PIER LUIGI FARNESE.
The ferocity and excesses of Andrea Doria--The benefits which he
derived from the fall of the Fieschi--The Farnesi participated
in Genoese conspiracies--Schemes of Andrea against the duke of
Piacenza--Landi is instigated by Andrea to kill the duke--The
assassination of Pierluigi--The assassins and the brief of Paul III.
THE office of historian becomes a painful one when we are required
to describe some of the actions of Andrea Doria, actions which throw
a shade over his fame, and take away a part of his laurels from the
greatest admiral of Italy. It is a work of simple devotion to truth
to show that Andrea maintained the Spanish power in the Peninsula,
and that he overstepped all bounds in his rage against the defeated
Fieschi. Sismondi says that the prince in destroying his enemies to
avenge Gianettino went to lengths of ferocity unworthy of a great man.
He had applied to himself that saying of Lorenzo di Medici: “While
there are _Gatti_ in Genoa the Republic will never have peace, and
perhaps on this account found it easier to obtain Medicean aid in
exterminating these _Gatti_.” At all events he gave himself no rest
while the work of destruction remained incomplete. He embraced in his
scheme of vengeance the Strozzi and their allies.
The activity of Andrea was wonderful. Wherever he had representatives,
public or private, thither flew his messages and messengers. He
neglected nothing at home or abroad. Politics, arms, arts, commerce--he
had his eye on everything--on the exiles especially. Aided by Cosimo,
he set an assassin named Bastiano da Finale to dodge the steps of
Piero Strozzi who was marching to Siena. He employed seven assassins
to murder Ottobuono, Scipione and Cornelio Fieschi. We learn from
Venitian letters preserved in the Tuscan archives that one of these
wretches accompanied by two companions went several times to Venice
to assassinate the brothers of Gianluigi. This correspondence relates
that this assassin was artfully banished from Genoa as a popular
conspirator, as a means of giving him access to the Genoese exiles,
though he was secretly recommended by Doria to the ambassador of the
emperor. Doria would have better provided for his fame if, content with
depriving the Fieschi of the means of revolution, he had declined the
services of bravos and refused the price of blood so lavishly offered
by the emperor.
After the capture of Montobbio, Doria, under orders from Cæsar invested
the Republic (February 29th, 1548) with the feuds of that place, of
Varese and Roccatagliata. Cristoforo Lercaro had already occupied the
last in the name of Genoa. The cession was made to appear as a gift,
though the Republic already possessed the right of eminent domain
over Roccatagliata and the valley of Neirone. The governor of Milan
held fast to Pontremoli, in order, as Doria advised, to keep that
strong post then the key of the Lombard provinces, in imperial hands.
Gonzaga also occupied Loano, Carrega, Grondona, Borbagia, San Stefano
d’Aveto, Calice, Veppo and other castles, a part of which Charles (June
19th 1548) gave in feud to various partisans of the empire. This was
not imperial munificence, but king-craft and a device to strengthen
the Spanish power in Liguria. Andrea obtained some wealthy feuds,
among them Torriglia, (which was erected into a marquisate) Carrega,
Garbagna, Grondona and ten other castles. San Stefano d’Aveto was ceded
to Antonio Doria who was hiring four galleys to the empire. Ettore
Fieschi, of the Savignone branch, received some feuds as a reward for
not having shared in the conspiracy of his relatives. The castle of
Castelano was ceded to the Duke of Parma. Agostino Landi retained the
burgh of Valditaro. This Landi had promised to assassinate Pierluigi
Farnese whom Doria had condemned to death for his secret intrigues with
Gianluigi. It is worth our while to clear up the history of this part
of Andrea’s vengeance.
The cities of Parma and Piacenza, having been detached from the duchy
of Milan and put into the hands of the Holy See, were ceded by Paul
III. to his natural son Pier Luigi Farnese who had been legitimated
in 1501 by Julius II. To secure his son in this new duchy, the Pope
supported Charles in the German war and in his expedition to Tunis,
where, aided by Doria the emperor restored the inhuman Muley-Hassan
to the throne which he mounted by the assassination of his twenty-two
brothers. The alliance of Farnese with the empire was cemented by the
marriage of Pierluigi’s son, Ottavio, with Margaret a natural daughter
of Cæsar and widow of Alessandro de Medici. Francis Sforza died and the
duchy of Milan reverted to the empire giving rise to a war with France.
The Pope thought to gain profit for Pier Luigi out of this contest for
the duchy by securing him the investiture, and Cæsar, at the conference
of Busseto, promised to grant the pontiff’s request. The emperor did
not keep his pledge and the Pope began to abandon the imperial cause.
He reproached Charles with the fact that certain prelates devoted to
the empire had proposed in the council of Trent innovations on the
rights of the Papal See, and expressed his discontent with the mild,
treatment of the partisans of Luther in Germany. He went further and
began to intrigue, in 1547, for a league with France against Charles.
Francis I. at the moment when he was most zealously engaged in uniting
England, Germany and Italy against Spain was stricken by death at
Rambouillet after a twenty years’ conflict with the increasing power of
Charles Fifth. The emperor now saw himself without a rival and hastened
to take advantage of the occasion. He renewed hostilities against the
Duke of Saxony, though his army had been thinned by the withdrawal
of the Papal troops. It is not our purpose to recount the story of
this Germanic war. Charles conducted it to a successful termination
because the affairs of Italy no longer distracted his attention. But
his victories over the league of Smacalda increased the suspicions and
fears of Paul III. who saw that if Charles was successful in Germany
he would be master at the council of Trent. It was no secret that the
emperor designed to take that occasion for avenging himself on the
Pope for sympathy with the Fieschi and France. The Roman court was too
jealous of its prerogatives not to be alarmed at the prospect of having
its power limited by an ambitious monarch favourably disposed towards
the policy of the German reformers. It was thought necessary to remove
the seat of the council to some city nearer to Rome and more under
Papal influence, where Charles could not intrigue nor display his arms
with so much effect.
Fortune favoured the Pope. Some of the assembled prelates fell sick and
the physicians, especially Fracastoro who was employed by Rome for the
business, reported that a fierce contagion had broken out in the city.
Many of the prelates abandoned Trent in great haste and the council
was removed to Bologna. The cardinals and bishops of the imperial
faction remained in Trent by express order of Charles. The remainder,
thirty-four in number, accompanied the Papal legates. There were mutual
recriminations and the very council assembled to destroy scism was
menaced with a scism in its own bosom.
Cæsar made angry appeals and intrigued adroitly to secure the
reassembling of the Synod in Trent. The Pope refused, and Charles
avenged himself by that decree of _Interim_, in which he declared
that until the council should be reconvoked in Trent every one was
at liberty to think as he pleased in matters of religion. The decree
occasioned great scandal in the church.
“It was believed,” says Varchi, “that the emperor wished to restore the
Papacy to the simplicity and poverty of times when prelates did not
meddle with temporal government but contented themselves with their
spiritual functions. The gross abuses and vile practices of the Roman
court had awakened in many an ardent desire for such a reform.” This
gave bitterness to the enmity between the Pope and Charles. The pontiff
directed his hostilities especially against the two imperial ministers
in Italy, Anotonio Leyva and Andrea Doria. On the death of the first,
the whole weight of Papal displeasure fell on the head of the latter,
who earlier in life had received from Rome a consecrated sword and
hat for his victories over the Turks. We have elsewhere shown how the
opposition of Doria to the growth of the Farnese family and his other
acts hostile to Paul III. had led the latter to favour the Fieschi
conspiracy against Doria and Spain. Some deny that Paul favoured the
conspirators and adduced the testimony of Don Appollonio Filareto,
secretary to Pier Luigi Farnese. This secretary, though confined for
three years as a prisoner in Milan and put to torture, steadfastly
denied that the French knew of the plans of Fieschi. But this is
contradicted both by the current opinion of that time and by authentic
and credible documents extant. Charles was so certain of the complicity
of the Pope with Fieschi, that when Paul sent Camillo Orsino to Madrid
to complain to the emperor of the murder of his son Pier Luigi and ask
the restitution of Piacenza to the Apostolic See, he boldly charged the
pontiff with this crime.
As soon as Andrea learned through the ministers of Cæsar that Paul
had been concerned in the Fieschi movement, and that Pier Luigi had
given material aid to Gianluigi he was inflamed with an ardent desire
to punish old and new treacheries by a signal act of vengeance. From
that hour, Farnese was condemned to the fate of the Fieschi. Moreover,
in gratifying his own passion for revenge, Andrea was furthering the
schemes of Charles. He launched himself into the matter with the ardour
of youth.
The news that Charles was suffering from a mortal sickness filled Doria
with apprehension of wide-spread conspiracy against Spain in case
of the emperor’s death. Pier Luigi, in fact, as soon as he received
the same intelligence, began to raise troops, fortify castles and
enlist able commanders among whom were Bartolomeo Villachiara, Sforza
Santa Fiore, Sforza Pallavicino and Alessandro Tommasoni da Terni. He
collected arms everywhere. We find in old documents that he bought at
one time four thousand arquebuses, for a gold crown each, from the
celebrated Venturino del Chino, armourer of Gordone in Valtrompia.
Bonfadio tells us that these military preparations awakened grave
suspicions in the neighbouring cities of the empire who feared that
these arms were to be used against themselves. The fear of revolution
was widely diffused. Doria could not be an idle witness of this drawing
of swords in places so near, especially after the share of Farnese in
the Fieschi plot. He had then two motives for prompt action; to secure
the safety of the empire and to avenge the blood of Gianettino.
Pier Luigi has been traduced by the malice of writers in the Spanish
interest. It is true that Cellini declares him avaricious, and many
historians affirm that he was intemperate and a votary of licentious
pleasures. Even Aretino admonished him to husband more carefully the
strength of his manhood. But the fable of Varchi that he ravished
Cosimo Gheri, bishop of Fano, though repeated in our days has no longer
any supporters. It is now beyond question that the story began with
Pier Paolo Vergerio, a malignant slanderer of Farnese. The slander was
refuted at the time by Bishop Della Casa in the time of Vergerio, and
later by Ammiani, Poggiali, Morandi, Cardinal Quirino and Apostolo
Zeno, not to mention many others. Pier Luigi was great by rank and
by nature. He restrained the arrogance of his nobles and had studied
much to elevate his people to an equality with their lords. He was
supported in these plans by the distinguished literary men who served
as his secretaries; Claudio Tolomei, Giovanni Battista Pico, David
Spilimbergo, Gandolfo Porrino, Giovanni Paccini, Gottifredi, Rainerio,
Zuccardi, Tebalducci, Apollonio and Caro. The last after the death of
his master was pursued by assassins and with great difficulty saved his
life by fleeing into the province of Cremona.
This open friendship of Farnese for the people, at a time when the
lords were everywhere practising great severity, added to the hatred of
the imperial agents and whetted their desire for vengeance. There was
still another cause of quarrel. The port of the Po at Piacenza had been
ceded by Paul III. to the divine Bonarotti (taking away certain rights
upon it from the Pusterla and Trivulzio) and Bonarotti had rented it
to Francesco Durante, and the nobles taking the sides of the defrauded
parties resolved to wreak their vengeance on the pontiff’s son. A
conspiracy was formed at the head of which were Giovanni Anguissola,
Camillo and Gerolamo Pallavicini and Giovanni Confaloniere. But the
soul of the plot was count Agostino Landi, the same person who informed
the government at Lucca of the conspiracy of Pietro Fatinelli, and thus
betrayed him to death.
Andrea opened his heart to Landi and showed him the golden promises of
Cæsar. Casoni relates this and he founded it upon irrefragible proofs
which he had in his hands. He adds that the prince pledged to Landi
the hand of the sister of Gianettino for his son with a wealthy dowry.
This marriage afterwards took place. It was important that, after the
assassination of the duke, the duchy of Piacenza should revert to
the empire, and to secure this result Doria intrigued with Gerolamo
Pallavicino, Marquis of Cortemaggiore and Busseto, whose mother and
wife had been held in captivity by Farnese and who was therefore
anxious to punish the affront. The conspirators in Piacenza at first
really intended to establish a popular government; but Doria adroitly
induced them to communicate with Gonzaga. It was not difficult then to
secure the subjection of Piacenza to the empire.
A warm animosity burned between Gonzaga and the duke on account of
the priorship of Barletta which Gonzaga had obtained for his son to
the exclusion of Horace Farnese. Gonzaga made many attempts upon the
life of Pier Luigi. Annibal Caro, who in July, 1547 was sent by the
latter to Milan informed his master of these plots; but the duke had no
presentiment of his imminent peril. The efforts of Gonzaga, however,
all failed, and with the knowledge of Charles, he sent captain Federico
Gazzino to order the conspirators to proceed with their work.
On the tenth of December 1547 Giovanni Anguissola went to the castle
which Farnese had erected to command the city and demanded instant
speech of the duke on matters of pressing urgency. Having entered,
Anguissola and his friend Giovanni Valentino threw themselves upon
the duke and killed him with stabs in his face and breast. On leaving
the apartment, the assassin killed a priest and a servant who were
rushing in to ascertain the occasion of the duke’s cries, struck down a
German lancer who threw himself before him and ran to rejoin his fellow
conspirators, who, led by Confaloniere immediately overpowered the
garrison of the citadel. Others, headed by Landi and the Pallavicini
brothers, attacked and soon captured the castle with but little loss of
life. Some mercenaries fleeing from the citadel spread a report that
the Spaniards had attacked the castle; and the plebians, to whom the
very name Spaniards was odious, rose in arms, gathered around Tommasoni
da Terni, captain of the city militia, and marched to the citadel to
recover it by storm.
The battle could not have been long or doubtful; for only thirty-seven
conspirators were in possession of the fortress. But they invented
an expedient which served them in the stead of force. They hung the
corpse of the duke to the wall and afterwards threw it into the moat.
The sight destroyed the hopes of the people. The conspirators found
means to increase the number of their adherents and to occupy the city.
Captain Ruschino arrived before the gates, according to a previous
understanding, at the head of a considerable body of infantry and
shortly after the castellan of Cremona arrived with reinforcements.
These were followed by Gonzaga himself who took possession in the name
of Cæsar. The vengeance of Doria was complete.
The Venitians were greatly grieved by these events; indeed, all the
governments in Italy which were unfriendly to the Spanish power were
alarmed at its success. The nobles of Piacenza regretted too late that
they had changed masters without gaining their liberties. Gonzaga had
promised to destroy the citadel, but he increased its strength and it
remained for three centuries.
Piacenza was never restored to the Farnese in spite of that spirited
discourse which Casa wrote to Cæsar and which we find in his works.
The Pope in full concistory asked an account from the emperor of the
assassination of his son and the seizure of Piacenza, and demanded the
punishment of Gonzaga. But the emperor pleased with his success, paid
no attention either to the threats of the Pope or the appeals of his
son-in-law and Margaret. Gonzaga was not even content with Piacenza
but attempted to grasp Parma also. He moved an army against it, but
the valour of Camillo Orsino rendered his efforts fruitless. To secure
his grandson against Spanish treachery, Paul kept him near his own
person in Rome, until Ottavio, weary of living in privacy put himself
into the power of the ministers of Charles and returned to Parma. The
old pontiff, pricked to the heart by the death of his son and the
fruitlessness of his appeals to other governments against Spain, soon
ended his days in bitterness and sorrow (1549).
Though the assassins of Farnese obtained rewards from the emperor they
were long the objects of atrocious persecutions from Rome. Anguissola
was created governor of Como; but he sought refuge from many assassins
who dodged his steps in the Pliniana villa which he had constructed.
Beleseur, French ambassador, having encountered him in the Grisons
tried to pierce him in the very palace of the bishop with the dagger
of papal vengance. A certain Rinaldo Rondinello, of the mountains of
Cesena, long followed him in the mantle of a friar; and when this
assassin was punished, many others rose up to take his place, until
Anguissola seeing himself the object of universal scorn and the mark
of every stiletto terminated his miserable life in sorrow and remorse.
Gerolamo Pallavicini who with his brother Alessando and others was an
accomplice in that crime was making the campaign in Flanders in 1552,
in company with his relatives. Eight masked men one day assailed him,
killed all his relatives and left him stretched upon the earth with
five severe wounds. However, he recovered and retired to his castle
of Castiglione di Lodi, which he had obtained from the Fieschi. He
made a vow to marry the first woman whom he should meet. Fate was
propitious and Gerolamina Virotelli, the daughter of a mountaineer and
a woman of more than womanly prudence, made the evening of his life
cheerful. Count Landi died in remorse and bequeathed a rich legacy
to the heir of the murdered Farnese Gonzaga, too, died miserably.
Some assassins, Corsican soldiers of Ottavio Farnese, several times
attempted to kill him; but it was reserved for the Genoese to avenge on
him the death of the Fieschi and Farnese, and his other crimes. Tommaso
Marini and Ottobuono Giustiniani obtained a decree from Charles, that
Gonzaga be subjected to an examination for the robberies with which
he was charged. The emperor acquitted him, but removed him from the
governorship of Milan and the disgrace so wounded him that he died of
his grief.
These acts of vengeance were followed by others of a fierce character.
In these, Andrea Doria was the instructor. At the death of Pier Luigi
nothing remained for him but to punish the Pope for his complicity with
the Count of Lavagna; but the elevation of Paul and the sanctity of
his office put him out of the reach of personal violence. Other arms
than daggers must be employed, and fortune put them into the hands of
Doria. We must here premise that after the death of Gianluigi, the
Pope, to suppress the rumour that he was accessory to the conspiracy,
sent Andrea a brief, condoling with him for the death of Gianettino.
The fierce Genoese, who well knew the arts of Roman wolves, swallowed
his resentiment and was silent until the time arrived to settle his
account with the successor of St. Peter. As soon as he learned through
Cristoforo Lercaro Di Salvo, captain of Chiavari, that Pier Luigi was
dead, he took that same brief, changed only the names and sent it
back to the author as _his_ letter of condolence for the death of the
pontiff’s son. The injury was great; but the punishment was terrible.
These punishments and assassinations did not restore order and
confidence. The blood which had been spilled fertilized the soil for a
new harvest of disaster and suffering.