time, to honor her boy's return. Mr. Hartland said a long,
earnest grace, thanking God for the bounties spread before them
less than for the return of the long-absent, and for their joyful
reunion. The girls were looking their prettiest, the boys full of
glee. All being more talkative than hungry, they discussed home
affairs, family affairs, the voyage, the tropics, and Valparaiso,
until Charlie, tired of his chair, pushed it back, and began
turning summersets over the floor, by way of digesting his
dinner.
{549}
A general move followed; father and George exchanged a few
sentences on business matters in a low voice to which nobody
listened, and the young man left the room. Presently he returned
with a bulky envelope, which he gave his father, saying:
There are the papers, sir; I think you will find the whole matter
very clearly stated, and the affair satisfactorily arranged."
Mr. Hartland took the bundle, and, placing himself at a side
table, turned the drop-light conveniently and began to open and
read. At this signal the rest of the party moved into the parlor;
mamma was placed in the most comfortable chair, and the young
people were presently absorbed in a conversational and
philosophical game. How long the wits of all of them had been on
the strain, not one of them could have guessed, when, just as
Robert was insisting that the article under discussion must be
red clover, and that it must be found chiefly in icebergs, or
else both Fanny and George had made wrong answers, suddenly their
father's tall figure loomed up before them. His usually calm face
was slightly tremulous.
"We never can be thankful enough, my dear boy," he began
abruptly, and his voice trembled also, "to have you among us once
more; and I must say I am very proud at the manner in which you
have managed this business."
George blushed, mamma's eyes filled with tears, and Charlie, who
for the last half-hour had been so sleepy that he was of no use
except to make a laugh at his own expense, rubbed his eyes and
looked up.
"George is a trump!" said he sententiously.
This was a great relief to papa, who fairly looked as if he would
have liked to cry himself, and the hubbub of voices and inquiries
which followed was quieted by Isabel placing herself at the
piano, and beginning the same strain from Mozart's Twelfth which
had charmed her brother on entering the gate.
George stood over the piano and again looked at Isabel, as if he
were half inclined to tell her something, but refrained; and
Isabel was too much occupied with her own plans and prospects to
indulge an indiscreet curiosity.
The next day Mr. Hartland having established himself in the
library soon after breakfast, and the younger members of the
family having gone out on their Christmas errands, Mrs. Hartland
bethought herself to go and see if her son's room were supplied
with all things necessary to his comfort. The door was open, and
George and Isabel were both there, gaily chatting and laughing,
amid a confused medley of books, papers, clothes, and odd
nicknacks, to which George was busily adding, as he pulled pile
after pile from his trunk. Isabel glanced from one object to
another, with the idle curiosity and eagerness begotten of such
occupation; but seeing her mother approach, she made haste to
clear the rocking-chair and place a footstool for her feet.
"Tell mother about that curious little pipe," she said.
"Yes, but let her see it first; isn't it odd?" said he, showing
it. "I thought of giving it to Robert, he is so fond of oddities;
and see, mother, is not this shagreen case pretty, with the
silver trimmings, and that quaint old medallion on the cover? It
will do to keep your needles and thimble in."
{550}
"Yes, and scissors, and a good-sized spool of cotton; it will do
nicely to take to the sewing society, mother dear."
"And here is a box which I thought of giving to father," returned
George, "only he never takes snuff," producing a beautiful amber
snuff-box, mounted and lined with gold.
"Exquisite! he could keep postage-stamps in it," suggested
Isabel.
"That would do very well for you girls, who only write three or
four letters a week; I have something else that will please
father much better." And he brought from his trunk a dagger of
fine metal, curiously wrought in arabesque, the massive handle
also richly carved and inlaid. While her mother was admiring the
workmanship of the dangerous little weapon, Bell took up, one
after another, the books upon the table, most of them old
acquaintances, travelling companions, taken from home and brought
home again. As she listened to the story of the pipe, mamma
observed in Isabel's hand a little, well-thumbed book which
attracted her attention.
"What book is that, dear?" she asked, as the story ended.
"A prayer-book," said Isabel.
"An Episcopal prayer-book?"
"No," said George, "a Catholic."
"What do you have that for?" said Mrs. Hartland, with a mingled
expression of surprise, contempt, and indignation.
"Because I want it," he returned, smiling.
"What do you want it for?" she exclaimed, instantly alarmed at
his look and tone.
"Because, dear mother, I want it to use; I am a Roman Catholic."
"A Roman Catholic! You might as well plunge this dagger into my
heart," said his mother, "as tell me that. Dearly as I love you,
I would much rather see you dead and buried."
"And I," said George quietly, "would much rather be dead and
buried than ever be a Protestant again."
"What infatuation! But how came you to be a Catholic, and what
put it into your head to change your religion?"
George began to tell her of an acquaintance formed on the outward
voyage with a Catholic priest, who was bound for the same port as
himself; of the inexplicable attraction which drew him to this
man; of the charm of his conversation and manners; of their
discussions; of the books which he lent him; of his tender and
fatherly advice and instructions--here Mrs. Hartland interposed
an expression of impatience and contempt--"in short, dear
mother," pursued the young man earnestly and quietly, "I became
perfectly convinced that the Catholic religion is the only true
religion; and as I did not choose to risk my salvation by living
any longer without it, I was received into the church before I
left Valparaiso."
"Well, I feel as if all the happiness of my life were blighted."
"I am sorry you feel so, dear mother; I am grieved to pain you,
but there was no help for it; you would not have me violate my
conscience."
"There is such a thing as an ill-enlightened conscience."
"That's so, my dear mother," said he, with something more than
his old bright smile, "and I am sure that when you have heard
fairly stated the arguments which have influenced me--"
"I don't want to hear any arguments or any reasons; I would
rather die than be a Catholic; it is a bad sign when young people
begin to think themselves wiser than their elders."
{551}
"So it is, dear mother; but you did not repulse Grace Estabrook
with that argument when she left the Unitarian church and began
to come to yours, against the wishes of both her parents."
"I don't wish to hear anything about it, or to talk or argue; the
whole subject is hateful to me. You have given us all the dagger,
my son," said she, placing it upon the table, and rising, she
went below to communicate to Mr. Hartland the sad intelligence.
The allusion to the dagger affected George very sensibly, and he
dreaded to go down-stairs or meet his father and sisters; but
having at last made the effort, he was immensely relieved to find
every one as kind as usual. His father's face was pale and
excited, but he said nothing; Bob stared at him rather saucily,
as if he were a phenomenon; and the rest of the family evidently
regarded him as an amiable dupe. This was hard, but endurable.
His spirits rose, he romped with the little ones, capped verses
with his sisters, and convinced every one that his self-respect
was in no way diminished by the slender appreciation put upon his
faith. There were, of course, not wanting arguments and
persuasions to lure him back to the faith of the family; but
George was not a fellow having once in his life met with positive
truth, to abandon it afterward for a mere negation.
After dinner, some of the novelties which he had brought home
were produced: the dagger, which his father accepted and admired,
without seeming seriously wounded by it; a collection of shells,
a set of corals, and some exquisite little articles of
mother-of-pearl. Kate fished out of his pocket a necklace, as she
called it, of garnet beads, not running all together, but
separated occasionally by little bits of gold chain, with a gold
medal pendent from it.
"Isn't this a reward of merit?" exclaimed she; "is this for me,
brother George? may I have it?"
"Yes," said George, laughing, "you may have it."
But it would not go over her head, and it had no clasp to fasten
round her neck; then she tried it on for a bracelet, but it would
fall off. In short, it was not meant to wear, nor for an ornament
at all, but for something else; and as she twirled it rather
uneasily over her fingers, not knowing exactly what to do with
it, George took it from her, and replaced it with a carnelian
necklace which he clasped round her white throat. Kate was
contented to see the little garnet beads slip back into her
brother's pocket, with the assurance that she should see them as
often as she wished, not, however, till they had been curiously
examined and inquired into by Charlie and Fanny.
"They are to say?" said Fanny, with great curiosity, "how do you
say them?" But before George could answer the question, the baby
was brought in, and the subject dropped.
The little one was petted, praised, and passed from hand to hand
with an affectionate eagerness which showed plainly that she was
not generally considered a nuisance, and at last all protested
that it was high time she had a name.
"I shall not call her Bridget, to please George," said mamma.
"But it would not please me, dear mother, to have you call her
Bridget. I see no more propriety in calling her Bridget than in
calling her Eulalie, or Genevieve, or Inez."
"I think I will call her Elizabeth Tudor; she was a good
Protestant."
{552}
"I doubt very much Elizabeth's being what you would call a good
Protestant," returned George merrily; "but if you call baby after
her, I shall immediately put her under the protection of St.
Elizabeth."
"Who was St. Elizabeth?" asked Fanny.
"She was a Hungarian princess, and very pious. She washed the
saints' feet and tended the sick and poor with her own hands."
"If it was a boy, I would call him Cranmer," said mamma.
"I guess not," said Mr. Hartland; "I should have something to say
about that."
"You might call her Jezebel, or Bathsheba," suggested Robert; "I
dare say they were both genuine Protestants." There was
frequently an uncertainty as to how Robert's missiles were
intended to fall; and whether his barbed arrows were sped in
innocence or with malice aforethought was a point in regard to
which the most unlimited private judgment was conceded to every
member of the family. Of course, nobody laughed at this sally,
though Isabel bit her lip to keep from smiling, and George said,
"Why not call her Annie, after Aunt Ann?"
"I have been thinking of that," said mamma, "only Isabel thinks
it is such a homespun name."
"I like homespun names," said papa.
Isabel liked Blanche, and Fanny suggested Margaret. Robert
thought Schwartz would be more appropriate than Blanche. George
said any name was good that was in the calendar. Robert said
Charlotte Corday was in the calendar. George thought not, and
after a brisk discussion and sundry pros and cons, it was decided
to call the little one Annie.
"And St. Anne was the mother of the Blessed Virgin Mary,"
whispered George to Isabel, as he opened the piano for her.
"Christmas gifts not appreciated," said George, turning round at
the head of the first flight of stairs to bid Isabel good night.
"What do you mean?" said Bell.
"I mean the dear little sister in there," pointing to his
mother's room, "whom you think a little nuisance."
"Psha!" said Isabel.
"And I here, too," he went on, "who should have been under the
water rather than have come home a Catholic. And the gift of
faith," he said seriously, "which God has bestowed upon me, and
which my friends would wish me to throw away or trample under
foot, and the guardianship of saints and angels, which people
mock at."
"Baby can hardly be called a Christmas present," said Bell,
"since she is four weeks old, and Christmas is not until next
Thursday."
"Not precisely."
"Nor your gift of faith, as you call it, since you became a
Catholic, you say, before leaving Valparaiso."
"Not as we usually speak; but every blessing comes to us really
because of the Incarnation, and so any blessing which we have
particularly to be thankful for may be gratefully regarded as a
Christmas gift."
"Well, it must be owned," said Isabel, "that you bring your
ideas, like the wise woman in the Proverbs, from afar."
George went on quietly without smiling. "There will be more
Christmas gifts next Thursday."
"I dare say," said Bell, though her face demanded an explanation.
"Father and mother will have another son, and we all shall have
another brother, and you will have one who in some sort will
stand to you in the place of God."
{553}
Bell colored and was silent. If she had chosen to speak, she
would have said that of all her brother's far-fetched ideas this
was the oddest, and one which she was little likely to
appreciate. She certainly had not regarded Philip at all in that
light, or as a gift from God any way. She returned her brother's
good night, and, going into her own room, meditated how George
was always the same incomprehensible fellow, always gay and full
of life, and yet always taking seriously what every one said in
temper or in fun, or by vanity, or for effect, "as if an idle
word signified." With every one else in the house she did pretty
much as she pleased; but George always contrived to manage her,
and had done so ever since she was born. He had a quiet, serious
way of talking to her, as if he were twenty years her senior,
which was not flattering to Bell's vanity; yet she loved him so
very much, she was not at all sure that she loved Philip better.
"Well, George," said Robert on Saturday night, "I suppose you are
not going to church to-morrow with us?"
"Probably not," said George.
"I suppose you will go to St. Lawrence's, over here, with
servant-girls, and stable-men, and rag-pickers; won't it be a
sweet crowd!"
"Do be quiet, Robert," said his father, "what difference does it
make whom you go to church with?"
"Mother," said Fanny, "may I go to church with brother George
tomorrow?"
"No, Fanny, you may _not_," said Mrs. Hartland shortly, "and
you are not to ask for such a thing. The Catholic religion is the
religion of the devil, and I don't want you to know anything
about it, or to hear or think anything about it. I would rather
you were dead and buried than that you should be Catholics, any
of you."
Poor Fanny looked dismayed, and Robert and Mary laughed
irreverently; but Mr. Hartland said mildly,
"If the Catholic religion were the religion of the devil, my
dear, I think there is nothing gained by saying so."
And when the children had dispersed for the night, and he was
alone again with Mrs. Hartland, he said:
"George has been led away by his imagination; and your vehement
opposition will only strengthen him; let him alone, and he will
get over this."
In due time Philip made his appearance. He was a gay, spirited,
handsome fellow--a great favorite with every one, and especially
with George, whose classmate he had been.
The Shirleys and Hartlands had been intimate for many years,
having moved in the same society, inherited the same religious
opinions, and imbibed by association the same ideas. Mr. Shirley
was a man of great wealth, and was still living; but Philip had
just inherited a fine property from the uncle after whom he was
named, so that he was as rich as he needed to be now, with a
prospect of as much again hereafter. Indeed, as Mrs. Hartland
rather proudly said, "It was precisely the connection which they
had most desired for Isabel."
And yet, such as Philip was, it was not strange, perhaps, that
George's idea of the Christmas gift should seem to Isabel
far-fetched. "But it is not so," George reasoned, "for you all
say that marriages are made in heaven, and St. James says that
'Every best gift, and every perfect gift, is from above, and
cometh down from the Father of lights.'"
{554}
Christmas eve arrived, and, according to the programme, the young
people were married. "The wedding was furnished with guests," and
it may be taken for granted at once that everything was planned
and carried out in the most approved style, since Isabel had the
supreme dictatorship. George was first groomsman, and the others
were selected from the list of Belle's inconsolable admirers.
Little Kate was the smallest bridesmaid, and went through her
part with serious gravity, evidently believing that she was
assisting at a solemn function. The bride and groom were
pronounced the handsomest couple, and so forth; the cake and the
weather were delicious. Philip certainly appreciated his
Christmas gift, and thought himself a happy man. He had always
considered Belle the prettiest girl in P----, as she was
certainly one of the cleverest; he was perfectly persuaded that
she was equally good and beautiful, and he had the grace to think
that his own wealth, with his other advantages, did no more than
place him upon a par with her. Certainly, Isabel's prospects of
happiness were very fair.
And so she passed away to adorn a new house, very much missed by
all at the old, and by none more than by Mary, who succeeded to
the place and honors of elder sister, though confessedly by no
means so beautiful, brilliant, or clever as "Miss Hartland that
was." But Mary was a good girl, played and sang very sweetly, and
was always ready to gratify her father with those simple ballads
in which he chiefly delighted. Home was quieter, but perhaps
scarcely less happy, and home happiness was constantly augmented
by the pleasure of anticipating Isabel's visits.
If Mr. Hartland really expected George to get over his love for
and belief in the Catholic religion, he was evidently doomed to
disappointment; for, to all appearance, it every day penetrated
more and more the very substance of his being, though he had
always been so sincerely religious that his external conduct was
modified by it less than might have been supposed. Fanny never
repeated her preposterous request for permission to go to church
with brother George; but she was perpetually slipping into his
room, peeping into his books, admiring his little pictures and
statuettes, trying, in fact, with a girl's insatiable curiosity,
to discover why the forbidden fruit was so unspeakably poisonous.
She incurred repeated scoldings for her restless inquest; and,
after being reproved the twentieth time for taking possession of
brother George's books and carrying them off into her own room,
she fairly disconcerted her mother by indignantly inquiring, "Why
they had no '_creed_,' and what right the people who first
started the Protestant religion had to hide away the 'Apostles'
Creed' from everybody, so that hundreds of persons who thought
themselves Christians, and meant to be Christians, lived and died
without ever knowing there was any 'creed.'"
Poor Mrs. Hartland was completely nonplussed; she knew nothing
about creeds herself, but she hesitatingly suggested that they
had a "form of covenant." This, Fanny insisted, was not the least
like the "Creed," and her mother, having no other forces in
reserve, took refuge in the usual invective, and assured her
daughter in the most solemn manner that she would prefer to see
her in her grave rather than have her imbibe her brother George's
sentiments.
{555}
Fanny, of course, was obliged to go to George for a satisfactory
answer to her question, and having learned from him the gradual
process by which the first Protestantism had dwindled down into
New England Congregationalism, her reverence for the system in
which she had been brought up was not increased.
Meanwhile, almost another year has passed away. Little Annie
Hartland is creeping about the carpet, or pushing herself round
with a chair, and, under great persuasion and generous bribery,
making some diffident attempts to talk. Isabel has been at home
some weeks, and is domiciled in her own old room. Philip's visits
are frequent, but short and uncertain, for though a rich he is by
no means an idle man. All are improving the last beautiful days
of autumn, in anticipation of the disagreeable weather of settled
winter.
Fanny, especially, who was fond of riding and a capital
horsewoman, rode almost every afternoon, sometimes without any
escort, and sometimes accompanied by Robert, who was very proud
of the elegant figure his sister made on her spirited yet gentle
horse.
On one of the loveliest of these days, as George, returning from
a long walk, was sauntering up the drive, he was startled at
seeing Robert upon the lower end of the piazza without a hat,
trembling, and excessively pale.
"Do you know? did you see her?" he asked, quivering with
excitement, and without waiting for an answer, "Fan--she's been
thrown--and mother says she's been terribly hurt."
"Where was she? who was with her? is she here?"
"In mother's room. Where were you that you did not see it?"
"I have been in the other direction, up toward the academy. Has
Philip come?"
"Yes, he came just before Fan was hurt."
George went up-stairs, and found Fanny quite insensible.
The poor child was settled in her mother's room, out of the way
of Isabel, whose little boy was only a week old, and from whom
the sad news was to be kept as long as possible. For some days it
seemed very doubtful whether Fanny would recover; but her youth
prevailed, and at last the doctor pronounced that, with great
care, she would be perfectly restored, though she would scarcely
be able to leave the house before spring.
During this interval Belle, who was rapidly convalescing, had
repeatedly asked for Fanny, and wondered so much that she did not
come to her room that it was at last no longer possible to
conceal her sister's injury. Isabel's excitement and agitation
were at first extreme; but the assurance that the invalid was now
doing well soon soothed and cheered her, and she pleased herself
that before long she could go into her mother's room and show
Fanny her beautiful baby.
"He is four weeks old to-morrow," said Isabel, "and the doctor
says I may go down-stairs to-morrow. Poor dear little Fanny! I
wonder when she will be able to go out? Do you know, George, I
think, considering all that has been said on several occasions
about preferring that we should be dead and buried rather than
that we should be this and that, we all ought to be very thankful
that Fanny was not killed outright?"
"Of course."
"I wonder if mother ever thought of it?"
{556}
But George made no reply; only, after a few minutes, he said:
"You ought to have this dear little fellow baptized, now, while
Philip is here."
"O clear!" said Isabel, "we don't dream of having him baptized
till spring; it is too cold; and Philip is going to-morrow
evening. Annie was almost six months old before she was
baptized."
"I know, but it is very wrong; most Catholic children are
baptized before they are ten days old."
"Oh! yes, I know you think it is necessary."
"If it is not necessary, I don't see why you do it at all."
"Why, it is a pious observance," said Isabel. "What hurry is
there? besides, we can't have him baptized now, for Philip and I
have not agreed what to call him."
"And while you are debating that point, you run the risk of
having him die without being baptized at all."
"I don't think there is any danger. He is as well as he can be.
And mother's little--I forget what his name was--died without
being baptized at all, and I don't believe it makes any
difference."
"Just as I told you last year, Belle," said George, smiling,
"gifts despised; you place a sacrament instituted by our blessed
Saviour himself on the same footing with grace at table; a pious
observance, of course; to be attended to, no doubt, when one is
not in too much of a hurry."
Isabel half smiled; but she was too proud and happy, and too busy
petting her darling, to regard much the drift of her brother's
words. At that moment Philip came in to get the baby to show
Fanny, and the three adjourned into their mother's room, Philip
carrying the baby, of whom he was evidently very proud.
"There are most too many of you," said Mrs. Hartland; but she
could not choose which to dismiss, so they all went in. "I don't
let Fanny hold _levees_, but you need not stay long."
Fanny was very fond of babies, and they made her examine his
beautiful eyes and forehead and dimpled chin; and then Belle
called her sister's attention to the exquisitely embroidered
dress which she herself had worked.
"I wonder how long it will be before I shall be able to work
another," said Fanny, with a patient smile.
"You will soon be well enough, dear Fanny, for me to come and
read to you," said George.
"Oh! yes, I shall enjoy that; and if Belle is going down-stairs
to-morrow, she can play a little, and if the doors are left open,
I shall hear."
"Yes, and Mary can play to you; for I shall be carrying Belle off
pretty soon," said Philip.
"No, indeed," said mamma, "she can't go till after Christmas; so
you will have to come back and spend Christmas with us."
"It will be a great drawback to our Christmas, having Fanny
upstairs," said Isabel.
"Yes," returned mamma; "but if she recovers, we shall have no
reason to complain."
"I have been telling Isabel that she ought to have the baby
baptized while Philip is here," said George.
"Nonsense, George!" replied his mother; "nobody thinks as you do,
and why will you be forcing your peculiar notions upon us?" And
so the suggestion passed and was thought of no more.
"Put him down and let me kiss him," said Fanny; "dear little
fellow! I wish I could take him." But she knew it was impossible,
and she made no objection when, after a few minutes, Mrs.
Hartland put them all out of the room.
{557}
That evening, when the baby was put to bed, Mrs. Hartland thought
he seemed dull; but this was natural enough; nurse said he was
sleepy. He slept very well and was bright in the morning, but
toward night became dull again. Another day brought no
improvement, and Mrs. Hartland became uneasy. She consulted the
doctor, and strictly followed his suggestions, but the symptoms
were only aggravated. She did not like to show Belle her anxiety,
and proposed taking the baby herself into Fanny's vacant room, in
order, she said, that Isabel need not be disturbed. For two
nights she watched and tended him, hardly sleeping herself until
daylight, when she suffered Mrs. Reilly to take her place.
Mrs. Reilly was a kind, prudent, motherly woman, and very fond of
Mrs. Hartland's children, most of whom had been washed and
dressed by her for the first time in their lives. She was also a
Catholic.
The second night George sat in his room till very late, reading.
Shortly before midnight, he went to bed, and slept uneasily for
two or three hours, then rose, and finding that it wanted some
minutes to four o'clock, he dressed, and resumed his reading,
listening the while till some one in the house should stir.
Soon after the great hall-clock struck five, Mrs. Reilly left
Isabel's room very softly, and went into Fanny's to take the
baby. George waited until he heard his mother pass from the
little room into her own, and close the door. Then he went
down-stairs and into Fanny's room, where Mrs. Reilly sat with the
poor little suffering child upon her lap.
"Is there any change?" he asked.
She shook her head.
"He'll not live till night, Mr. George," she whispered. "Poor
Miss Belle! what will she do?"
Mrs. Reilly could not get over her habit of calling: Isabel "Miss
Belle."
"Did you ever baptize a child, Mrs. Reilly?"
"Indeed I have, sir."
"Then you can do it once more," said he, smiling sadly. "We must
not let this child die without baptism." And he poured water into
the basin, and brought it to her.
And the humble Irish nurse performed those sacred acts which, by
the power of the Word made flesh, sanctify the soul.
George replaced the basin, kissed the little creature upon whose
head the baptismal water was still glistening, and returned to
his own room as silently as he came.
Isabel slept heavily and uneasily, and woke unrefreshed and with
a vague sense of apprehension. She rose on hearing the bell ring
for family prayers, and hearing her brothers go down-stairs she
dressed languidly and went into the next room.
The babe still lay upon the pillow in the nurse's lap, and,
although the breakfast-bell had already rung, Mary was sitting in
the window, looking silently and with folded arms at the sick
child.
"Why, he seems so sick," said Isabel, with a tone and look of
pain and alarm.
"Yes," said Mary, "he is very sick."
Mary had always helped her mother more than Belle in taking care
of the little ones, and she knew better than her sister how to
judge of illness. Isabel asked several questions, to which Mrs.
Reilly gave only the most vague and cautious answers. The faint
ring of silver was heard in the hall.
"There is your breakfast, Belle, dear," said Mary, "go into your
own room and take some coffee; you ought not to be standing about
here without having taken anything." "O dear!" said Isabel, "I
don't want any breakfast. I wonder when Philip will come, and
what will he say to see the baby so sick?"
{558}
After a few moments, she followed her sister's advice.
Mechanically she put the sugar and cream into the coffee, and had
just drunk it off, and pushed away the little stand, when the
door opened and Philip entered.
"Where is he?" and his face of agony and consternation told all.
He had been sent for, and she knew why.
"Oh! no, no, they don't think he will die," cried Isabel
passionately, throwing herself into Philip's arms; "they don't
think he will die! O my darling! my baby! my beautiful boy!" And
she rushed into the next room.
Her grief was terrible to witness, and Philip had to command
himself.
"He has changed a good deal since daylight," said Mrs. Reilly,
looking up at Philip; but she was sorry she had looked, and
hastily turned her eyes again upon the child.
Presently Mrs. Hartland came in, and insisted that Philip should
go down and have some breakfast, and he felt bound to obey.
Isabel was stunned. It had never entered her head that _he_
could die; he was so strong and bright and beautiful, and he was
_hers_. She threw herself helplessly upon the couch, and
cared for nothing. By and by she remembered that now she could
see him for a little while, but that soon she could see him no
more, and she rose and went into the room.
George and Philip were both there. The quiet little form lay
sweetly, as in sleep, upon the white counterpane of Fanny's cot.
Death had only beautified him. The tiny waxen hands clasped upon
the breast, almost as white as the white rosebud they enfolded,
the smile of beatitude upon the face, the beautiful forehead, the
closed eyes with their long lashes--no pain, no sorrow, the
ineffable peace there, contrasting with the tumult of agony in
her own soul, brought the tears to Belle's eyes.
George could not help thinking of his own little brother, just
about as old, whom, years ago, he had seen lying in the same way
in that very room, upon whose head the baptismal water had never
fallen; and he thought Isabel very happy.
And thus was laid away, till the morning of the resurrection, the
fair casket which had enclosed, for so short a time, a beautiful
soul.
Isabel's room was neatly set in order. It was the brightest and
prettiest chamber in the house, but it looked empty and desolate,
though the family inclined to congregate there, every one wishing
to do something to comfort their poor sister.
"It is five weeks to-day since my little darling was born," said
Isabel; "how proud and happy I was only a week ago, showing him
to Fanny."
George seemed in a reverie, but after a moment he said,
"And it is a year to-day since I returned from Valparaiso."
Belle fixed a look of anguish upon her brother's face, and then
wept bitterly, until having stopped, apparently from mere
exhaustion, she said,
"I have been properly punished."
"What do you mean, Belle dear?"
"I mean I have been punished for making so light of one little
life, or rather, for my own life-long selfishness," said she,
looking at Annie who was playing upon the carpet.
George looked at Isabel with much concern and tenderness, but
said nothing.
{559}
"I deserve to be punished, I know, George. I have been perfectly
selfish. I have thought more, all my life long, about dress and
vanity and pleasure than about anything else in the world. I have
been a member of the church and have had a class in the
Sunday-school, and I have thought myself a very good Christian;
but I have really occupied all my life in thinking how I should
contrive to look prettier and to dress better than others, and to
secure my personal gratification. And I have always thought
everything a nuisance that has stood in my way. When the dear
baby came, I have been thinking ever since he was born how I
should dress him and make him look pretty--and now the body that
I thought so much of--" She stopped and sobbed again.
"Don't make yourself so unhappy, my darling sister," said George
tenderly, as he rose and kissed her.
She seemed soothed, and presently ceased weeping.
"And for my Christmas gift this year, I have that little grave."
"Dear Belle, you must not be too hard upon yourself; the gifts of
God are as many as the sands upon the sea-shore, and one honest
sight of one's self is a Christmas gift worth having. Even if we
think we are punished, his chastisements are always gifts, if we
know how to receive them; my dear sister, isn't it so?"
"I have heard so times enough from the pulpit," said Belle,
through her tears; "but you know, George, I have never thought
about those things. And then, my baby's soul, which I cared so
little about--dear George, do you really think it makes any
difference?"
"What, dear?"
"Whether he was baptized or not?"
"I don't _think_ anything about it, my darling sister; I
_know_ that it makes all the difference between going
instantly to the heaven of heavens, where God is, and staying,
perhaps for ever and ever, in a place which, though not an
unhappy place, is by no means so happy as the very
presence-chamber of the King of kings. But you need not grieve
about that; for he was baptized, and your little darling has gone
to keep a joyful Christmas in heaven."
And then he told Belle how he came down that morning, and how
Mrs. Reilly had baptized the child.
Isabel listened and wept and seemed comforted.
"I am sure I thank you, dear George, you are always so kind and
thoughtful. I know father and mother don't think it makes the
least difference in the world, and I don't know why I should
trouble myself about it; but still, now that I have lost him, I
can't bear to think that anything was left undone which could
have been done to his possible advantage. And then Philip--Philip
is a great deal better than I am; I have thought very often,
George, of what you said last year about Philip being a gift to
me--a gift from God; he really is very good, and he seemed to
feel so badly because baby was not baptized."
"Our blessed Saviour has given us the sacrament of baptism for
_something_, no doubt," said George, "and it is taking
considerable upon ourselves, short-sighted creatures as we are,
to pronounce that it is of no consequence to any one, even to a
babe a day old. But you must be comforted now, my darling sister,
and remember that God has given you this year for your Christmas
gift, not merely that little grave, but a spotless soul before
his throne, who will never cease to pray for you and Philip until
you are so happy as to arrive there yourselves."
Then bending over her, he made the sign of the cross on her fair
forehead, and in his heart invoked on her those Christmas
benedictions which faith alone can give.
----------
{560}
The American College In Rome.
We design, in the few following re to call the attention of our
readers to a work which is in process of execution in this
country at present, to secure an endowment for the American
College in the Eternal City. In the earnest appeal which will be
found at the end of this article, made by the most Rev.
Archbishop of Baltimore and the Rt. Rev. Bishop of Philadelphia,
in the name of their brethren of the Episcopate, to the more
wealthy among our American Catholics, the reasons are plainly
stated why this should be done. The voice of our prelates is to
us the voice of God; and we believe that we are furthering the
designs of his providence in sustaining this institution, which
was founded by the Holy Father for the benefit of the Catholics
of the United States. We have had the college in Rome for some
years, and we are now called upon to decide whether we shall
permit it to be closed for want of proper support, and thus show
that we are not able to appreciate the gift of his Holiness, to
maintain the College when he has given the building, to do our
share when he has so generously done his.
The prelates have placed the whole question with admirable
practical wisdom before us. Their plan is both grand and
feasible, and is characterized by that energy of purpose, zeal
for religion, and attachment to the real progress of the church,
which eminently distinguish the hierarchy, the clergy, and the
faithful of the United States.
It is not necessary to recapitulate the arguments which are
contained in the circular, for they speak for themselves.
Reference, however, may be briefly made to some of the immense
advantages which are enjoyed by the young Levites brought up in
the centre of unity, as Samuel of old within the precincts of the
temple. In the first place, the constant presence of the visible
head of the church upon earth reminds them continually of our
blessed Lord's promises to his first Vicar, so perfectly
fulfilled in the long line of his successors, the gates of hell
continually striving but never prevailing against them, and
excites in their hearts that true devotion to the Holy See which
is the surest test of orthodoxy, as it is the most perfect
safeguard against error. Wherever they turn, they behold the
evidences of the victory achieved by the faith of Christ over
paganism and infidelity. The despised cross has fully conquered.
The student in Rome is continually reminded of the immense
revolution which took place first in Rome, when Constantine
embraced the faith of Christ, and the Caesars gave place to the
pontiffs, and heathen temples were converted to the worship of
the one true God, and Rome became the centre of another empire
grander far than the one of which she was the centre before,
which stretches "from sea to sea, and from the river to the ends
of the earth." There is something, moreover, in the atmosphere of
Rome provocative of study; nor is there wanting that generous
competition which serves to awaken every energy in the endeavor
to excel in the various departments of learning. Rome is, in this
sense, an intellectual arena in which contend bright intellects
from all parts of the known world, whose powers are brought out
and strengthened by their very exercise.
{561}
Not only are there many advantages to be enjoyed there in a
literary and intellectual point of view, but even greater in a
spiritual. Where else are the great festivals of our holy
religion celebrated with the splendor and magnificence that they
are there? Where else is God awarded the first place, and
religion paramount? Where else is devotion to the blessed
sacrament practised as it is in Rome? To say nothing of the
countless masses, of the churches open from early dawn to dusk;
the kneeling worshippers; no day in the year but what, in the
beautiful devotion of the Forty Hours, the blessed sacrament is
exposed to the adoration of the faithful--now here, now
there--the Son of God upon his earthly throne; lights burning as
they burn nowhere else; and the silent throng adoring,
worshipping, thanking, praying. Then the intense devotion to the
Blessed Virgin, the Madonna at every street corner, in every
shop, in every house, and the light which love and reverence have
lighted, burning before it. It has well been said that the
business of Rome is prayer. What an advantage for one who must
labor in a country like ours, filled with every form of religious
error, to have these memories to fall back upon, to encourage him
in the midst of the contradiction of these dogmas of our holy
faith in which he has to dwell, to stimulate both himself and the
flock committed to his care to imitate the example of fervent
piety and devotion which Rome sets to the world. How powerful
there, too, the example of the saints! Nowhere else so much as in
Rome does the truth spoken by the apostle, that we are "the
fellow-citizens of the saints and the domestics of God," come
home to us; we seem to stand in their footsteps, from the martyrs
who laid down their lives during the fearful persecutions of the
first three centuries to the confessors and virgins almost of our
own day. There lie, side by side, the bodies of the great
apostles, Peter and Paul; of Peter, who received from our blessed
Lord the charge of the sheep and lambs of his flock; of Paul,
miraculously converted to faith in Him whose followers he had
persecuted; who, in turn, became the great instrument in the
hands of God of preaching that holy faith and leading thousands
to embrace it. There, in that amphitheatre, the martyrs were torn
in pieces by wild beasts from the Libyan deserts. There, in those
catacombs, their bodies were reverently laid. Here, one martyr
after another suffered. There is the resting-place of Lawrence,
of Sebastian, of Agnes, of Cecily. Here lived those holy popes
whose names are found in the calendars of the saints; and, to
come nearer home to our own day, there St. Ignatius lived; here
St. Aloysius and St. Stanislaus Kostka passed their angelic
lives, and breathed out their pure souls to God. This was the
home of St. Philip Neri, the apostle of Rome; here he preached,
said mass, and heard confession.
But the list is too long, and we must stop. Let the examples
given suffice. There can be no question of the advantages of such
influences as these upon the lives of those who are surrounded by
them, and specially upon those who are to be consecrated to God
in the service of his sanctuary.
{562}
Another point must be remembered, and that is, that as Rome is to
us what Jerusalem was, under the old dispensation, in a certain
sense, the place whither the "tribes of the earth go up," so it
is very desirable that every nation should have a college there
which should serve as a kind of headquarters to represent them,
and to which persons coming from that nation could go, and feel
that they were at home. Thus, the Englishman naturally finds his
way to the English college, the Irishman to the Irish, and so on;
and he finds those there who can speak to him in his own tongue,
and to whom he can apply for advice and information. Again, at
Rome are the _limina apostolorum_, which every bishop is
bound to visit at certain periods of his episcopate. We have now
between forty and fifty bishops in this country, and from time to
time they go thither, as Paul did to see Peter, to expose to the
Chief Pastor the condition of their flocks, to consult with him,
and to obtain for themselves and their flocks the blessing of the
Vicar of our Lord upon earth. During the late gathering at Rome,
fourteen of our bishops were lodged at the American College.
During the coming council there should be more; and at other than
these special times there will be sometimes one, sometimes
another of our bishops there, not for himself, but for us; and
this alone should be a strong argument why the college should be
sustained, that as the bishops of other nations have homes in
Rome, so ours should have one too.
There can be no doubt, then, about the advantages of the college
and the importance of maintaining it. It involves an outlay of
money, but the return will be sure and great. There is no more
pressing need at the present time than that which this college,
with many others, supplies, namely, an increased number of
priests. There are five millions of Catholics in this country,
and it is impossible that with so many to prevent it, and
specially of the class now called upon, the necessity of closing
the college should occur.
We are proud of our country, of its lakes, and its rivers, and
its mountains, surpassed nowhere in the world. Let us not be
content with these natural excellences which are not of our
making, but come to us from the hand of God. Let us try to excel
in those things which are under our control--in virtue, in
learning, and in all that makes man great and good; and in this
particular instance let us try to excel the other nations in our
college in Rome. Let it be a model in discipline, in spirit, and
in intellectual culture. Let us try to make it the leading
college in this respect, and also in the number of students. In
this point let it be second only to the Propaganda. Let us not be
satisfied until we have it fully established, and at least a
hundred students within its walls. That this may be accomplished,
we call the attention of our readers to the appeal, and trust
that every one who is able will take part in this great
undertaking to the utmost of his ability.
Appeal To The More Wealthy Among
The Catholics Of The United States.
Beloved Children In Christ: You are aware that some years ago
the cluster of National Colleges in Rome was increased by one,
and that one was the College representing our own nation.
Almost every nation had previously been represented there: the
Irish, the English, the Scotch, the French, the Germans, the
South Americans, etc. At last the deficiency was supplied,
through the munificence of our beloved Pontiff, Pius IX., who
generously bestowed a spacious and centrally located site for
the purpose. Our College was opened, and it has already trained
a number of priests for the American Mission; while it has also
been a place to which Americans in Rome, no matter what their
faith, might resort, and feel that they were at home.
{563}
Unfortunately, however, sufficient means were not provided, at
the commencement, to establish the College on a solid basis;
and after struggling on for some years, it is now in imminent
danger of being closed. It would be one thing never to have had
the College, but it is another altogether to have had it and to
lose it. This latter contingency, besides being a great
disgrace to us, would be also an irreparable loss to the
country.
The late Plenary Council ordered a general collection for the
relief of the immediate wants of the College; nor is it our
intention to supersede this collection, but rather to aid it
toward effectually accomplishing the object in view. This
collection will still be necessary to pay debts already
incurred, and to provide for pressing needs.
But, in addition to the general collection, which we hope will
soon be taken up, it has been suggested to propose to our
wealthier Catholics, for their imitation in this matter, the
noble example of their forefathers in the faith, who did great
things for religion and for God. Instances of this occur in
Rome itself, where, besides several other colleges for various
nationalities, founded principally by the munificence of
particular wealthy Catholics to rear up priests for their
respective countries, the English College, since such a
blessing to the English nation, was founded by Ina and by Offa,
Saxon princes, first as a resting-place for English pilgrims,
and then as a nursery to train up priests for the English
Mission. In those days, kings and princes, and men of wealth
willingly founded and endowed churches, colleges, asylums,
hospitals, institutions of religion, learning, and charity,
whose very ruins, in lands where they have been allowed to go
to ruin, are monuments of former Catholic munificence while
they are a reproach to our own degenerate days. It has been
thought that, at this juncture, this glorious example of our
ancestors would be promptly imitated; and that an appeal made
to those Catholics in this country, whom God has blessed with
abundant means, to come to the rescue, and not only to save the
College, but to put it at once on a sound and substantial
basis, would not be made in vain, but would be generously
responded to.
It is with this view, that we make our earnest appeal to you at
this time, and propose a plan which, we think, with your
co-operation, will be successful in speedily founding and
endowing the American College in Rome. We urge the matter upon
you the more strongly, as next year the great General Council
is to be convened in Rome, and we are to meet the bishops of
the whole world in one of those grand assemblies which mark an
era in the history of the Universal Church. To the Councils of
Nice, Ephesus, Chalcedon, Lateran, Lyons, Florence, and Trent,
is to be added that of the Vatican. Let us, before we go to the
Holy City, have the consolation of knowing that, through your
munificence, we have a college there to which we can proudly
point, as bishops of a great Catholic people; let us be spared
the disgrace of going thither to find its doors closed, and its
name blotted out from the list of National Colleges existing in
the Eternal City. We confidently appeal to you as Catholics and
as Americans, loving your religion and your country, that this
may not be so. Surely, the means with which God has blessed you
can be applied to no higher or holier purpose than this; nor
can there be any which will draw down upon you and your
families a more abundant blessing of heaven. The prayers and
holy sacrifices which will be cheerfully offered up in your
behalf by those who, through your bounty, will be trained up
for the holy ministry, cannot fail to draw down upon you
heaven's choicest benedictions. Our plan, then, is briefly
this:
We wish to raise from $250,000 to $300,000. We have appointed,
as our agent in the matter, the Rev. G. H. Doane, Chancellor of
the Diocese of Newark, to visit all the principal dioceses of
the United States, and call upon those who are most able, to
contribute their subscriptions. We propose that of these
generous contributors to a noble work there should be three
classes:
1. Founders Of Burses; who will contribute, once for all,
_five thousand dollars_ in currency, yielding something
over two hundred dollars, in gold, of yearly interest; and who
will have the right of selecting, from those who will be
recommended and approved of their respective bishops for this
purpose, one student of the College for ever.
2. Patrons; who will contribute _one thousand dollars_,
once for all, and will be entitled to send a student, approved
of by the bishop, for three years.
3. Life Members; who, by contributing _five hundred
dollars_, will share in the holy sacrifices and prayers of
the College and of the students.
The names of all these three classes will be enrolled, and
placed in a handsome frame, to be kept in the Chapel of the
American College; and solemn high mass will be celebrated for
them in Rome twice a year--once for the living and once for
the deceased benefactors; besides the private masses which the
priests educated at the College will feel impelled by gratitude
to offer up frequently for their respective patrons and
benefactors and their families.
{564}
This plan, if zealously and efficiently carried out, will, we
are convinced, accomplish the desired result in very short
time. One Catholic gentleman in Baltimore has already founded a
Burse, and others will follow his good example. We believe that
we can safely calculate on the following amounts to be realized
in the United States, under the three heads above named:
Twenty Burses, at $5,000---- $100,000
One Hundred Patrons, at $1,000---- 100,000
One Hundred Life Members, at $500.---- 50,000
Total $250,000
The reverend father to whom we have entrusted this important
matter, and in whose zeal and efficiency we have the utmost
confidence, will call upon you during the course of the coming
winter. You will, we are quite sure, receive him worthily, as
our representative; and you will enable him, we trust, to
return to us with fresh and abundant proofs of your well-known
generosity and self-sacrifice, and with an ample and sufficient
sum not only to save, but to endow, and render perpetual for
all time, our _American College in Rome_.
M. J. Spalding,
_Archbishop of Baltimore, and Chairman of Metropolitans._
J. F. Wood,
_Bishop of Philadelphia, Chairman Executive Committee
of Bishops, and Treasurer._
_Baltimore_, Feast of the Presentation of the
Blessed Virgin, 1868.
Letter Of Rev. George H. Doane.
Having been appointed by the Most Rev. Archbishop of Baltimore,
and the Rt. Rev. Bishop of Philadelphia, as Chairmen
respectively of Metropolitans, and of the Executive Committee
of Bishops, who have charge of the affairs of the American
College in Rome, with the duty of endeavoring to raise an
endowment fund for the College, I have, with the consent of my
own bishop, accepted the trust which they have confided to me,
and propose to enter upon the work at once. Before Christmas I
hope to visit, with the consent of the Archbishops and Bishops
of those Sees, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Albany, Boston, and
Hartford; during the holidays, New-York, Brooklyn, and Newark;
and about the middle of January to start for the North, West,
and South.
Love for Rome, and the desire to make some little return for
the many blessings I received while a student in one of the
National Colleges there, (the American College not having then
been founded,) by trying to procure the same blessings to
others; and love for my country, with the desire to see
preserved for her, in the very heart of the Eternal City, a
place where some of her young Levites may grow up in the
schools of Rome, under the shadow of St. Peter's, and in the
immediate presence of the Vicar of our Lord upon earth, are the
motives which prompt me to undertake this arduous duty.
That it may succeed, I earnestly beg the prayers of the
faithful, the generous and zealous co-operation of all in the
good work, and remembrance on the part of my fathers and
brethren at the altar of God in the daily sacrifice.
G. H. Doane.
----------
{565}
Catholicity And Pantheism.
Number Three.
The Problem Of Multiplicity.
In the development of the Catholic idea of God, which we have
given in the previous number, we have met with no opposition from
pantheism.
Here, however, it raises the most difficult as well as the most
sublime and profound question which can be proposed to human
intelligence--the problem of multiplicity. We shall let a
pantheist propose it in his own words.
It will be remembered that the last of the attributes which we
vindicated as belonging to the infinite was that of absolute
unity. This attribute gives rise to the problem.
"What is unity," says Cousin, "taken by itself? A unity
indivisible, a dead unity, a unity which, resting in the depths
of its absolute existence, and never developing itself, is, for
itself, as if it were not. In the same manner, what is variety
without unity? A variety which, not being referable to a unity,
can never form a totality, or any collection whatever, is a
series of indefinite quantities, of each of which one cannot say
that it is itself and not another, for this would suppose that it
is one; that is, it would suppose the idea of unity; so that,
without unity, variety also is as if it were not. Behold what
variety or unity isolated would produce; the one is necessary to
the other in order to exist with true existence; with that
existence, which is neither multiple, various, mobile, or
negative existence; nor that absolute, eternal, infinite
existence, which is, as it were, the negation of existence. Every
true existence, every reality, is in the union of these two
elements; although, essentially, the one may be superior and
anterior to the other. You cannot separate variety from unity,
nor unity from variety; they necessarily coexist. But how do they
coexist? Unity is anterior to multiplicity; how then has unity
been able to admit multiplicity?" [Footnote 162]
[Footnote 162: Cousin's _History of Modern Philosophy_.]
Again: "Reason, in whatever way it may occupy itself, can
conceive nothing, except under the condition of two ideas, which
preside over the exercise of its activity; the idea of the unit,
and the idea of the multiple; of the finite and the infinite; of
being and of appearing; of substance and of phenomenon; of
absolute cause and of secondary causes; of the absolute and of
the relative; of the necessary and of the contingent; of
immensity and of space, of eternity and of time.
"Analysis, in bringing together all these propositions, in
bringing together, for example, all their first terms, identifies
them; it equally identifies all the second terms, so that, of all
these propositions compared and combined, it forms a single
proposition, a single formula, which is the formula itself of
thought, and which you can express, according to the case, by the
unit and by the multiple, the absolute being and the relative
being, unity and variety, etc. Finally, the two terms of this
formula, so comprehensive, do not constitute a dualism in which
the first term is on one side, the second on the other, without
any other relation than that of being perceived at the same time
by reason.
{566}
The relation concerning them is quite otherwise
essential, unity being eternity, etc.; the first term of the
formula is cause also, and absolute cause; and, so far as
absolute cause, it cannot avoid developing itself in the second
term, multiplicity, the finite and the relative.
"The result of all this is, that the two terms, as well as the
relation of generation which draws the second from the first,
and which, without cessation, refers to it, are the three
integral elements of reason. It is not in the power of reason,
in its boldest abstractions, to separate any one of these three
terms from the others. Try to take away unity, and variety
alone is no longer susceptible of addition--it is even no
longer comprehensible; or, try to take away variety, and you
have an immovable unity--a unity which does not make itself
manifest, and which, of itself, is not a thought; all thought
expressing itself in a proposition, and a single term not
sufficing for a proposition; in short, take away the relation
which intimately connects variety and unity, and you destroy
the necessary tie of the two terms of every proposition. We may
then regard it as an incontestable point, that these three
terms are distinct but inseparable, and that they constitute at
the same time a triplicity and an indivisible unity." [Footnote
163]
[Footnote 163: Lecture Fifth.]
As the reader may have observed, Cousin raises the problem of
multiplicity. He expresses it under a logical form, but the
problem is a metaphysical one, and hence applicable to all
orders, logical as well as ontological. It is raised by all
pantheists, whose words we abstain from quoting for brevity's
sake; and so far as the problem itself is concerned, it is a
legitimate one; and every one, who has thought deeply on these
matters, and is not satisfied with merely looking at the surface
of things, must accept it.
Let us put it in its clearest light. The infinite, considered
merely as unity, actuality, (all words which mean the same
thing,) can be known neither to itself nor to any other
intelligence. It cannot be known to itself. For to know implies
thought, and thought is absolutely impossible without a duality
of knowing and of being known, of subject and of object. It
implies an intelligence, an object, and a relation between the
two. If, then, there is no multiplicity in the infinite, it
cannot know itself. It is, for itself, as if it were not; for
what is a being which cannot know itself?
Nor can it be known to any other intelligence; for mere
existence, pure unity does not convey any idea necessary to
satisfy the intelligence.
Moreover, the mere existence and unity of an object does not make
it, on that account, intelligible. For an object to be
intelligible, it is required that it should be able to act on the
intelligence, such being the condition of intelligibility.
[Footnote 164] Now, action implies already a multiplicity, a
subject and the action. Therefore, if the infinite were mere pure
unity, it could not be intelligible to any intelligence. But in
the supposition that there is a kind of multiplicity in the
infinite, how would multiplicity be reconciled with unity? How
would these two terms agree?
[Footnote 164: See _Balmes's Fundamental Philosophy_, on
Intelligibility.]
Multiplicity seems to be a necessary condition of the infinite,
without which it would not be intelligible either to itself or to
others. Absolute unity seems also to be a necessary attribute of
the infinite, and yet these two necessary conditions seem to
exclude each other. How then must we bring them together?
{567}
This is the problem to be solved; the grandest and most sublime
problem of philosophy; which has occupied every school of
philosophy since man began to turn his mind to philosophical
researches.
The two great antagonists, pantheism and catholicity, give an
answer to the problem, and it is the province of this article to
discuss the two solutions, and see which of them can stand the
test of logic, and really answer the problem instead of
destroying it. We shall enter upon the discussion, after
premising a few remarks necessary to the right understanding of
the discussion.
The first remark which we shall make is to call the attention of
the reader to the absolute necessity for the existence of the
problem.
It is not pantheism, nor Catholicity, which arbitrarily raises
the problem; it exists in the very essence of being, in the very
essence of intelligibility. Those philosophers who cannot see it
may have taken a cursory glance over some pages of what purports
to be philosophy, but they never understood a word of that which
really deserves the name of that sublime science. We make this
remark for two different reasons: First, in order to close the
door to all the objections raised against the problem. For if it
is demonstrated that a multiplicity is required in the infinite,
then to raise objections against it only shows want of
philosophic depth, but does not prove anything against the
existence of the problem. We shall return to this subject. The
second reason is a consequence of the first, to wit, that should
we find that the answer to the problem is not as clear and
evident as we might desire, we must not, on that account, reject
the problem, but should be satisfied with the light that is
afforded. This is but reasonable. Deny the problem we cannot. It
follows then that we must be satisfied with an answer which,
whilst it saves the problem, throws as much light on it as is
possible, under the circumstances.
Pantheistic Solution Of The Problem
Of Multiplicity And Unity In The Infinite.
Pantheism arrives at infinite unity by eliminating from it all
possible determination, definition, reality, ideality, thought,
will, consciousness; and rising from abstraction to abstraction,
from elimination to elimination, from a more limited
indefiniteness to a higher and broader and less restricted one,
up to mere simple, unalloyed abstraction and unity.
All pantheists follow the same process in order to arrive at
unity. Cousin calls it dead, immovable, inconceivable; a thing
existing as if it were not; the Being--Unreality of Hegel. But
ascended to such a summit, all multiplicity eliminated, and pure
unalloyed unity once found, how is multiplicity to be
reconstructed? With the greatest ease in the world. Pantheists
make this Being--nothing unfold and develop itself like a
silkworm; alleging, as a reason for such development, an
intrinsic necessity of nature, an imperative instinct which
broods in its bosom.
Thus they reconstruct multiplicity by making the Infinite become
finite, cosmos, matter, spirit, humanity, etc. Let us hear
Cousin: "This is the fundamental vice of ancient and modern
theories; they place unity on one side, and multiplicity on the
other; the infinite and the finite in such an opposition that the
passage from one to the other seems impossible."
{568}
And, after having remarked that this was the error of the school
of Elea, he continues: "Immensity or unity of space, eternity or
unity of time, unity of numbers, unity of perfection, the ideal
of all beauty, the Infinite, the absolute substance, being
itself, is a cause also, not a relative, contingent, finite
cause, but an absolute cause. Now, being an absolute cause, it
cannot avoid passing into action. If being, in itself alone, is
given as absolute substance without causality, the world is
impossible; but if being in itself is also a cause and an
absolute cause, movement and the world naturally follow. The true
absolute is not pure being in itself; it is power and cause taken
absolutely, which consequently creates absolutely, and, in
_developing_ itself, produces all that you see around you."
We quote Cousin in preference to others on account of his
lucidity of style and expressions; but every one acquainted with
the systems of the German pantheists knows that their answer to
the problem of multiplicity is substantially the same. We refer
the reader, in confirmation of our assertion, to the excellent
lectures on the systems of the German Pantheists, of Heinrich
Moritz Chalybäus, professor at the University of Kiel.
Now, does the answer resolve the problem? Does it really
conciliate unity with multiplicity in the Infinite? Does it
really maintain intact the two terms of the problem? We think
that it does not, and maintain that it destroys both terms of the
problem. The leading idea and principle of Pantheism is that
unity is _becoming_ multiplicity.
It is an existence in a continual _ex-sistere_ in an
emergence and manifestation. [Footnote 165]
[Footnote 165: Chalybäus' Lectures, etc.]
Now, who can fail to perceive that if unity is such, that is,
unity when it is merely potential, when it has only the power of
becoming, of passing into multiplicity, it is doubtless destroyed
as soon as it passes from the power into the act; or, in other
words, it is destroyed as unity when it becomes multiplicity?
Strip this idea of a potential unity becoming actual
multiplicity, strip it of all the logical phantasmagoria with
which it has been adorned, especially by pantheists of the German
school, which phantasmagoria can only impose upon the simple, and
you can see, as clearly as that two and two make four, that the
whole thing amounts to nothing but to this; that unity vanishes
as soon as it becomes multiplicity. It is with a special
intention that we have made use of the simile of the silkworm.
This poor creature too, like the unity of the pantheists, has an
instinct given it by God, of unfolding and developing itself, and
the effect of its operation is the silk which serves to set off
the beauty of man. But unfortunately, the process of development
exhausts the little creature; for when it is completed, the poor
creature dies, and its development is its death, and its
production is its shroud; yet, it has this advantage over the
unity of the pantheists, that its remains continue to exist,
whereas their unity evaporates completely in multiplicity. To
speak more seriously, it is perfectly evident to every mind, that
the answer of the pantheists destroys the very problem it
undertakes to solve. Unity is unity so long as it is a potency, a
power of becoming; it vanishes as soon as it becomes
multiplicity. Add to this, that their unity, to be infinite, must
remain undefined, potential, and in the possibility of becoming;
such being their idea of the Infinite.
{569}
For which reason they eliminate from it every limitation, all
individuality, all thought, all consciousness. The natural
consequence of this principle must be that it remains infinite so
long as it is wrapped up in its vagueness and indefiniteness. Let
it come forth from its indefiniteness, let it become definite,
limited, concrete, and its infinity together with its unity is
gone. It evaporates in the finite forms it assumes. On the other
hand, let it remain absorbed in its indefiniteness, in its
abstractiveness, and consequently, in its infinity, and
multiplicity can no longer be conceived. It is absurd then to
speak of multiplicity in the Infinite of the Pantheists, since it
is clear that, when it assumes multiplicity, it can no longer be
either infinite or one; and when it remains infinite it cannot be
conceived as multiple. All this we have said, conceding the
premises of pantheism. But we have, in the first article,
demonstrated the following principles:
1st. If the pantheists take their unity in the sense of a pure
abstraction, a transient act, the elements of which do not last
one single instant, it is in that case an absolute nonentity, an
utter unreality, and then it is useless to speak of multiplicity,
since _ex nihilo nihil fit_.
2d. Or, they suppose their unity as something really existing,
having the power of gradual development, and in that case we have
demonstrated that such a being could not develop itself without
the aid of a foreign being.
The premises of pantheism then being false, the solution of the
problem falls to the ground independently of its intrinsic value,
if it have any, which we have shown it has not.
Pantheism cannot answer the problem of multiplicity. How can we
then attain to its solution?
We answer: the Catholic Church resolves it, giving such an
explanation of it as the finite and limited intellect of man may
reasonably expect. For the Catholic Church does not pretend to
give such a solution of the problem as to enable us thoroughly to
understand it. She proceeds from two premises, to wit, that God
is infinite, and that man, necessarily distinct from God, is
finite, and therefore endowed only with finite intelligence. That
these premises are true, appears evident from the demonstration
we have already given, in which we have shown that the
pantheistic idea of the infinite is the idea of finite being when
it is not taken as meaning only an abstraction, a pure
mathematical point. The ideas of the infinite and the finite
exist, and therefore there must be also objects corresponding to
these ideas. We shall return to this subject in a following
number.
From these two ideas of the finite and the Infinite, it follows
that man can never comprehend God; or, in other words, that the
intelligence of man, with the relation to God as its object, must
find mysteries or truths above and beyond its capacity. For, as
it is absurd to shut up a body of large size in a body of much
more limited size, supposing the present conditions of bodies not
suspended, so it is absurd to suppose that the intellect of man,
limited and finite, could grasp or take in God, who is infinite.
We are aware of the opposition which is made by many to mysteries
or super-intelligible truths; but we insist upon it, that all
such opposition would vanish, if men would study philosophy more
deeply and more assiduously. Why, a real philosopher, one who has
sounded the depths of creation, and plunged into the profundity
of the great ideas of being, of substance, of the absolute, of
the infinite, the finite and the relative, into the ideas of
eternity, of immensity, of immutability, of space and time, into
the ideas of cause, of action, of movement; one who has entered
into the labyrinth of his soul, and tried to catch the flying
phenomena of its life, and to analyze all the fibres of its
consciousness; such a one meets, at every step, with mysteries,
and the more he digs into them, the profounder and the wider is
the abyss lying at his feet.
{570}
If we should meet with a man denying mysteries, and desirous to
engage in a discussion, we would beg of him to go and first study
the alphabet of philosophy.
The problem, then, proposing the reconciliation of unity with
multiplicity in the Infinite, is held by the Catholic Church as a
mystery, a truth which cannot be thoroughly understood by the
human mind. But, notwithstanding all this, the solution which
Catholic doctrine affords, though a mystery, is clear enough to
be perceived, and distinct enough to make us see through the
agreement of the two terms of the problem; so that, through the
help of the Catholic Church, we shall have all the light thrown
upon the problem in question which man may reasonably expect,
seeing that the object of the problem is the Infinite, and the
intellect apprehending it only limited and finite.
----------
New Publications.
Philip II. Of Spain.
By Charles Gayarré.
Author of the _History of Louisiana under the French,
Spanish, and American Domination_.
With an Introductory Letter by George Bancroft.
New York. 1866. W. J. Widdleton.
8vo, pp. viii. iv. 366.
Mr. Gayarré is not unknown among American authors. Of Spanish
origin, born and nurtured in Louisiana, he has connected his name
with the history of that State by his devotion to its annals.
Laborious research has enabled him to give to the world three
volumes, comprising the history of Louisiana, under French,
Spanish, and American domination. Unfortunately, the first volume
was taken up rather as a romance of history; and in the treatment
of his subject imagination is allowed a scope that the stricter
schools of history deny that faculty. Imbued to no small extent
with the petty philosophism of the worst age of France, he seldom
fails to give the Church, where it enters his historic paintings,
darker colors than truth will warrant.
His present work is not a life of Philip II. It is a series of
studies, not complete enough, indeed, to form a character of that
great and singular ruler, who made Spain a great power in Europe,
but failed to bequeath to his successors the ability and
statecraft that enabled him to maintain the influence of the
peninsula in European affairs.
Mr. Gayarré's studies are disconnected, involve repetitions, and
fail to give us the salient points which mainly need discussion
and examination. He begins with the death of Philip; then treats
of his religious policy; his love of art; his reign in general;
Antonio Perez; the Cortes during his reign; literature. The point
of view may be inferred from Mr. Bancroft's remark, that the
present work is written "with a mind superior to the influences
of superstition"--an idea we have already expressed in somewhat
different terms, vocabularies differing slightly, as Saul of
Tarsus notes, in giving the estimate made by the most civilized
and enlightened people of his day in regard to the cross.
{571}
Philip as ruler of Spain, Portugal, and the Indies; Philip and
the Low Countries; Philip in his relations with foreign
countries; Philip and the Inquisition in Spain; Philip and his
family, here were indeed themes to discuss, to examine by the aid
of the soundest authorities. Had Mr. Gayarré done this in true
historic spirit, his work, whatever the judgment at which he
arrived, would have been of real value to every thinking man. As
it is, we cannot say that we see any necessity or utility for the
work. In Prescott there is at least a complete picture and an
array of authority. Gayarré gives neither, and can scarcely be
read without obtaining false views--without the facts which in
Prescott often enable you to see the fallacy of statements based
really on erroneous arguments.
----
Recollections Of A Busy Life.
By Horace Greeley.
New York. J. B. Ford and Company. 1868.
The autobiographical papers, which compose the larger part of
this volume, were originally published in a weekly journal of
this city, and have probably attracted the attention of many
thousands of readers. They are now issued in a permanent form,
under Mr. Greeley's personal supervision, and will take their
place among the standard works of American biography.
Whatever may be said or thought of the religious and political
principles from time to time professed and advocated by the
"Editor of _The Tribune_," no man can deny to him the
character of an earnest, outspoken, indefatigable supporter of
what, at the moment, he believes to be just and right. The manner
in which he braved a public opinion thoroughly tyrannical, both
at the opening and close of the late war, sufficiently attests
his independence of spirit and his fidelity to the dictates of
his own judgment.
One interest, however, attaches to Mr. Greeley, chiefly as a man
who, from the humblest beginnings, has raised himself, by his own
exertions, to one of the most influential and honorable positions
in this country. The story of his projects and reverses, of his
perseverance and his triumphs, is well told in the volume before
us, and will serve to encourage and refresh the hearts of many
young men, whose struggles after influence and honest wealth are
meeting with continual disappointment.
In the hurry of preparing this work for the press, Mr. Greeley
has fallen into an historical error which should certainly be
corrected. In his opening chapter he informs us that, in 1641,
during the insurrection which occurred in the province of Ulster
in Ireland, against the British power, "40,000 Protestant
settlers were speedily massacred, with small regard to age or
sex." The number who actually suffered in that "rebellion" has
been variously estimated by historians not favorable toward
Ireland or her people. Sir John Temple fixes it at 150,000;
Milton, in his _Eiconoclastes_, at 154,000 for one province
alone; Clarendon puts the number at 40,000. Mr. Greeley follows
Clarendon, but with equal reliability he might have taken Temple
or Milton for his authority. He might also have stated with the
former, that "Hundreds of the ghosts of Protestants, that were
drowned by the rebels at Portadown Bridge, were seen in the
river, bolt upright, and were heard to cry out for revenge on
these rebels. One of these ghosts was seen with hands lifted up,
and standing in that posture from December 29th to the latter end
of the following Lent." For additional testimony about the
presence of the ghosts, he might have called upon Dr. Maxwell,
the Protestant Bishop of Kilmore. But if instead of relying upon
such ghostly authorities, Mr. Greeley had consulted a little
work, entitled _Memoir of Ireland, Native and Saxon_,
written by Daniel O'Connell, and published by Greeley & McElrath
in 1844, he would have seen that, in 1641, there were less than
200,000 Protestants in the entire island, and that the number
massacred (?) in its most northern province failed to reach any
thousands whatever. He would also have discovered that in these
insurrections it was the Catholics who suffered, and not
Protestants, as, for instance, at Island Magee.
{572}
Mr. Greeley is too wise and liberal a man wilfully to repeat so
stale a calumny, and he is not so inconsistent as to contradict,
in 1868, the statements of a work which he deemed worthy of
public confidence in 1844. While, therefore, we point out the
error, we impute no malice to the writer; to whom, in view of his
constant activity, some inaccuracies may be pardoned. But the
injury inflicted by his mistake is not lessened by its
thoughtlessness, and the least that can be done to remedy the
evil is to correct the error in the next edition, should one be
ever issued.
----
The Ideal In Art.
By H. Taine.
Translated by J. Durand.
New York: Leypoldt & Holt. 1869.
The object of these two lectures, first delivered by M. Taine to
the students of the School of Fine Arts in Paris, and now
published in an American translation by Messrs. Leypoldt & Holt,
is to erect a standard of criticism in art, independent of the
taste and fancy of the individual critic, and so based upon
established principles as to be worthy of the name of "a law." To
our mind, the distinguished author has approached, if not
attained, success. The fundamental rule with which he starts,
distinguishes between that mechanical skill by which the
production of the artist is made a faithful representation of his
own ideal, and that artistic genius by which the loftiness and
grandeur of the ideal is itself determined. He then proceeds to
measure the ideal itself, and, upon the purity and elevation of
this, bases the standing of the artist and the merit of his
works.
A complete sketch of M. Taine's system would necessitate a
reproduction of the work itself. In his volume there are no
wasted words; and while, perhaps, not altogether intelligible to
the utterly unlearned in art, the treatise which he gives us will
serve to stimulate the reader to an inquiry which cannot fail to
improve his taste in literature as well as in the peculiar domain
which it professes to explore.
We especially welcome this volume at this time, because of the
opportunities which are now afforded for a study of the
principles of M. Taine, in connection with the great schools of
Italian art themselves. In the Jarves Collection, now at Yale
College, may be found paintings of representative masters, from
the dawn of Italian art to the commencement of its decline.
Hundreds of visitors have examined this treasure-house of
painting, and thousands more should follow their example. And we
venture to suggest that a careful study of the work before us
will render, at least in the case of cultivated persons, what
would otherwise have been a mere visit of curiosity, a most
valuable lesson on that ideal in art in which the true artists of
every age have given the measure of their own genius and the
pledge of their artistic immortality.
----
The Illustrated Catholic Family Almanac,
for the United States, for the Year of our Lord 1869.
New York: The Catholic Publication Society. 1869.
This is the first attempt by any Catholic publisher in this
country to get up an Almanac suitable for Catholic families. It
contains a complete calendar for the year 1869, with a variety of
other matter both useful and entertaining. The illustrations,
nineteen in number, are excellent. We are glad to be able to
state that it is the intention of the Society to issue such an
almanac every year, and we hope that this first attempt may meet
with the success which it so well deserves.
It should be found in every Catholic household in the United
States. Almanacs have become almost a necessity, and are looked
for as regularly as the new year. It is, then, highly important
that an almanac, to say the least, should contain nothing
objectionable to morals, and this cannot be said of too many
frequently met with, which are only mere advertising mediums for
quack medicines, etc. We hope _The Catholic Family Almanac_
will henceforth supersede all such trashy productions--which no
father of a family should allow to endanger the faith and
morality of his children. The excuse heretofore urged for their
presence in the house, that there was no Catholic family almanac
to be had, is no longer valid.
----
{573}
Criminal Abortion: Its Nature, its Evidence, and its Law.
By Horatio R. Storer, M.D., LL.B., and Franklin Fiske Heard.
Boston: Little, Brown & Company. 1868.
This subject is here brought before the public in a manner
proportioned to its importance; and Dr. Storer, for his
indefatigable efforts in ferreting out the statistics of this
crime, and his outspoken honest opinions, deserves the thanks of
the American people. The evidence adduced in support of the
author's assertions is so conclusive that the question suggests
itself, Whither are we drifting? In a note on page 74, the moral
effect of the Catholic religion is shown in preventing this
"slaughter of the innocents," but the author fails to suggest the
general dissemination of the religion throughout the country as a
means of checking this rapidly growing evil.
Book II. gives ample extracts from the Common and State Laws on
the subject, as well as quotations "from English reports, which
are not generally accessible even to the legal profession in this
country," making the work an indispensable addition to the
library of every lawyer and physician in the country.
----
The Knowledge And Love Of Jesus Christ.
By the Rev. Father St. Jure, S.J.
New York: P. O'Shea, 39 Barclay street.
St. Jure was one of the best spiritual writers in France of the
early part of the seventeenth century, and this is one of his
best works. It is full of solid thought and learning, as well as
of the purest and warmest piety. I cannot, therefore, be too
highly recommended as a book for spiritual reading, well adapted
to the wants of the most intelligent and highly educated persons,
and approved by the judgment of the most enlightened men in the
church for two centuries. The translation was made by the
accomplished authoress of the _Life of Catharine Macaulay_,
and the publisher has issued it in a very good style.
----
O'Shea's Popular Juvenile Library.
Second Series. 12vols. Illustrated.
New York: P. O'Shea. 1868.
This series is an acceptable addition to our rapidly increasing
list of Catholic "juveniles." The titles of the volumes it
contains are as follows:
The Generous Enemy, and other stories;
Anna's Vacation, and other stories;
The Beggar's Will, and other stories;
Bertrand du Guesclin;
Kasem the Miser, and other stories;
The Blind Grandfather, and other stories;
Trifles;
The True Son, and other stories;
Marian's History;
Patience Removes Mountains, and other tales;
The Best Dowry, and other tales.
----
Rural Poems,
by William Barnes.
Boston: Roberts Brothers. 1869.
These poems have received unqualified praise by English critics
in the principal literary reviews. It is said of them that they
are "in a high degree pleasant and novel;" "invested with a
simple beauty," "clothed in homely, healthy language," etc. We
might, and do, say the same of the renowned Melodies of Mother
Goose, whose "Poems" the greater part of the present collection
very much resembles. Who will not be forcibly reminded of "Ride a
cock-horse to Banbury Cross" by the following verses?
"Bright was the morning and bright was the moon,
Bright was the forenoon and bright was the noon,
Bright was the road down the sunshiny ridge,
Bright was the water and bright was the bridge:
Bright in the light were two eyes in my sight,
On the road that I took up to Brenbury tower.
The eyes at my side were my Fanny's, my bride,
The day of my wedding, my wedding's gay hour.
{574}
We think that if the author had been an American, the English
critics would have laughed at him. The book is elegantly
published, with good illustrations, and would make a nice holiday
present for children.
----
Beginning German.
Lessons introductory to the Study of the German
Language. With a Vocabulary, Select
Phrases for German Conversation, and
Reading Lessons.
By Dr. Emil Otto, Professor of Modern Languages and
Lecturer at the University of Heidelberg.
First American Edition. With additional reading
matter and notes, arranged by L. Pylodet.
New York: Leypoldt & Holt. 1869.
Dr. Otto deserves a great deal of praise for the attention that
he has shown to the wants of the student. In the above work he
has carefully collected all the necessary matter for the
commencement of a systematic study of the German.
The book has been prepared for young persons; but contrary to the
usual method, Dr. Otto does not overtask the memory of the
learner with endless vocabularies, which serve only to hide the
important parts. He first explains the alphabet, and also German
accentuation and punctuation. Next he gives a thorough
_drill_ upon each of the parts of speech, and by the aid of
foot-notes, gradually places before the student the salient
points of the German grammar. After which comes select phrases
and reading lessons.
The vocabularies in nearly all French and German grammars are
made up of the most foolish and impracticable sentences that
could possibly be invented; and Dr. Otto cannot put forth the
claim of originality for his selection of sentences.
The "partitive sense" and the possessive case create an immense
amount of confusion in the minds of those who plan German
methods, and they accordingly attempt to perpetuate their trouble
by filling their exercises with childish and improbable examples.
Dr. Otto forms no exception to the general custom. The rules
given at the bottom of the pages in regard to declensions, are
spread over so many pages that they will not be of much
assistance, and the student will be obliged to turn at once to
the synopsis of German Grammar, which the book also contains, if
he desires to thoroughly understand this part of the German.
The reading lessons are simple and well selected; but there is no
necessity for the abundant notes which are appended.
On the whole, this is a very excellent work: being far in advance
of the German text-books that are so much used in the schools of
this city, by serving to impress upon the minds of the learner a
true regard for the grammatical formation of their own language.
----
The Little Gypsy.
By Elie Sauvage.
Illustrated by Lorenz Frölich.
Translated from the French by I. M. Lyster.
Boston: Roberts Brothers. Pp. 133. 1868.
This is a charming little story--one that we can heartily
recommend, both from its intrinsic merits and the beautiful
manner in which it is got up, as a suitable Christmas present.
----
Verses On Various Occasions.
Boston. Published by Patrick Donahoe. 1868.
On the reception of the English edition of this exquisite volume,
we called the attention of our readers to the true Catholic
beauty and fervor of the poems which it contains. The edition by
Mr. Donahoe is elegantly printed on toned paper, and faultlessly
bound. We can think of no more appropriate book for a Christmas
gift than this.
----
The Calamities And Quarrels Of Authors:
with some Inquiries respecting
their Moral and Literary Characters,
and Memoirs for our Literary History.
By Isaac Disraeli.
Edited by his Son, the Right Hon. B. Disraeli.
New York: W. J. Widdleton. 2 vols. pp. 349, 411. 1868.
{575}
These two volumes complete an edition in nine volumes of the
writings of the elder Disraeli. His works are too well known to
need, even if the limited space at our disposal this month
permitted, an extended notice.
----
Twentieth Annual Report Of The Regents Of The University Of
The State Of New York, On The Condition Of The State Cabinet
Of Natural History, And The Historical And Antiquarian
Collection Annexed Thereto.
Albany: Van Benthuysen and Sons' Printing House. 1868.
The study of Natural History is in its infancy in the United
States, yet it is encouraging to know that there are a few
earnest men who continue their investigations in spite of the
almost universal indifference upon the subject. It is not so much
because there are no men of science to determine the species of
our fauna, as that there is a general lack of attention to these
questions. Perhaps one of the most gratifying features of the
present Report is the indication of a newly-awakened interest
among our citizens. A large number of types have been presented
to the Museum by private collectors; among the more interesting
of these is the skeleton of a Mastodon found recently at Cohoes.
This animal has been imbedded in such an unusual stratum of rock,
and in such a peculiar manner, that the learned Curator of the
Cabinet believes it will afford a valuable guide in determining
its natural history and geological relations. The Smithsonian
Institute has generously presented more than two thousand
specimens to the collection of shells. These, as will be seen
from the catalogues given, are of great value, because they
embrace almost exclusively species from distant quarters of the
globe, and which consequently can only be obtained through some
State institution.
However, the zealous efforts of the Curator and Regents seem to
be much impeded by the want of proper cases for the display and
arrangement of specimens. A similar difficulty was experienced by
the Society of Natural History in this city; they at one time
possessed a large and interesting collection of insects, which
were packed in boxes and stored in the basement of the Medical
College of the New York University. The destruction of that
building by fire has relieved the officers of the society from
any further trouble concerning them. It is to be hoped that a
similar fate does not await the State Collection, but that the
modest request of the trustees for a small appropriation will be
granted at the present session of the Legislature. The catalogue
of books scarcely numbers a hundred volumes, and does not merit
the name of a library. This is a serious obstacle in the way of
those who are charged with the duty of classifying the specimens
sent to them, but one which the Regents of the Cabinet anticipate
to see gradually removed.
The statement of the necessities and financial condition of the
State Cabinet is followed by an essay of Prof. W. D. Wilson, of
Hobart College, on Local Climatology. This is chiefly interesting
because of a new theory accounting for the cold weather of
winter. Of course, one of the principal reasons why the
temperature is lower in winter than in summer is because the days
of winter are several hours shorter. But the sun's heating power
is also determined by its altitude. Herschel and Pouillet have
demonstrated that a large proportion of the sun's rays are
absorbed by passing through the atmosphere, or rather by the
moisture in the atmosphere, so that only about seventy-five per
cent of its heat reaches the earth. Hence, it is evident that the
temperature will vary, not only for places of different
latitudes, but also at the same place at different seasons of the
year, and during the different hours of the day. Still, the mere
fact of the absorption of heat does not explain the difference of
temperature. Heat absorbed always increases the temperature of
the absorbing body, except when the heat becomes latent by
passing from a solid to a fluid, or from a fluid to a gaseous
state.
{576}
As an atmosphere does not change the form of the heat, it would
itself be increased in temperature, and consequently the
influence of the heat would be felt in precisely the same degree
as if it were conducted directly to the earth. But this
difficulty is removed by Prof. Wilson, who claims that the
atmosphere has the same power of reflecting as of absorbing heat;
hence the heat is never transmitted beyond the outer boundary of
our atmosphere, but is immediately reflected into space, and
loses its influence upon anything within the power of our
observation. The decrease of heat has long been known to depend
greatly upon the sun's altitude. It varies with what is commonly
termed the sine of the sun's altitude. It is worthy to be
remarked, therefore, that on this theory the decrease of heat
will depend upon the angle at which the sun's rays strike the
atmosphere, and hence it must always, as in fact it does,
coincide with the sun's height.
The result of Prof. Hall's labor for the year is seen in several
elaborate notices upon the Palaeontology of the State. Those who
feel interested in this enticing department of Natural History
will take pleasure in the clear analysis of certain families and
genera described in the Report. The effort to aid beginners in
this study, as seen in the monogram upon the Graptolites, is
particularly commendable. These sciences cannot make any
substantial progress until they are brought down to the capacity
of learned men engaged in other pursuits, because they all depend
upon the careful observation of phenomena which require the
united attention of many individuals. Hence, all domestic
contributions to the determining of the species of our own fauna
should be sufficiently elementary to be understood by amateurs in
the science. And to the want of such works as these may fairly be
attributed the fact, that many young men begin to investigate the
various branches of natural science, but very few persevere.
The volume is increased in value by a number of well-executed
plates, which appear to be accurate copies of the specimens in
Prof. Hall's collection. It shows, at least, that he recognizes
their importance in conveying scientific knowledge. A figure
skilfully drawn will frequently determine a species in a moment's
comparison, which would have cost many hours' careful study of
the descriptions of even the most accurate and painstaking
observer.
----
Beginner's French Reader.
Short and Easy Pieces in Prose and Verse,
with a complete Vocabulary.
Arranged by L. Pylodet.
New York: Leypoldt & Holt.
This little book seems to be very well adapted to fully carry out
the end indicated by its title-page.
----
MESSRS. JOHN MURPHY & Co. have just published a small volume
containing the life of _John M. Costelloe, or The Beauty of
Virtue, exemplified in an American Youth_. The author simply
proposes to lay before the reader "the virtues of a young man who
passed seventeen years of his short life in the peaceful
seclusion of his home, and the remaining two and a half in the
quiet routine of a college, and who, therefore, could have
practised only what St. Francis of Sales calls 'little virtues.'"
----
Books Received.
From CHARLES SCRIBNER & Co., New York:
Madame Thérèse; or, The Volunteers of '98.
By MM. Erckman-Chatrian.
Translated from the thirteenth edition,
with ten full-page illustrations.
From PATRICK DONAHOE, Boston:
Le Petit Catéchisme de Quebec.
The Farleyes of Farleye: or, Faithful and True.
By Rev. Thomas J. Potter,
All Hallows College, Dublin.
From LEE & SHEPARD, Boston:
Dr. Howell's Family.
By Mrs. H. B. Goodwin.
Hillsboro Farms.
By Sophia Dickinson Cobb.
The Mimic Stage.
A series of Dramas, Comedies, Burlesques, and
Farces, for Public Exhibitions and Private Theatricals.
By George M. Baker.
From LEYPOLDT & HOLT, New York:
Madame de Beaupré.
By Mrs. C. Jenkin.
From JOHN MURPHY & Co., Baltimore:
The Purgatorian Consoler.
A manual of prayers, containing a selection of devotional
exercises originally prepared for the use of the members of the
Purgatorian Archconfraternity; enlarged and adapted to general
use by a Redemptorist Father. Published with the approbation of
the Most Reverend the Archbishop of Baltimore.
The Visitation Manual:
A collection of prayers and instructions, compiled according to
the Spiritual Directory and Spirit of St. Francis de Sales,
founder of the Religious Order of the Visitation of B. V. Mary.
Published with the approbation of the Most Reverend Archbishop
of Baltimore. 1869.
----------
{577}
THE CATHOLIC WORLD,
Vol. VIII, No. 47. February, 1869.
Cardinal Ximenes.
The greatness of Cardinal Ximenes has weathered the storms of
time. It has spread far beyond the people by whom it was first
recognized and proclaimed. All Europe has done it homage, and the
whole civilized world hails it with gratitude and joy. It is a
small thing in comparison to excel as a prelate, a statesman, a
general, or a man of letters; but to shine foremost in each and
all of these capacities, as did Ximenes, to make a lasting
impression on the age in a fourfold character, and to mould anew
the destinies of a nation in virtue of it, have been the lot of
few, and scarcely the ambition of any. Ximenes de Cisneros is
part of the Spaniard's nationality. They admire, they love him,
they boast of him; and so lately as April, 1857, they assembled
in vast numbers in the city of Alcalá to deposit his remains in
the Iglesia Magistral, just 340 years after his decease. The
precious memoirs left by Gomez have never been employed with
greater effect than by Dr. Von Hefele, who, from these--the
basis of all lives of Ximenes--and from a variety of collateral
sources, has produced a complete and most valuable history of the
illustrious cardinal.
Like many eminent prelates in the Catholic Church, Ximenes was a
self-made man. He was born at Tordelaguna--a small town--in
1436. His father, though of noble descent, was comparatively
poor, and collected tithes for the king. His mother likewise came
of a valiant stock decayed in fortune; so that Ximenes enjoyed on
both sides the advantage of gentle blood. From an early age he
was destined for the Church; at Alcalá he was well schooled, and
at Salamanca he studied canon and civil law, theology, and the
Scriptures. It was here that his love of biblical lore first
displayed itself, and gave promise of that abundant growth which
afterward made the name of Ximenes famous in the literary world.
Poverty was his good angel. It urged him to exertion, and he
supported himself at the university by giving lessons. Then,
having taken his bachelor's degree in canon and civil law, he
boldly turned his face toward Rome, and resolved to better his
fortune, if possible, in the heart of Christendom.
{578}
Twice on the way he was plundered by robbers, and but for the
kindness of a former school-fellow would have been stopped at
Aix, in Provence, and compelled to return, _minus_ money,
clothes, and horse. To Rome, however, he came, and worked
steadily in the ecclesiastical courts during six years, till his
father died, and he was recalled to Spain to perform a parent's
part to his bereaved family. Happily he carried in his pocket an
_expectative_ letter, by which the pope granted him the
first vacant benefice in the diocese of Toledo. The right of
bestowing benefices in this manner had often been questioned,
often resisted; but with such controversies Ximenes had nothing
to do. It was not till the Council of Trent that _Gratia
Expectativae_ were finally suppressed; [Footnote 166] and it
was clearly his interest to obtain a living from the holy father,
if he could, according to established precedent. Uzeda soon fell
vacant, and though Ximenes laid claim to it immediately, Carillo,
the archbishop, was in no degree inclined to yield it to him. The
more Ximenes pressed his claim, the more stoutly Carillo
resisted, and the result was that the claimant, though backed by
papal authority, soon found himself a prisoner in the very parish
of which he sought to be pastor. Nothing could break his iron
resolution, and being removed to the fortress of Santorcaz, he
there spent six years in confinement, till the archbishop,
wearied by his firm and constant refusal to forego his claim, at
length yielding the point, restored him to liberty, and confirmed
him in possession of the benefice.
[Footnote 166: Sess. xxiv. cap. 19.]
His constant study of the Scriptures could not escape
observation, and he was often referred to as an authority in
Hebrew and Chaldee. Being made vicar of the diocese of Sigüenza,
and agent for the estates of a nobleman who had been taken
prisoner by the Moors, Ximenes sighed for retirement, and entered
as a novice a convent of the Franciscan order. But his interior
life was still disturbed. Numbers resorted to him for counsel and
instruction. He prayed to be sent to some more lonely retreat,
and accordingly found his home in a small convent near Toledo,
called after our Lady of Castañar. It stood in the midst of a
forest of chestnuts, and here, like an anchorite of old, he built
a hermitage and supported life on herbs and roots, with water
from the neighboring rill. Though a scourge was in his hand and a
hair-shirt on his body, the Bible he so prized was before him,
angels surrounded him, and the Holy Ghost established within him
a reign of serenity and light.
According to the rule of the Franciscans, he was, ere long, again
removed. He became guardian of the convent of Salzeda, and it was
here, in his fifty-sixth year, that his career, so far as it
concerns history, began. A confessor was required for the devout
and beautiful Queen Isabella, and Cardinal Mendoza, who had been
Bishop of Sigüenza, and knew Ximenes well, recommended him as the
fitting person to guide her conscience. Being summoned to court
on pretence of business, the Franciscan recluse was introduced,
as it were by accident, into the royal presence. Isabella was
charmed by his candor, his modesty, and native dignity. In vain
he declined the office for which he was designed. The queen would
take no refusal, but consented to his residing still in his
monastery, away from the splendor and temptations of a court. He
strove to avoid interference in politics, but Isabella so much
the more applied for his advice in the affairs of state.
{579}
Thus influence over others is often given to those whose only aim
is to acquire the mastery over themselves. Not long after being
made confessor to the queen, Ximenes was elected Provincial of
the Franciscan order for Old and New Castile. He made his
visitations on foot, begged his way like any other of his
brethren, and often lived on raw roots. The order had relaxed its
original strictness, and was divided into _Conventuals_ and
_Observantines_, of whom the latter only adhered to the
letter and spirit of their founder's laws. The report, therefore,
which the provincial had to make to his royal mistress was
anything but favorable, and he consequently became himself an
object of calumny and dislike to those whose vices he sought to
correct. Many of the _Conventuals_ who would not reform were
ejected from their sanctuaries by his order, and his conflict
with evil was silently and surely preparing him for the high post
of Archbishop of Toledo, Primate of Spain, and Chancellor of
Castile. This see had generally been filled by one of noble
birth, and Ferdinand was anxious to bestow it on his natural son,
Alfonso, Bishop of Saragossa. But Isabella was strong in her
resolve to promote Ximenes. On Good Friday, 1495, she sent for
her confessor, and placed a paper in his hands. It was addressed
by his holiness Alexander VI., "To our venerable brother,
Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros, Archbishop-elect of Toledo." As he
read this the friar turned pale. "It cannot be meant for me," he
said, and abruptly left the apartment, dropping the packet.
"Come, brother," he exclaimed to his companion, "we must be gone
in haste." But the royal messengers overtook him on the road to
Ocaña, trudging along bravely in the noontide heat. He was flying
from an archbishopric with 80,000 ducats a year, from power and
influence second only to that of the king, and from towns and
fortresses with numerous vassals. No arguments could induce him
to accept these earthly goods. During six months he persisted in
refusing them, and yielded at last only in obedience to a command
from the sovereign pontiff.
He was now in his sixtieth year. In October, 1495, he was
solemnly consecrated in presence of the two sovereigns, and when,
after the ceremony, he came to do them homage, he said: "I come
to kiss the hands of your majesties, not because they have raised
me to the first see in Spain, but because I hope they will assist
me in supporting the burden which they have placed on my
shoulders." Ximenes was, on the whole, the model of a prelate;
and accordingly we see in him modesty and self-confidence
singularly combined. In the well-balanced mind they react upon
each other and produce each other. Hence, humility is the source
of moral power. No silver adorned Ximenes's table, no ornaments
hung on his walls. His garment was the habit of St. Francis, his
food was coarse, his journeys were made on foot or on a mule's
back, and his palace was turned into a cloister. But many persons
cavilled at this austerity and ascribed it to spiritual pride.
The pope thought it undesirable in the case of a primate of
Spain, and exhorted Ximenes, by letter, to "conform outwardly to
the dignity of his state of life in his dress, attendants, and
everything else relating to the promotion of that respect due to
his authority."
{580}
In private, however, Ximenes continued as mortified as before.
The hair-shirt was next his skin, and he mended with his own hand
the coarse garments concealed by the silks and furs of office.
The sumptuous bed, adorned with ivory, purple, and gold, which
stood in the palace, was never used by him; he slept, though, his
attendants knew it not, on the bare floor, and thus, by night and
day, he kept up in his own person a ceaseless protest against the
prevailing luxury of the times. He feared the seduction of
wealth, and was ever on his guard against the temptations of his
princely domain, consisting of fifteen cities, besides many
villages and towns. But if any presumed on his unworldly habits,
and thought that he must be pliant because he was devout, they
were soon disabused of their mistake. He refused, at the outset
of his primacy, to make any appointments at the instance of great
men, and declared that he was willing at any time to return to
his convent and his beads; but that "no personal considerations
should ever operate with him in distributing the honors of the
Church." Even the brother of Cardinal Mendoza was unable to
obtain from Ximenes the confirmation of his appointment to the
governorship of Cazorla, and his relations, highly incensed,
could gain no redress from the queen. Having thus established his
own independence and freed himself from importunate suitors,
Ximenes saluted Don Pedro de Mendoza one day by the title of
_Adelantado_ of Cazorla, saying that, as no suspicion of
sinister influence could now attach to him, he was happy to
restore Don Pedro to a post for which he knew him to be
qualified.
In the biographies of Gomez and Quintanilla, of Oviedo and
Robles, Marsollier, Fléchier, Baudier, Von Hefele, and Barrett, a
number of such anecdotes may be found, illustrating the diocesan
life of Ximenes, his wonderful penetration, piety, and zeal. But
these, for the most part, we must pass over, and dwell rather on
those events in his career with which the history of his country
is concerned. Several years had passed since the last Moorish
king in Spain had been defeated and stripped of his dominions.
The genius of Washington Irving, the research of Prescott, and
the fancy of Southey and Bulwer have found full scope in
detailing the history of the war of Granada, the surprise of
Zahara, the exploits of the Marquis of Cadiz, the fierce
resistance of the Moors, and the capture of Alhama. But the
Moors, though conquered, had reason to be satisfied with the
terms of the victors. They were allowed by treaty to retain their
mosques and mode of worship, their property, laws, commerce, and
civil tribunals. They had some privileges of which even the
Spaniards were deprived; and if, during the governorship of
Tendilla and the archbishopric of Talavera, the Moors of Granada
were brought under various Catholic influences, they could not
complain of any force or severity being employed by those who
sought to convert them. Talavera, indeed, whom Ximenes had
succeeded as confessor to the queen, was ceaseless in his efforts
for their salvation. He learned Arabic at an advanced age, and
required his clergy also to do the same. He caused portions of
the Scriptures, Liturgy, and Catechism to be translated, and so
recommended the religion he professed by his consistent life and
amiable temper that Mohammedanism in Granada melted away before
the genial light of the gospel, and the Moors themselves came to
love and revere the Christian bishop, whom they called "The Great
Alfaqui," or Doctor.
{581}