Now among many and beautiful and picturesque things Ireland possesses

some others altogether detestable. The car of the country, for

instance, is the most abominable of all civilised vehicles. Why the

numskull who invented the crab-like machine turned it round sidewise

is as absolutely inconceivable as that since dog-carts have been

introduced into the West the car should survive. But it does survive

to the discomfort and fatigue of everybody, and the especial disgust

of the writer. There is another thing in Connaught which I love not

to look upon. That is the plate of a diner at a _table d'hôte_, on

which he has piled a quantity of roast goose with a liberal supply of

stuffing, together with about a pound of hot boiled beef, and cabbage,

carrots, turnips, and parsnips in profusion--the honour of a separate

plate being accorded to the national vegetable alone. It is not

agreeable to witness the demolition of this "Benjamin's mess" against

time; and when the feat is being performed by several persons the

effect thereof is the reverse of appetising. But I would rather be

driven seventy miles--Irish miles--on a car, and compelled to sit down

to roast goose commingled with boiled beef and "trimmings," than I

would listen to a political speech from the curate of Tiernaur. By

degrees I felt an utter weariness and loathing of life creeping over

me, and I turned my face towards the sun, setting in golden glory

behind Clare Island, and lighting up the rich ruddy brown of the

mountain, behind which lay the invaded pastures of Knockdahurk. By the

way this invasion of what are elsewhere deemed the rights of property

was barely alluded to by the reverend speakers, the latter of whom,

after making all kinds of blunders, finally broke down as he was

appealing to the "immortal and immutable laws of--of--of"--and here

some wicked prompter suggested "Nature," a suggestion adopted by the

unhappy speaker before he had time to recollect himself. After this

lame and impotent conclusion, a gentleman in a green cap and sash,

richly adorned with the harp without the crown, infused some vitality

into the proceedings by declaring that the only creature on God's

earth worse than a landlord was the despicable wretch who presumed to

take a farm at an advanced rent. This remark was distinctly to the

point, and was applauded accordingly. It was indeed a significant, but

in this part of the country quite unnecessary, intimation that safer,

if not better, holdings might be found than "Hunter's Farm." As most

of the persons present had come from a long distance, some as much as

fifteen or twenty Irish miles, the subsequent proceedings, such as the

passing of resolutions concerning fixity of tenure and so forth, were

got through rapidly, and the meeting dispersed as quietly as it

assembled. The organized bodies marched off the ground in good order,

without the slightest sign of riot or even of enthusiasm. Men and

women, the latter especially, were almost sad and gloomy--for Irish

people. I certainly heard one merry laugh as I was making for my car,

and it was at my own expense. A raw-boned, black-haired woman, "tall,

as Joan of France or English Moll," insisted that I should buy some

singularly ill-favoured apples of her. As I declined for the last time

she fired a parting shot, "An' why won't ye buy me apples? Sure

they're big and round and plump like yerself, aghra"--a sally vastly

to the taste of the bystanders. It struck me, however, that the

people generally seemed rather tired than excited by the proceedings

of the day--the most contented man of all being, I take it, Mike

Gibbons, who had been driving a brisk trade at his "shebeen," the only

house of business or entertainment for miles around.

As I drove homewards on what had suddenly become a hideously raw

evening, my driver entertained me with many heartrending and more or

less truthful stories of evictions. He showed me a vast tract of land

belonging to the Marquis of Sligo, from which the original inhabitants

had, according to his story, been driven to make way for one tenant

who paid less rent for all than they did for a part. One hears of

course a great deal of this kind of thing from the poorer

folk,--car-drivers, whose eloquence is proverbial, not excepted. My

driver had assuredly not been corrupted by reading inflammatory

articles in newspapers, for, although he speaks English as well as

Irish, "letter or line knows he never a one" of either, any more than

did stout William of Deloraine. His statements, however, are strictly

of that class of travellers' tales told by car-drivers, and must be

taken with more than the proverbial grain of seasoning. I find him as

a rule very quiet until I have administered to him a dose of "the wine

of the country," and then he mourns over the desolation of the land

and the ravages of the so-called "crowbar brigade" as if they were

things of yesterday. Whether the local Press reflects the opinion of

the peasants of Mayo, or the peasants only echo the opinion of the

Press as reproduced to them by native orators, I am at present hardly

prepared to decide. One thing, however, is certain. Not only that

professional "deludher," the car-driver, but tradesmen, farmers, and

all the less wealthy part of the community still speak sorely of the

evictions of thirty and forty years ago, and point out the graveyards

which alone mark the sites of thickly populated hamlets abolished by

the crowbar. All over this part of the country people complain

bitterly of loneliness. According to their view, their friends have

been swept away and the country reduced to a desert in order that it

might be let in blocks of several square miles each to Englishmen and

Scotchmen, who employ the land for grazing purposes only, and perhaps

a score or two of people where once a thousand lived--after a fashion.

It is of no avail to point out to them that the wretchedly small

holdings common enough even now in Connaught cannot be made to support

the farmer, or rather labourer, and his family decently, even in the

best of years, and that any failure of crop must signify ruin and

starvation. Any observation of this kind is ill received by the

people, who cling to their inhospitable mountains as a woman clings to

a deformed or idiot child. And in this astonishing perversion of

patriotism they are supported in unreasoning fashion by their

pastors, who seem to imagine that because a person is born on any

particular spot he must remain there and insist on its maintaining him

and his.

Now, it is not inconceivable that a landlord should take a very

different view of the situation. Whether his estate is encumbered or

not, he expects to get something out of it for himself. It was

therefore not unnatural that advantage should have been taken of the

famine and the Encumbered Estates Act to get the land into such

condition that it would return some ascertainable sum. The best way of

effecting this was thought to be the removal of the inhabitants who

paid rent or not as it suited them, and in place of a few hundred of

these to secure one responsible tenant, even if he paid much less per

acre than the native peasant. I draw particular attention to the

latter fact, as one of the popular grievances sorely and lengthily

dwelt upon is that the oppressor not only took the land from the

people, evicted them, and demolished their cabins with crowbars, but

that he let his property to the hated foreigner for less than the

natives had paid and were willing to pay, or promised to pay, him. He

let land by thousands of acres to Englishmen and Scotchmen at a pound

an acre, whereas he had received twenty-five and thirty shillings from

the starving peasants of Connaught. This was deliberate cruelty,

framed to drive the people away who were willing to stay and pay their

high rents as of old. But the fact unfortunately was that Lord Lucan,

Lord Sligo, and other great landowners in county Mayo had found it so

difficult to get rent out of their tenants that they determined to let

their land to large farmers only, at such a price as they could get,

but with the certainty that the rent, whatever it was, would be well

and duly paid, and there would be an end to the matter. This, I hear,

is the true history of the eviction of the old tenants and the letting

of great tracts of land to tenants like Mr. Simpson on favourable

terms. The landlord knew that he would get his rent, and he has got

it, that is, hitherto.

The story of the great farm, colossal for this part of the country,

leased by Mr. Simpson from Lord Lucan, and now on that nobleman's

hands, is a curious one as revealing the real capacity of the soil

when properly handled. Twenty-two hundred Irish acres at as many

pounds sterling per annum represent in Mayo an immense transaction.

The tenant came to his work with capital and ripe experience, farmed

well, and, I am assured on the best authority, fared well, getting a

handsome return for his capital. So satisfied was he with his bargain,

that he offered to renew his agreement with Lord Lucan if he were

allowed a deduction for the false measurement of the acreage of the

farm, which had been corrected by a subsequent survey. As I am

instructed, there were not 2,200 acres, but the tenant was quite

willing to pay a pound per acre for what was there. Now, an Irish acre

is so much bigger than an English acre that thirty acres Irish

measurement make forty-nine English. Lord Lucan consequently thought

the farm cheaply let, and hesitated to make any allowance. This

negotiation began last spring, but soon became hopeless. The country

about Hollymount and Ballinrobe grew disturbed. Proprietors, agents,

and large farmers required "protection" from the constabulary, and

there was no longer anything to attract capital to the neighbourhood

in the face of a deterrent population. Hence one of the largest and

most popular farmers in Mayo has retired from the field with his

capital, and has left his landlord to farm the land himself.

Apparently Lord Lucan can do no better; for it would be difficult to

find a stranger of sufficient substance to rent and farm twenty-two

hundred acres of land, endowed with sufficient hardihood to bring his

money and his life hither under the existing condition of affairs.

The incident just narrated, moreover, appears to prove that one object

at least of the party of agitation has been achieved. To

politico-economists it will appear a Pyrrhic victory. Capital is

effectually scared from this part of Ireland, and those who have

invested money on mortgage and found themselves at last compelled to

"take the beast for the debt" are bitterly regretting their ill-judged

promptitude. A large farm between this and Achill, or near Ballina on

the north, or in the country extending from the spot where Lord

Mountmorres was shot, towards Ballinrobe, Hollymount, Claremorris, or

Castlebar, could hardly be let now at any price, even where the

neighbours have not actually taken possession, as at Knockdahurk.

Landlords have apparently the three proverbial courses open to them.

They cannot sell their land, it is true; but they can let it lie

waste, they can farm it themselves "if," as a trustworthy informant

said to me just now, "they dare," or they can let it directly, as of

old, to small tenants, who will come in at once and perhaps pay what

they consider a fair rent in good years. It is folly to expect them to

pay at all when crops are bad. And then there is the inevitable delay

and uncertainty at all times which has led to the system of

"middlemen" of which so much has been said and written. The middleman

is that handy person, to the landlord, who assures him of a certain

income from his property by buying certain rents at a deduction of 30

or 40 per cent., and collecting them as best he can. To the landlord

he is a most useful man of business, thanks to whom he can count upon

a certain amount of ready money. To the peasant he appears as a

fiendish oppressor.

Touching this word "peasant," a great deal of misconception concerning

the condition of the people of the West and their attitude towards

their landlords will be got rid of by substituting it for the word

"farmer." It is absurd to compare the tenant of a small holding in

Mayo with an English farmer--properly so called. The latter is a man

engaged in a large business, and must possess, or, as I regret to be

obliged to write, _have been_ possessed of capital. The misuse of the

word farmer and its application to the little peasant cultivators here

can only lead to confusion. The proper standard of comparison with the

so-called Mayo farmer is the English farmer's labourer. In education,

in knowledge of his trade, in the command of the comforts of life, a

Mayo cultivator of six, eight or ten acres is the analogue of the

English labourer at fourteen shillings per week. The latter has nearly

always a better cottage than the Mayo man, and, taking the whole year

round, is about as well off as the Irishman. The future of neither is

very bright. The Wessex hind may jog on into old age and the

workhouse; the Irishman may be ruined and reduced to a similar

condition at once by a failure of his harvest. Neither has any

capital, yet the Irishman obtains an amount of credit which would

strike Hodge dumb with amazement. He is allowed to owe, frequently one

year's, sometimes two years' rent. Indeed, I know of one particularly

tough customer who at this moment owes three years' rent--to wit,

24l.--and will neither pay anything nor go. Now for an English

labourer to obtain credit for a five-pound note would be a remarkable

experience. His cottage and his potato patch cost him from one to two

shillings per week; but who ever heard of his owing six months', let

alone three years', rent? But this is the country of credit; and, so

far as I have seen, nobody is in a violent hurry either to pay or to

be paid, bating those who have lent money on mortgage. And even they

are not in a hurry to foreclose just now.

CASTLEBAR, _Oct. 28._

The marked--I had almost written ostentatious--absence of weapons at

the meetings of the last two Sundays has attracted great attention.

From perfectly trustworthy information I gather that appearances are

in this matter more than usually deceitful. It is impossible to doubt

that the large population of this country is armed to the teeth. Since

the expiration of the Peace Preservation Act the purchase of firearms

has been incessant. At the stores in Westport, where carbines are

sold, more have been disposed of in the last five months than in the

ten previous years, and revolvers are also in great demand. The

favourite weapon of the peasantry, on account of its low price and

other good qualities, is the old Enfield rifle bought out of the

Government stores, shortened and rebored to get rid of the rifling.

The work of refashioning the superannuated rifles and adapting them

for slugs and buckshot has, I hear, been performed for the most part

in America, whence the guns have been re-imported into this country

in large quantities. It is believed that the suppression of arms on

the occasion of large gatherings is due to the judgment of popular

leaders, who are naturally averse to any display which would afford

the Government a pretext for disarming the inhabitants. There is,

however, no doubt that the people of this district are more completely

armed than at any previous period of Irish history. A ten-shilling gun

license enables any idle person to walk about anywhere with a gun on

his shoulder, but this privilege is rarely exercised. Two mornings ago

four men passed in front of the Railway Hotel at Westport with guns on

their shoulders, but such occurrences are very rare, the only

individuals who carry weapons ostentatiously being landlords, agents,

and the Royal Irish Constabulary affording them "protection." This

protection is always granted when asked for, but many landlords have

an almost invincible repugnance to go everywhere attended by armed

police. Lord Ardilaun, I hear, has organised a little bodyguard of his

own people, in preference to being followed about by the tall dark

figures now frequent everywhere in county Mayo from Achill to Newport,

from Ballina to Ballinrobe, and from Claremorris to Westport. Still,

anything like a "rising in the West" is regarded here as chimerical;

and the arming of the people as aimed only at the terrifying of

landlords. No apprehension of any immediate outbreak or collision

with the authorities is entertained in the very centre of disturbance.

It may be added that, owing to the firm yet gentle grip of the

Resident Magistrate, Major A.G. Wyse, late of the 48th Regiment, a

veteran of the Crimea and of the war of the Indian Mutiny, the

Government has this district well in hand, and is kept perfectly

informed as to every occurrence of the slightest importance.

Meanwhile, the possibility of armed resistance to the serving of

civil-bill and other processes is averted by the presence of an

overwhelming body of armed constabulary. Fifty men and a couple of

sub-inspectors attended the serving of some civil-bill processes

towards Newport only a few days ago, and a similar body attended to

witness an abortive attempt at eviction on Miss Gardiner's property

near Ballina.

From all that I can ascertain, the position of the Lord-Lieutenant of

the country is by no means enviable. Having succeeded in losing his

chief tenant and been compelled, in order to farm his own land in

safety, to ask for "protection," he is now embroiled with a portion at

least of the Castlebar people, who think, rightly or wrongly, that the

lord of the soil and collector of tolls and dues has something to do

with providing the town with a market-place. Into the merits of the

question it is hardly necessary to enter. Suffice it to say that the

local Press has taken advantage of the occasion to renew the popular

outcry against "this old exterminator." Perhaps it does not hurt

anybody very much to be called an "exterminator," especially when the

extermination referred to occurred thirty years ago. The instance is

merely worth citing as showing the undying hatred felt in this part of

the country towards those who, acting wisely or unwisely, after the

famine, determined to get rid of a population which the soil had shown

itself unequal to support. There is no doubt that Lord Lucan brought

"a conscience to his work" and made a solitude around Castlebar. "On

the ruins of many a once happy homestead," continues the local scribe,

"do the lambs frisk and play, a fleecy tribe that has, through

landlord tyranny, superseded the once happy peasant." It is also urged

as an additional grievance that the sheep, cattle, and pigs raised by

"the old exterminator" are sent from the railway station "to appease

the appetite of John Bull." Thus Lord Lucan and in a minor degree John

Bull are shown up as the destroyers of the Irish peasant and devourers

of that produce which should have gone to support him in that

happiness and plenty which he enjoyed--at some probably apocryphal

period. Be this, however, as it may, the personal hatred of the

"exterminator" is a fact to be taken into account in any attempt to

reflect the public opinion of this part of Ireland.

Those able to look more impartially on the matter than is possible to

the children of the soil can perceive that the decay only too visible

in many parts of Mayo is due in great measure to causes far beyond

the control of exterminators, or even of the arch-devourer John Bull

himself. In the old time, before the famine and before railroads and

imported grain, this far western corner of Ireland had a trade of its

own. I am not prepared to believe that the enormous warehouses of

Westport were ever filled to overflowing with merchandise, being

inclined rather to assign their vast size to that tendency towards

overbuilding which is a permanent characteristic of a generous and

hopeful people. Perhaps the trade of Westport might have expanded to

the dimensions of the gaunt warehouses which now look emptily on the

sea, but for adverse influences. At the period of the old French war

Westport was undoubtedly a great emporium for grain, especially oats,

for beef, pork, and military stores, which were shipped thence to our

army in the Peninsula. But other sources of supply and improved means

of communication have left the little seaport on the Atlantic, as it

were, on one side, and such vitality as exists in the coasting trade

of this part of the country is rather visible at Ballina than at

Westport. It is quite possible that under the old condition of affairs

the peasant whose oats were in brisk demand for cavalry stores fared

better than his son who fell on the evil days of the famine; but there

can be no doubt that the decline of Mayo as an exporting county can

hardly be laid to the charge of the depopulators of the land. So far

as can be descried through the cloud of prejudice which involves the

entire question, the land was no longer able to feed its inhabitants,

much less afford any surplus for sale or export.

The Marquis of Sligo, whose agent, Mr. Smith, was shot at--and

missed--last year, is almost as unpopular as Lord Lucan, for not only

have most of the people been swept from his country, but the rent was

raised on the remainder no longer ago than 1876. It is probably this

nobleman who was in the mind of the humourist who pointed out that the

shooting of an agent was hardly likely to intimidate that "distant

Trojan," the landlord. The Lucan and Sligo lands in Mayo have,

therefore, been managed on nearly parallel lines, and it is curious to

contrast with them the management of Sir Robert Blosse's estate. This

is another very large property, and has been conducted on the exactly

opposite principle to that pursued by Lords Sligo and Lucan. The

people have been let alone; they retain the holdings their fathers

tilled, and they have tided over bad times so well that their April

rents have, to my certain knowledge, been all paid. What will occur in

November it is unnecessary to predict, but it may be remarked, by the

way, that the Irish landlord, whose rents do not overlap each other,

is in an exceptionally fortunate position.

When I was at Ballinrobe the other day I was much struck with the

unanimity with which everybody had agreed to leave that unfortunate

gentleman, Mr. Boycott, in the lurch. That his servants should revolt,

that his labourers should go away, that strangers should be bribed or

frightened away from taking their place, are things by no means

unparalleled even in the most manufacturing town in England. But that

his butcher and baker should strike against their customer was a new

experience hardly to be explained on any ready-made theory. I confess

that I was so much astonished that I preferred waiting for facts

before committing myself to any explanation. At this moment I have no

hesitation in stating that the tradespeople of the smaller towns in

the west are neither strong enough to resist the pressure put upon

them by the popular party nor very much disposed to defend their right

to buy and sell as they please. On the same principle apparently that

a great nobleman of the Scottish Lowlands has, since the last

election, made his sovereign displeasure known to his tenants, have

the party of agitation made "taboo" any tradesmen who have dared to

run counter to the current of present opinion. When a baker is told he

must not do a certain thing he obeys at once, and, with a certain

quickness and suppleness of intellect, casts about to see how he can

best represent himself as a martyr. "Pay rint, Sorr," said a

well-to-do shopkeeper to me two days ago; "and how are thim poor

divils to pay rint that cannot pay me? And how am I to pay any one

when I can't get a shillin' ov a soul?"

This little incident will explain how the opportunity of shirking

responsibility is seized upon by many. To begin with, the advantage is

with the assailant, for the custom of any one farmer or agent is a

small matter compared with that of the country side. It is therefore

manifestly to the interest of the little shopkeeper to curry favour

with the populace rather than with those set in authority over them.

Again, the petty trader would fain, after the example laid down by

Panurge, pray to God for the success of the peasant in order that he

might "de terre d'aultruy remplir son fossé"--that the till might be

filled if the agent's book remained empty. As I have previously

explained, everybody owes to somebody, or is owed by somebody, in this

island of weeping skies and smiling faces. The peasant owes his

landlord, who owes the mortgagee or the agent. And the peasant has

another creditor--the little trader who works on the credit extended

to him from Dublin or Belfast. Beyond a certain limit the little

shopkeeper cannot go. So he likes to be threatened, to be made

"taboo," to be a martyr, and then presses the tenants who have paid no

rent to the landlord to pay him "as they can afford to, begorra, if

they hould the harvest." This advice of Mr. Parnell's is keenly

relished by many, and has gained him, from a poet, whose Hibernian

extraction speaks in his every line, the incomprehensible title of

"Young Lion of the Fold."

Disturbed Ireland · 第 2 / 19 段