1857
Infatuation of the authorities at Agra--A series of Mishaps
--Result of indecision and incapacity
During our three days' halt at Agra we were told the story of all that
had happened before we came, and a sad story it was of incapacity and
neglected opportunity. The Lieutenant-Governor, an able, intelligent
man under ordinary circumstances, had, unfortunately, no firmness of
character, no self-reliance. Instead of acting on his own convictions,
he allowed himself to be entirely led by men about him, who had not
sufficient knowledge of Natives to enable them to grasp how completely
the latter's attitude towards us had been changed by the loss of our
military hold over the country.[1]
Deaf to warnings from those who did understand the magnitude of the
danger, the Lieutenant-Governor refused to listen to the Maharaja
Scindia, who, influenced by the wise counsels of his astute and
enlightened minister, Dinkar Rao, told him that the whole Native army
was disloyal, and that the men of his own (the Gwalior) Contingent[2]
were as bad as the rest. The authorities refused to allow the ladies
and children at Gwalior to be sent into Agra for safety; they objected
to arrangements being made for accommodating the non-combatants inside
the walls of the fort, because, forsooth, such precautions would show
a want of confidence in the Natives! and the sanction for supplies
being stored in the fort was tardily and hesitatingly accorded. It was
not, indeed, until the mutinous sepoys from Nimach and Nasirabad were
within sixty miles of Agra that orders were given to put the fort in
a state of defence and provision it, and it was not until they had
reached Futtehpore Sikri, twenty-three miles from Agra, that the women
and children were permitted to seek safety within the stronghold.[3]
Fortunately, however, notwithstanding the intermittent manner in which
instructions were issued, there was no scarcity of supplies, for,
owing to the foresight and energy of Lieutenant Henry Chalmers,
the executive Commissariat officer, assisted by that prince of
contractors, Lalla Joti Persâd, and ably supported by Mr. Reade, the
civilian next in rank to the Lieutenant-Governor, food was stored in
sufficient quantities, not only for the garrison, but for all the
refugees from the surrounding districts.[4]
Mr. Drummond, the magistrate of the district, who had from the first
been the chief opponent of precautionary measures for the security of
the residents, had the audacity to set the Lieutenant-Governor's order
for victualling the fort at defiance. He forbad grain or provisions
being sold to the Commissariat contractor, whose duty it was to
collect supplies, and positively imprisoned one man for responding to
the contractor's demands. It was at this official's instigation that
the Native police force was largely increased, instead of being done
away with altogether, as would have been the sensible course; and
as there was an insufficiency of weapons wherewith to arm the
augmentation, a volunteer corps of Christians, lately raised, was
disbanded, and their arms distributed amongst the Mahomedan police. So
far was this infatuated belief in the loyalty of the Natives carried
that it was proposed to disarm the entire Christian population, on the
pretext that their carrying weapons gave offence to the Mahomedans! It
was only on the urgent remonstrance of some of the military officers
that this preposterous scheme was abandoned.[5] The two Native
regiments stationed at Agra were not disarmed until one of the British
officers with them had been killed and another wounded. The gaol,
containing 5,000 prisoners, was left in charge of a Native guard,
although the superintendent, having reliable information that the
sepoys intended to mutiny, begged that it might be replaced by
European soldiers. The Lieutenant-Governor gave his consent to this
wise precaution, but afterwards not only allowed himself to be
persuaded to let the Native guard remain, but authorized the
removal of the European superintendent, on the plea of his being an
alarmist.[6]
On the 4th July Mr. Colvin, the Lieutenant-Governor, whose health had
been very indifferent for some time, was induced, much against his
will, to retire to the fort, and for the time being the management of
affairs passed into the hands of Brigadier Polwhele. There was little
improvement--indecision reigned supreme. Notwithstanding that the
gradual approach of the mutineers from Gwalior and Nasirabad was well
known, no preparations were made, no plan of action decided upon.
Polwhele, who was a brave old soldier, and had seen a great deal of
service, had, indeed, wisely come to the conclusion that the rebels
would never venture to attack a fort like Agra, and that, if left
alone, they would in all probability continue their march towards
Delhi. The available troops numbered less than 1,000 effective men,
and Polwhele felt that, by going out to attack the enemy, there would
be a grave risk of the seat of government falling into the hands of
the disaffected police and city people.
Unfortunately, however, the Brigadier allowed himself to be overruled,
and when the mutineers were reported to have arrived at Shahganj, four
miles from Agra, he gave way to the cry to 'Go out and do something!'
and issued orders for the troops to fall in.
A series of mishaps then occurred. It was one o'clock in the afternoon
of the 5th July before the column[7] was ready to start; the men in
their thick red uniform suffered greatly from the heat and thirst; the
enemy, 9,000 strong, with twelve guns, instead of being at Shahganj,
were found to be strongly entrenched at Sarsia, some distance farther
off. A protracted engagement then took place, and our troops, having
expended all their ammunition, were obliged to retreat, leaving many
dead and a gun on the field.
Meanwhile the city and cantonment were in a state of uproar. The first
gun was the signal for the guard at the gaol to release the 5,000
prisoners, who, as they appeared in the streets, still wearing their
fetters, caused a perfect panic amongst the respectable inhabitants;
while the evil-disposed made for the cantonment, to plunder, burn, and
murder. Some of the residents who had not sought shelter in the fort,
confident that our troops would gain an easy victory, on hearing of
their defeat hurried with all speed to that place of refuge, and for
the most part succeeded in reaching it; but a few were overtaken and
killed by the mob, aided by the trusted police, who had early in the
day broken into open mutiny.[8]
With one or two exceptions the officials, military and civil alike,
were utterly demoralized by all these disastrous occurrences, the
result of their own imbecility. For two days no one was allowed
to leave the fort or approach from the outside. Within was dire
confusion; without, the mob had it all their own way.
Early in August a despatch was received from the Governor-General
acknowledging the receipt of the report on the fight of the 5th July,
and directing that Brigadier Polwhele should be removed from the
command of his brigade. On the 9th September Mr. Colvin died; he
never recovered the shock of the Mutiny. As a Lieutenant-Governor
in peace-time he was considered to have shown great ability in the
management of his province, and he was highly respected for his
uprightness of character. One cannot but feel that it was in a great
measure due to his failing health that, when the time of trial came,
he was unable to accept the responsibility of directing affairs
himself, or to act with the promptitude and decision which were
demanded from all those occupying prominent positions in 1857.
Mr. Reade, the next senior civilian, assumed charge of the government
on Mr. Colvin's death, until orders were received from the Government
of India vesting the supreme authority in a military officer, and
appointing Colonel Hugh Fraser, of the Bengal Engineers, to be Mr.
Colvin's successor with the rank and position of a Chief Commissioner.
Lord Canning was doubtless induced to make this selection in
consequence of the courage and ability Colonel Fraser had displayed
during the Burmese War, and also on account of the sound advice he
had given to the Lieutenant-Governor in the early days of the
outbreak--advice which unfortunately was ignored. Mr. Reade, who had
proved himself worthy of his high position, gave Colonel Fraser
his cordial and unqualified support, but that officer, like his
predecessor, was in bad health, and found it difficult to exercise the
much-needed control. A constant state of panic continued to exist, and
no reliable information could be obtained of what was going on even in
the immediate neighbourhood. The relief afforded by the news of the
fall of Delhi was great, but short-lived, for it was quickly followed
by a report that the whole rebel army had fled from Delhi and was
hastening towards Agra, and that the mutineers from Gwalior and
Central India were advancing to attack the fort. Again all was
confusion. Reports as to the movements of the enemy were never the
same for two days together; at last what appeared to be authentic
intelligence was received: the Gwalior troops were said to be close
at hand, and those urgent appeals for assistance which were sent to
Greathed caused us to turn our steps towards Agra.
Our object having been attained, we were all anxious to depart. The
Chief Commissioner, however, was quite as anxious that we should
remain; firmly believing that the Gwalior troops would reappear, he
suggested that we should follow them up at least as far as Dholpur;
but this proposal Greathed firmly refused to accede to. The orders he
had received were to open up the country[9] between the Jumna and
the Ganges, and he had not forgotten the little note from Havelock
discovered in the fakir's platter.
At last the column was allowed to leave. The evening before our
departure Norman and I called on the Chief Commissioner to say
good-bye. We found Colonel Fraser greatly depressed, and inclined
to take a most gloomy view of the situation, evidently thinking the
restoration of our rule extremely doubtful. His last words to us were,
'We shall never meet again.'[10] He looked extremely ill, and his
state of health probably accounted for his gloomy forebodings. We, on
the contrary, were full of health and hope. Having assisted at the
capture of Delhi, the dispersion of the enemy who had attempted to
oppose us on our way through the Doab, and the troops we were serving
with having recently achieved a decisive victory at Agra over a foe
four times their number, we never doubted that success would attend
us in the future as in the past, and we were now only anxious to
join hands with Havelock, and assist in the relief of the sufferers
besieged in Lucknow.
[Footnote 1: 'They regarded the Mutiny as a military revolt; the rural
disturbances as the work of the mobs. The mass of the people they
considered as thoroughly loyal, attached to our rule as well from
gratitude as from self-interest, being thoroughly conscious of the
benefits it had conferred upon them. Holding these opinions, they did
not comprehend either the nature or the magnitude of the crisis. To
their inability to do so, many lives and much treasure were needlessly
sacrificed.'--'The Indian Mutiny,' Thornhill.]
[Footnote 2: The Gwalior Contingent was raised in 1844, after the
battles of Punniar and Maharajpore, to replace the troops of Maharaja
Scindia ordered to be reduced. It consisted of five batteries of
Artillery, two regiments of Cavalry, and seven regiments of Infantry,
officered by British officers belonging to the Indian Army, and
paid for out of the revenues of districts transferred to British
management.]
[Footnote 3: 'The Indian Mutiny,' Thornhill.]
[Footnote 4: Throughout the campaign the Commissariat Department never
failed: the troops were invariably well supplied, and, even during the
longest marches, fresh bread was issued almost daily.]
[Footnote 5: 'The Indian Mutiny,' Thornhill.]
[Footnote 6: 'The Indian Mutiny,' Thornhill.]
[Footnote 7: It consisted of the 3rd European Regiment, 568 strong,
a battery of Field Artillery, with Native drivers and a few European
Artillerymen, and about 100 mounted Militia and Volunteers, composed
of officers, civilians and others who had taken refuge in Agra.]
[Footnote 8: The police were suspected of having invited the
insurgents who defeated Polwhele to Agra.]
[Footnote 9: Known as the Doab.]
[Footnote 10: Colonel Fraser died within nine months of our leaving
Agra.]
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