and met
together with the same object--that of acknowledging and doing homage
to one supreme Ruler.
The next few days were spent by Lord Lytton in receiving the
sixty-three[4] Ruling Princes of India according to the strictest
etiquette. Each Prince, with his suite, was met at the entrance to
the camp, and conducted up the street to the durbar tent by mounted
officers, the salute to which he was entitled being fired while the
procession moved on. He was then presented by the Foreign Secretary to
the Viceroy, who placed him on a chair on his right, immediately
below a full-length portrait of Her Majesty. A satin banner, richly
embroidered with the Chief's armorial bearings, surmounted by the
Imperial crown, was next brought in by Highland soldiers and planted
in front of the throne, when the Viceroy, leading the particular Chief
towards it, thus addressed him: 'I present Your Highness with this
banner as a personal gift from Her Majesty the Queen, in commemoration
of her assumption of the title of Empress of India. Her Majesty trusts
that it may never be unfurled without reminding you not only of the
close union between the throne of England and your loyal and princely
house, but also of the earnest desire of the paramount power to see
your dynasty strong, prosperous, and permanent.'
His Excellency then placed round the Chief's neck a crimson ribbon, to
which was attached a very handsome gold medal[5] with the Queen's head
engraved on it, adding: 'I further decorate you, by command of Her
Majesty. May this medal be long worn by yourself, and long kept as
an heirloom in your family in remembrance of the auspicious date it
bears.'
The 1st January, 1877, saw the Queen proclaimed Empress of India, The
ceremony was most imposing, and in every way successful. Three tented
pavilions had been constructed on an open plain. The throne-pavilion
in the centre was a very graceful erection, brilliant in hangings and
banners of red, blue, and white satin magnificently embroidered in
gold, with appropriate emblems. It was hexagonal in shape, and rather
more than 200 feet in circumference. In front of this was the pavilion
for the Ruling Chiefs and high European officials, in the form of
a semicircle 800 feet long. The canopy was of Star of India
blue-and-white satin embroidered in gold, each pillar being surmounted
by an Imperial crown. Behind the throne was the stand for the
spectators, also in the form of a semicircle divided in the middle,
and likewise canopied in brilliant colours. Between these two blocks
was the entrance to the area.
Each Chief and high official sat beneath his own banner, which was
planted immediately behind his chair, and they were all mixed up as
much as possible to avoid questions of precedence, the result being
the most wonderful mass of colour, produced from the intermingling of
British uniforms and plumes with gorgeous eastern costumes, set off by
a blaze of diamonds and other precious stones.
All the British troops brought to Delhi for the occasion were paraded
to the north, and the troops and retainers belonging to the Native
Chiefs to the south, of the pavilion. Guards of Honour were drawn up
on either side of the throne and at each opening by which the Ruling
Chiefs were to enter the pavilion.
The guests being all seated, a flourish of trumpets by the heralds
exactly at noon announced the arrival of the Viceroy. The military
bands played a march, and Lord Lytton, accompanied by Lady Lytton,
their daughters, and his staff, proceeded to the pavilion. His
Excellency took his seat upon the throne, arrayed in his robes as
Grand Master of the Star of India, the National Anthem was played,
the Guards of Honour presented arms, while the whole of the vast
assemblage rose as one man. The Chief Herald was then commanded to
read the Proclamation. A flourish of trumpets was again sounded, and
Her Majesty was proclaimed Empress of India.
When the Chief Herald had ceased reading, the Royal Standard was
hoisted, and a salute of 101 salvoes of artillery was fired, with a
_feu de joie_ from the long line of troops. This was too much for the
elephants. As the _feu de joie_ approached nearer and nearer to
them they became more and more alarmed, and at last scampered off,
dispersing the crowd in every direction. When it ceased they were
quieted and brought back by their _mahouts_, only to start off again
when the firing recommenced; but, as it was a perfectly bare plain,
without anything for the great creatures to come in contact with,
there was no harm done beyond a severe shaking to their riders. As
the sound of the last salvo died away the Viceroy addressed the
assemblage. When he had ceased speaking, the assembly again rose _en
masse_ and joined the troops in giving several ringing cheers.
His Highness the Maharaja Sindhia then spoke as follows: '_Shah in
Shah Padishah_. May God bless you. The Princes of India bless you, and
pray that your sovereignty and power may remain steadfast for ever.'
Sir Salar Jung rose on behalf of the boy Nizam, and said: 'I am
desired by His Highness the Nizam to request your Excellency to convey
to Her Majesty, on the part of himself and the Chiefs of India, the
expression of their hearty congratulations on the assumption of the
title of Empress of India, and to assure the Queen that they pray for
her, and for the enduring prosperity of her Empire, both in India and
England.'
The Maharajas of Udaipur and Jaipur, in the name of the united Chiefs
of Rajputana, begged that a telegram might be sent to the Queen,
conveying their dutiful and loyal congratulations; and the Maharaja
of Kashmir expressed his gratification at the tenor of the Viceroy's
speech, and declared that he should henceforth consider himself secure
under the shadow of Her Majesty's protecting care.[6]
[Illustration: THE EARL OF LYTTON, G.C.B., G.M.S.I., G.M.I.E., VICEROY
or INDIA.
_From a photograph by Messrs. Maull and Fox._]
It is difficult to overrate the political importance of this great
gathering. It was looked upon by most of the Ruling Chiefs as the
result of the Prince of Wales's visit, and rejoiced in as an evidence
of Her Majesty's increased interest in, and appreciation of, the vast
Empire of India with its many different races and peoples.
I visited all the camps, and conversed with every one of the Princes
and Nobles, and each in turn expressed the same intense gratification
at the Viceroy's reception of him, the same fervent loyalty to the
Empress, and the same satisfaction that the new title should have been
announced with such appropriate splendour and publicity.
General rejoicings in honour of the occasion took place all over
India, in Native States as well as British cantonments. School-houses,
town halls, hospitals, and dispensaries were founded, large numbers of
prisoners were released, substantial additions were made to the pay of
all ranks in the Native Army, as well as a considerable increase in
numbers to the Order of British India; and the amnesty granted in 1859
was extended to all but murderers and leaders in the Mutiny.
When the Assemblage broke up, I started with Sir Frederick Haines
for a tour along the Derajat frontier. We visited Kohat, Bannu, Dera
Ismail Khan, and Multan; proceeded by steamer down the Indus to
Sukkur, and thence rode to Jacobabad. Then on to Kotri, from which
place we went to see the battle-field of Miani, where Sir Charles
Napier defeated the Amirs of Sind in 1843. From Kotri we travelled
to Simla _viâ_ Karachi and Bombay, where we were most hospitably
entertained by the Commander-in-Chief of Bombay (Sir Charles Stavely)
and his wife.
Afghan affairs were this year again giving the Viceroy a great deal
of anxiety. The Amir had eventually agreed to a discussion of Lord
Lytton's proposals being held, and for this purpose Saiyad Nur Mahomed
and Sir Lewis Pelly had met at Peshawar in January, 1877. The
meeting, unfortunately, ended in a rupture, owing to Sher Ali's
agent pronouncing the location of European officers in any part of
Afghanistan an impossibility; and what at this crisis complicated
matters to a most regrettable extent was the death of Saiyad Nur
Mahomed, who had been in failing health for some time.
On learning the death of his most trusted Minister, and the failure of
the negotiations, Sher Ali broke into a violent fit of passion, giving
vent to his fury in threatenings and invectives against the British
Government. He declared it was not possible to come to terms, and that
there was nothing left for him but to fight; that he had seven crores
of rupees, every one of which he would hurl at the heads of the
English, and he ended by giving orders for a _jahad_ (a religious war)
to be proclaimed.
For the time being nothing more could be done with Afghanistan, and
the Viceroy was able to turn his attention to the following important
questions: the transfer of Sind from Bombay to the Punjab, a measure
which had been unanimously agreed to by Lord Northbrook's Government;
the removal from the Punjab government of the trans-Indus tract of
country, and the formation of the latter into a separate district
under the control of a Chief Commissioner, who would be responsible
to the Government of India alone for frontier administration and
trans-frontier relations. This post Lord Lytton told me, as much to my
surprise as to my gratification, that he meant to offer to me, if his
views were accepted by the Secretary of State. It was above all others
the appointment I should have liked. I delighted in frontier life and
frontier men, who, with all their faults, are men, and grand men, too.
I had felt for years what an important factor the trans-Indus tribes
are in the defence of India, and how desirable it was that we should
be on better terms with them than was possible so long as our policy
consisted in keeping them at arm's length, and our only intercourse
with them was confined to punitive expeditions or the visits of their
head-men to our hard-worked officials, whose whole time was occupied
in writing long reports, or in settling troublesome disputes to the
satisfaction of no one.
I now hoped to be able to put a stop to the futile blockades and
inconclusive reprisals which had been carried on for nearly thirty
years with such unsatisfactory results, and I looked forward to
turning the wild tribesmen from enemies into friends, a strength
instead of a weakness, to our Government, and to bringing them by
degrees within the pale of civilization. My wife quite shared my
feelings, and we were both eager to begin our frontier life.
As a preliminary to my engaging in this congenial employment, Lord
Lytton proposed that I should take up the command of the Punjab
Frontier Force. I gladly acquiesced; for I had been a long time on the
staff, and had had three years of the Quartermaster-Generalship.
My friends expressed surprise at my accepting the position of
Brigadier-General, after having filled an appointment carrying with it
the rank of Major-General; but this was not my view. I longed for
a command, and the Frontier Force offered opportunities for active
service afforded by no other post.
We were in Calcutta when the question was decided, and started very
soon afterwards to make our arrangements for the breaking up of our
home at Simla. I took over the command of the Force on the 15th March,
1878. My wife accompanied me to Abbottabad--the pretty, quiet little
place in Hazara, about 4,000 feet above the sea, which was to be
henceforth our winter head-quarters. For the summer months we were to
be located in the higher hills, and my wife was anxious to see the
house which I had purchased from my predecessor, General Keyes, at
Natiagali. So off we set, nothing daunted by being told that we were
likely to find snow still deep in places.
For the first part of the way we got on well enough, my wife in a
dandy, I riding, and thirteen miles were accomplished without much
difficulty. Suddenly the road took a bend, and we found ourselves in
deep snow. Riding soon proved to be impossible, and the dandy-bearers
could not carry my wife further; so there was nothing for it but to
walk. We were seven miles from our destination, and at each step we
sank into the snow, which became deeper and deeper the higher we
ascended. On we trudged, till my wife declared she could go no
further, and sat down to rest, feeling so drowsy that she entreated me
to let her stay where she was. Fortunately I had a small flask with
me filled with brandy. I poured a little into the cup, mixed it with
snow, and administered it as a stimulant. This restored her somewhat,
and roused her from the state of lethargy into which she had fallen.
Again we struggled on. Soon it became dark, except for such light as
the stars, aided by the snow, afforded. More than once I despaired
of reaching the end of our journey; but, just as I had become quite
hopeless, we saw lights on the hill above us, and heard our servants,
who had preceded us, shouting to attract our attention. I answered,
and presently they came to our assistance. Half carrying, half
dragging her, we got my wife up the steep mountain-side; and at
length, about 9 p.m., we arrived at the little house buried in snow,
into which we crept through a hole dug in the snow wall, which
encircled it. We were welcomed by a blazing wood-fire and a most
cheering odour of dinner, to which we did full justice, after having
got rid of our saturated garments. Next morning we started on our
return journey at daybreak, for it was necessary to get over the worst
part of the road before the sun had had time to soften the snow, which
the night's frost had so thoroughly hardened that we slipped over it
without the least difficulty.
This was our only visit to our new possession, for very soon
afterwards I was informed that Lord Lytton wished me to spend the
summer at Simla, as the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab would be
there, and His Excellency was anxious to discuss the details of the
proposed Chief Commissionership. My wife, therefore, returned to Simla
at once, and I joined her at the end of May, having in the meanwhile
inspected every regiment and visited every post held by the Frontier
Force between Sind and Hazara--a most interesting experience, which I
thoroughly enjoyed.
[Footnote 1: The Amir's eldest son, who had rebelled on his younger
brother, Abdulla Jan, being nominated heir to the throne.]
[Footnote 2: Before Lord Northbrook left India he sent Major Sandeman
on a Mission to Khelat to re-open the Bolan Pass, and endeavour to
settle the differences between the Khan and the Baluchistan tribes,
and between the tribes themselves, who were all at loggerheads.]
[Footnote 3: Presents given by the British Government to the Mir of
Wakhan in recognition of his hospitable reception of the members of
the Forsyth Mission on their return from Yarkund.]
[Footnote 4: 'Besides the sixty-three Ruling Chiefs, there were nearly
three hundred titular Chiefs and persons of distinction collected
at the Imperial Assemblage, besides those included in the suites
of Ruling Chiefs.--J. Talboys Wheeler, 'History of the Delhi
Assemblage.']
[Footnote 5: These gold medals were also presented to the Governors,
Lieutenant-Governors, and other high officials, and to the members of
the Imperial Assemblage Committee.]
[Footnote 6: In endeavouring to describe this historical event, I have
freely refreshed my memory from Talboys Wheeler's 'History of the
Imperial Assemblage,' in which is given a detailed account of the
proceedings.]
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