The Movement in Europe—Present Plans of the Reds—Stringent
Measures Adopted by Various European Governments—Bebel and
Liebknecht—A London Celebration—Whitechapel Outcasts—“Blood, Blood,
Blood!”—Verestchagin’s Views—The Bulwarks of Society—The Condition
of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis
and other American Cities—A New Era of Revolutionary Activity—A
Fight to the Death—Are we Prepared?
AS regards the present plans and movements of the reds in Europe, of
course it is almost impossible to obtain an adequate conception here.
It is known, however, that the French, German, English and Belgian
governments have only recently adopted most stringent measures, the
effect of which will undoubtedly be to send some very undesirable
immigrants to our hospitable shores.
Notwithstanding the measures taken by the French Government, it is
reported as tolerably certain that the Revolutionary Congress will meet
at Paris, although there is a pressure to have the date of the session
delayed until October. Much will depend, probably, upon the proceedings
of the proposed meeting of German, Swiss and Austrian Socialists at
Zurich the coming summer.
With all their talk of universal brotherhood and a grand combination of
the proletariat of every nation against tyranny, race hatreds are very
strong among the Socialists of Europe. A French Communist would be more
likely to cut a German Socialist’s throat than labor with him for the
overthrow of the common oppressor.
The social conference soon to convene at The Hague, it is said, will
ask the German leaders to take the decisive step of annulling the
Zurich meeting, in order to give the Paris congress the more importance
and avoid giving any possible offense by such action as may be taken
there. It is well known that Bebel, Liebknecht and their immediate
followers have no particular love for the dynamite faction of the Paris
Communists, but there are many Swiss, South Germans and Russians who
are engaged in the thankless and seemingly hopeless task of reconciling
national differences, and these men have no small influence over their
fellows by reason of their intelligence and approved courage and the
sacrifices they have made for the common cause. By their unceasing
labor a large proportion of the rank and file of the German army have
been won over to the Socialistic movement, and they do not despair of
allaying the French repugnance to affiliating with men of their own
ideas from across the Rhine.
The London celebration of the anniversary of the Paris Commune on the
night of March 18, 1889, consisted of a small crowd of boozy, beery,
pot-valiant, squalid, frowsy, sodden Whitechapel outcasts who shrieked
and fought in a small hall in their district under the eye of a single
policeman.
“Better not go in, sir,” the policeman said to a correspondent who
entered the door of the small hall at 87 Commonwealth Road. “There
ain’t no danger, but it’s very unpleasant.”
It was the fumes of scores of dirty pipes and a thousand other causes
that made the air almost unbearable. About two hundred people, a fourth
of whom were lushed, soggy Whitechapel women, were in the low-ceilinged
hall, while a long-haired Pole was screaming an address from the
platform. He cursed and swore with frantic blasphemy, and called upon
his hearers to arm themselves and wade to liberty through blood.
Whenever he uttered the word “blood,” the muddled and maudlin crowd set
up a shriek of “Blood, blood, blood!” that was deafening. All of the
women and most of the men had soiled red flags and handkerchiefs, which
they waved in the air as they shrieked “Blood!” in chorus. Then they
would sink back into drunken indifference till the word “blood” was
mentioned again.
Two women and a man, says the correspondent, lay in senseless stupor,
with the crowd treading on them. One woman’s rags did not half cover
her. An illiterate Englishman pushed the Pole aside and began to
harangue the people from the platform. It was the most shameless,
ribald and obscene harangue imaginable. In the midst of it one woman
struck another with a piece of a broken beer glass, and the two females
began to fight like cats. Faces were cut and bleeding. No one paid the
slightest attention except the policeman, who looked indifferently on.
Presently one of the women ran sobbing from the hall with her face
streaming blood. Another woman started after her, when a man made a
sign to a policeman, and she was restrained. Then a neighbor plucked
the correspondent’s sleeve:
“Don’t let that nasty scene deceive you,” he said shortly, “it doesn’t
mean that Socialism is dead in London. It means that it is more
intelligent. They’ve left off shouting in public and begun to work
under cover. This thing to-night proves it.”
The following, from the pen of Vassili Verestchagin, the eminent
Russian painter, whose realistic representations of battle scenes have
created a great sensation wherever exhibited, and who is also a writer
of great ability, will show how the situation in Europe as regards
Socialism, Anarchy and Nihilism appears to one close and intelligent
observer:
“There is no gainsaying the fact that all the other questions of our
time are paling before the question of Socialism that advances on us,
threateningly, like a tremendous thunder-cloud.
“The masses that have been for centuries leading a life of expectancy,
while hanging on the very borders of starvation, are willing to
wait no more. Their former hopes in the future are discarded; their
appetites are whetted, and they are clamoring for arrears, which
means now the division of all the riches, and so as to make the
division more lasting, they are claiming that talents and capacities
should be leveled down to one standard, all workers of progress and
comfort alike drawing the same pay. They are striving to reconstruct
society on new foundations, and, in case of opposition to their aims,
they threaten to apply the torch to all the monuments pertaining to an
order that, according to them, has already outlived its usefulness;
they threaten to blow up the public buildings, the churches, the art
galleries, libraries and museums—a downright religion of despair!...
“My friend the late General Skobeleff once asked me, ‘How do you
understand the movement of the Socialists and the Anarchists?’ He
owned to it that he himself did not understand at all what they aimed
at. ‘What do they want? What are they striving to attain?’
“‘First of all,’ I answered, ‘those people object to wars between
nations; again, their appreciation of art is very limited, the art of
painting not excluded. Thus, if they ever come into power, you, with
your strategic combinations, and I, with my pictures, will both be
shelved immediately. Do you understand this?’
“‘Yes, I understand this,’ rejoined Skobeleff, ‘and from this on I am
determined to fight them.’
“There is no mistaking the fact that, as I have said before,
society is seriously threatened at the hands of a large mass of
people counting hundreds of millions. Those are the people who, for
generations, during entire centuries, have been on the brink of
starvation, poorly clad, living in filthy and unhealthy quarters;
paupers, and such people as have scarcely any property, or no property
at all. Well, who is it that is to blame for their poverty—are they
not themselves to be blamed for it?
“No, it would be unjust to lay all the blame at their door; it is more
likely that society at large is more to blame for their condition than
they are themselves.
“Is there any way out of the situation?
“Certainly there is. Christ, our Great Teacher, has long ago pointed
out the way in which the rich and the powerful could remedy the
situation without bringing things to a revolutionary pass, without any
upheaval of the existing social order, if they would only seriously
take care of the miserable; that certainly would have insured them
the undisturbed enjoyment of the bulk of their fortune. But there is
little hope of a peaceful solution of the question now; it is certain
that the well-to-do classes will still prefer to remain Christian
in name only; they will still hope that palliative measures will be
sufficient to remedy the situation; or else, believing the danger to
be distant yet, they will not be disposed to give up much; while the
paupers—though formerly they were ready for a compromise—may be soon
found unwilling to take the pittance offered them.
“What do they want, then?
“Nothing less than the equalization of riches in the society to come;
they claim the material as well as the moral equalization of all
rights, trades, all capacities and talents; as we have already said,
they strive to undermine all the foundations of the existing state of
society, and, in inaugurating a new order of things they claim to be
able to open a real era of liberty, equality and fraternity, instead
of the shadows of those lofty things, as existing now....
“I do not mean to go into the discussion of the matter; I would
not pretend to point out how much justice or injustice, how much
soundness or unsoundness there is in these claims; I state only the
fact that there is a deep gulf between the former cries for bread and
the sharply formulated claims of the present. It is evident that the
appetite of the masses has grown within the past centuries, and the
bill which they intend to present for payment will not be a small one.
“Who will be required to pay this bill?
“Society, most certainly.
“Will it be done willingly?
“Evidently not.
“Consequently there will be complications, quarrels, civil wars.
“Certainly there will be serious complications; they are already
casting their shadows before them in the shape of disturbances of a
Socialistic character that are originating here and there. In America,
most likely, those disturbances are lesser and less pointed, but in
Europe, in France and Belgium, for instance, such disorders assume a
very threatening aspect.
“Who is likely to be victorious in this struggle?
“Unless Napoleon I. was wrong in his assertion that victory will
always remain with the _gros bataillons_, the ‘regulators’ will
win. Their numbers will be very great; whoever knows human nature
will understand that all such as have not much to lose will, at the
decisive moment, join the claims of those who have nothing to lose....
“It is generally supposed that the danger is not so imminent yet; but,
as far as I was able to judge, the impendence of the danger varies in
different countries. France, for instance—that long-suffering country
which is forever experimenting on herself, whether it be in social or
scientific questions, or in politics—is the nearest to a crisis; then
follow Belgium and other countries.
“It is very possible that even the present generation will witness
something serious in that respect. As to the coming generations, there
is no doubt that they will assist at a thorough reconstruction of the
social structure in all countries.
“The claims of Socialists, and, particularly, the Anarchists, as well
as the disorders incited by them, generally produce a great sensation
in society. But no sooner are the disorders suppressed, than society
relapses again into its usual unconcern, and no one gives a thought to
the fact that the frequency of those painful symptoms, recurring with
so much persistency, is in itself a sign of disease.
“Far-seeing people begin to realize that palliative measures are of
no more use; that a change of governments and of rulers will not
avail any more; and that nothing is left but to await developments
contingent on the attitude of the opposed parties—the energetic
determination of the well-to-do classes, not to yield, and that of the
proletaires, to keep their courage and persevere....
“The only consolation remaining to the rich consists in the fact that
the ‘regulators’ have not had time yet to organize their forces for a
successful struggle with society. This is true to a certain extent.
But, though they do it slowly, the ‘regulators’ are perfecting their
organization all the time; yet, on the other hand, can we say that
society is well enough organized not to stand in dread of attack?
“Who are the recognized and official defenders of society?
“The army and the church.
“A soldier, there is no doubt of it, is a good support; he represents
a solid defense; the only trouble about him is that the soldier
himself begins to get weary of his ungrateful part. It is likely that
for many years to come yet the soldier will shoot with a light heart
at such as are called his ‘enemies;’ but the time is not far distant
when he will refuse to shoot at his own people.
“Who is a good soldier? Only one to whom you can point out his father,
his mother or his brother in the crowd, saying, ‘Those are enemies of
society, kill them’—and who will obey.
“I may remark here, in passing, that it occurred to me to refer to
this idea in a conversation I had with the well-known French writer
and thinker, Alexandre Dumas, _fils_, and with what success? Conceding
the justice of the apprehension, he had no other comforting suggestion
to offer than to say: ‘Oh, yes, the soldier will shoot yet!’
“The other defender of society, the priest, has been less ill-used
than the soldier, and consequently he is not so tired of his task;
but, on the other hand, people begin to tire of him, less heed is paid
to his words, and there arises a doubt as to the truth of all that he
preaches.
“There was a time when it was possible to tell the people that there
is but one sun in the heavens as there is but one God-appointed king
in the country. As stars of the first, second, third and fourth
magnitude are grouping themselves around the sun, so the powerful,
the rich, the poor and the miserable surround the king on earth. And,
as all that appeared plausible, people used to believe that such
arrangements are as they ought to be. All was accepted, all went on
smoothly; none of such things can be advanced nowadays, however; no
one will be ready to believe in them....
“Clearly, things assume a serious aspect. Suppose the day comes when
the priests will entirely lose their hold on the people, when the
soldiers will turn their guns muzzles down—where will society look
for bulwarks then? Is it possible that it has no more reliable defense?
“Certainly, it has such a defense, and it is nothing else but
_talents_, and their representatives in science, literature and art in
all its ramifications.
“Art must and will defend society. Its influence is less apparent
and palpable, but it is very great; it might even be said that its
influence over the minds, the hearts and the actions of people is
enormous, unsurpassed, unrivaled. Art must and will defend society
with all the more care and earnestness, because its devotees know
that the ‘regulators’ are not disposed to give them the honorable,
respectable position they occupy now—since, according to them, a
good pair of boots is more useful than a good picture, a novel or a
statue. Those people declare that talent is luxury; that talent is
aristocratic, and that, consequently, talent has to be brought down
from its pedestal to the common level—a principle to which we shall
never submit.
“Let us not deceive ourselves. There will arise new talents, which
will gradually adapt themselves to new conditions, if such will
prevail, and their works may perhaps gain from it, but we shall not
agree to the principle of general demolition and reconstruction,
when such have no other foundation but the well-known thesis:
‘Let us destroy everything and clear the ground; as to the
reconstruction—about that we shall see later on.’ We shall defend and
advocate the improvement of the existing things by means of peaceful
and gradual measures.”
That is Verestchagin’s view. It is certainly original and at least
presents matter for serious reflection to the thoughtful, even though
his deductions are not agreed to.
Only recently a tremendous sensation was caused by the discovery of a
dynamite bomb factory in Zurich, secretly conducted by students, and
the tracing therefrom of a Nihilist conspiracy against the Czar, with
extensive ramifications throughout Russia. Official and court circles
in St. Petersburg were panic-stricken at the news, and the public
journals, as usual, were promptly forbidden publishing information,
making comment, or saying a word on the subject. In the meantime the
police pushed investigation in all directions and a large number of
arrests were made.
Following up the traces of the plot, they found in a street of
the capital most important evidences of its ramifications in St.
Petersburg. This conspiracy was said to be more formidable than any
preceding one. Nor was the danger diminished by the discoveries made.
The arrests were only of minor people, and these maintained unbroken
fidelity to their leaders, refusing to divulge even the little they
were allowed to know.
All over the world the apostles of disorder, rapine and Anarchy are
to-day pressing forward their work of ruin, and preaching their
gospel of disaster to all the nations with a more fiery energy and a
better organized propaganda than was ever known before. People who
imagine that the energy of the revolutionists has slackened, or that
their determination to wreck all the existing systems has grown less
bitter, are deceiving themselves. The conspiracy against society is as
determined as it ever was, and among every nation the spirit of revolt
is being galvanized into a newer and more dangerous life.
In Chicago the signs of the times are so plain that he who runs may
read. The skulking conspirators, who but a few months ago met secretly
and in fear, in out-of-the-way cellars and thoroughly tiled halls, now
court publicity. Their meetings are advertised and open—any one who
chooses may attend—and they evidently feel a confidence and security
which was unknown before this year of grace 1889. If this feeling is
rampant here in Chicago, where the heaviest blow was struck at Anarchy,
what must it be in other American cities, New York for instance,
where the reds have a formidable and growing organization, or in
Philadelphia, Pittsburg or Cincinnati? It is manifest that a new era of
“revolutionary activity” is at hand, and it is to be questioned whether
the proper means for meeting the proposed attack have been taken, or
are being prepared.
In Europe the same ferment is apparent. In England the conspiracy
is still largely under cover, for the English proletariat, as the
Anarchists love to call the raw material of Anarchy, is slow to move
and difficult to arouse. But the propaganda is busy, and occasional
rumblings may be heard of the work going on underground, which should
be received as the danger signals they are. In London there are all
the factors for the most dangerous mob the world can produce. There
are thousands upon thousands of half-starved, desperate men, who have
absolutely nothing to lose save lives which they themselves hold as
almost worthless, and there is the constant temptation before them
of wealth so great and so flaunting, and of a wealthy class often so
cruelly unjust, that it need never be a matter of wonder when the
East End of London springs at the throat of the West. In England,
however, nobody seems to believe that there can be such a thing as a
servile revolt—that might occur among the French or the Germans or
the Russians, but never in John Bull’s island,—and the conspirators,
safely covered by the fancied security of the people, are permitted to
undermine at their will the fabric of English society.
In France the Commune is stronger than it ever was, and the Red Terror
may appear with every turn of the whirligig of politics. France does
not disbelieve in the danger, but it is practically powerless to avert
it, owing to the general demoralization which has followed Boulanger’s
success. Of course, it can only be a wild and bloody riot followed by a
wild and bloody retribution, by a nation frightened out of freedom back
into the arms of a strong government, for in France the issues are made
up, and the country has made up its mind.
In Spain and Italy, and especially in the smaller states—Switzerland,
Belgium and the Scandinavian countries—the Socialists are busy, while
in Germany and in Russia a crisis is at hand. Thus, the world over,
it is evident that Anarchy is at work with a feverish purpose never
before displayed, and the governments are menaced with a danger before
which foreign war is as nothing. Nothing but the uprooting of the very
foundations and groundwork of our civilization will satisfy these
enemies of order. Their fight is to the death. They will neither take
nor give quarter. It is war _à l’outrance_—composition or truce is
futile and foolish.
Are we prepared, or are we even preparing for the shock?
Let none mistake either the purpose or the devotion of these fanatics,
nor their growing strength. This is methodic—not a haphazard
conspiracy. The ferment in Russia is controlled by the same heads and
the same hands as the activity in Chicago. There is a cold-blooded,
calculating purpose behind this revolt, manipulating every part of
it, the world over, to a common and ruinous end. Whether the next
demonstration of the Red Terror will occur where its disciples are
goaded to desperation under despotic measures, as in the land of
the Czar, or in our own country, where they are allowed to preach
its bloody doctrines under a broad construction of the American
constitutional right of free speech, time alone can tell.
But believe me, Anarchy is not an enemy for society to despise.
APPENDIX A.
THE meeting places of the Anarchist groups in Chicago prior to May 4,
1886, were as follows:
South Side, Saturday nights, 2883 Wentworth Avenue.
Southwest Side, No. 1, Saturday nights, 691 South Halsted Street.
Southwest Side, No. 3, Saturday nights, 611 Throop Street.
Vorwaerts, Saturday nights, 204 Blue Island Avenue.
Jefferson, Saturday nights, at or near 1800 Milwaukee Avenue.
Town of Lake, No. 1, Saturday nights, 514 State Street.
Town of Lake, No. 2, every other Sunday evening, in Thomas Hall,
corner of Fifty-eighth and Laflin Streets.
Bridgeport, Sunday afternoons, 2 o’clock, 2513 South Halsted Street.
The Lehr und Wehr Verein companies met as follows:
First Group—Tuesday and Friday evenings, at Mueller’s Hall, corner
of Sedgwick and North Avenue; also, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, Sunday
mornings, for instruction in shooting and rifle practice.
Second Group—Wednesday evenings, and two weekly meetings, together
with the Northwest Side Group, at 8 o’clock, at 636 Milwaukee Avenue.
Third Group—Wednesday evenings at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall.
No. 58 Clybourn Avenue was a general meeting-place. A general
invitation was extended to all to come there on Sundays for practice
in shooting.
List of names of Anarchists and Socialists as found on record with
Secretaries Seliger and Lingg, at 442 Sedgwick Street:
William Hesse.
Moritz Neff.
William Lange.
Balthasar Rau.
Albert Bonien.
Michael Schwab.
H. Harmening.
William Medow.
A. Hovestadt.
Oscar Neebe.
Franz Hoffman.
Ch. Charlevitz.
H. Kaune.
H. Tietgens.
Theodore Polling.
Louis Hensling.
E. Buschner.
Henry Bonnefoi.
George Meng.
W. L. Rosenberg.
Carl Wichmann.
Ch. Mauner.
Chr. Mauer.
John Nedovlacid, _alias_ Pohl.
A. Hirschberger.
Edward Schnaubelt.
John Altherr.
William Buffleben.
Carl Milbi.
Chr. Ramm.
Max Mitlacher.
Paul Grottkau.
Joseph Bach.
Albert Gorns.
Julius Stegemann.
Otto Habitzreiter.
William Hoelscher.
William Ludwig.
H. Perschke.
A. Roehr.
William Urban.
Ernst Altenhofer.
H. Fasshauer.
Abraham Hermann.
Michael Hermann.
Lorenz Hermann.
Peter Huber.
John Neubauer.
Rudolph Kobitch.
Julius Habitzreiter.
Fritz Fischer.
Albin Mittlacher.
Fritz Reuter.
Carl Teuber.
Rudolph Ohlf.
Theodore Remane.
E. Brassholz.
Joseph Knochelman.
A. Picard.
Arthur Fritzsche.
Franz Domes.
John B. Lotz.
John Wohlleben.
Gustav Moeller.
H. Ulrich.
William Neumann.
H. Kallina.
August Stollidorf.
W. Senderson.
George Rosenzweig.
Robert W. Ebill.
S. Heidenbluth.
William Luetzgerath.
R. Lauterbach.
Ernst Fischer.
Carl Schroeder.
Otto Voigt.
Heinrich Menge.
John Neunkirchen.
William Kaune.
Chris Ammer.
Carl Leukert.
H. Boeltscher.
H. Vogelsaenger.
B. Leber.
Joseph Mattius.
John Holm.
William Walteck.
Carl Puder.
N. Willes.
William Linden.
George Menge.
Louis Krauthahn.
Wilhelm Schleuter.
Paul Riedel.
Fritz Huebner.
Louis Liebl.
Rudolph Effinger.
Wilhelm Lindner.
Conrad Meier.
August Baer.
Wilhelm Rieger.
Hans Reindel.
Rudolph Schnaubelt.
William Heinze.
Anton Schmidt.
Fritz Schmidt.
Albert Wilke.
Gustav Schroth.
Carl Meier.
George Engelett.
H. Marcmann.
H. Albert.
Ch. Blendow.
August Neuhaus.
Chr. Hase.
H. C. Eden.
H. Thomser.
Claus Boege.
Frederick Boecer.
H. Kirvitt.
H. Lehman.
Nic Schroegel.
Max Biehle.
Andrew Decker.
Johann Mass.
Hermann Klug.
H. Honsel.
Edward Koelble.
Adolph Greschner.
Guenther Bock.
Fritz Bock.
C. Bock.
Fritz Linden.
Leo Wierig.
Nic Keller.
Aug. Wassilof.
Linarz.
Fr. Rathke.
Baehrendt.
Henry Schmidt.
Franz Hein.
Chas. Meyer.
Otto Bathke.
Louis Peters.
Wm. Seliger.
Christ Jansen.
Chas. Scholl.
B. Horschke.
Kinder.
Robert Moench.
Latinker.
Leopold Miller.
E. Trolson.
Otto Blonk.
Ludwig Sitzberger.
Albert Sommer.
Albert Dilke.
Alfred Bartels.
August Asher.
Henry Slvetera.
Hermann Pabst.
John Richlich.
Ernst J. Nitschke.
Fritz Roeber.
W. Callinius.
E. Hoffman.
W. Matuspkirvitz.
Carl Pundt.
E. Rudolph.
Franz Stahr.
Hermann Weg.
H. Judknecht.
Christ. Drawert.
Julius Blecksmith.
Carl Rick.
Carl Leukert.
Gustav Stolze.
Edward Heis.
Wilhelm Waldeck.
Ludwig Lintz.
August Pavel.
H. Hildemann.
Ernst Altenhofer.
John Kleinsten.
Hermann Hoges.
Wilhelm Alb.
H. Markmann.
H. Albert.
Blendow.
H. C. Eden.
John Maas.
Hermann Klug.
H. Hansel.
F. Thiesen.
Henry Abelman.
Joseph Neder.
Leo Wierig.
Nic Keller.
Max Hollock.
George Binder.
Wm. Lueneberg.
Anton Besser.
Franz Springer.
O. Deichman.
Joseph Schramm.
Carl Kroger.
Franz Turban.
George Binder.
John Kerr.
Wenzel Kinzill.
Ernst Niendorf.
Theodore Blumbach.
H. Zwierlein.
August Metschke.
K. Kumberg.
Charles Lovitte.
H. Kauney.
H. Mathge.
Ludwig Luetzeberger.
Frederick Schmiecke.
Christ Wegemann.
Carol Fischhammer.
E. Andauer.
Bernard Labor.
August Litch.
Paul Polke.
Franz Schumann.
Franz Hermann.
Franz Bohl.
Christ. Killgers.
Max Hollock.
Total number of members, 232.
Names of Socialists belonging to different parts of the city:
Fritz Kaderli.
Alois Preiss.
Anton Bonner.
Gustav Zerbe.
Carl Weidenhammer.
Berthold Bauer.
Nic Goebel.
Franz Frank.
George H. Karst.
Fritz Witt.
August Ziemann.
Rudolph Spuhr.
Ernst Blanck.
August Krause.
Wilhelm Helm.
Franz Krueger.
Frederick Luebbe.
Jacob Beck.
Hermann Wechmann.
Hermann Boese.
B. Gromall.
Fred Wessling.
Franz Schips.
Michael Michels.
John Tallmann.
Gustav Hopper.
Carl Chuast.
Nic Mueller.
Franz Schlopp.
Philipp Glaser.
John Woehrle.
Louis Boechlke.
Albert Koch.
John Voss.
Fred Heiden.
Franz Heidench.
Carl Michael.
George Bloecher.
Fred Naffs.
Robert Wegener.
Max Miller.
Frank Wiederkehr.
Heinrich Volkmann.
Friederich Wargowsky.
Gustav Bressmann.
Hermann Jocks.
Peter Dieterich.
John Fromm.
Frederich Hanne.
Carl Norvotny.
Heinrich Simon.
August Rieger.
Henry Lebierri.
Christ Erbman.
Rudolph Arndt.
John Sellmann.
William Rehfeldt.
Emil Kaiser.
Carl Swansen.
Louis Jansen.
Jacob Lieser.
Carl Billhardt.
Johann Grefflath.
Fritz Peters.
Albert Bittelkau.
Leo Engelmann.
Christ Feidler.
Peter Bucher.
George Lange.
August Littele.
Hermann Pretch.
Albert Fork.
Wilhelm Hohmann.
Hermann Theile.
Carl Heinrich.
Friederich Rathman.
Carl Wild.
Wilhelm Wetendorf.
Carl Gerbech.
Friederich Assmussen.
Louis Griep.
Heinrich Zeiss.
Carl Mund.
George Schmidt.
August Buchwald.
Peter Weber.
Christ. Jungknecht.
Johann Fleischmann.
August Bernatzki.
Julius Koschnitzki.
Bernard Kaelle.
Richard Wagner.
Christ. Schumann.
George Stange.
Johann Siegfried.
Frank Ehlert.
Heinrich Becker.
Johann Peters.
Hermann Junke.
Julius Beck.
Louis Thiess.
John Weber.
Robert Lattmann.
Mike Hartmann.
Heinrich Pressler.
Otto Bartell.
Martin Lausgres.
Heinrich Koehler.
Fritz Geding.
Peter Ferneeten.
Louis Schroeder.
Heinrich Rauch.
John Mangels.
Hermann Tombrow.
John Koehler.
Wilhelm Kramp.
Hermann Gnadke.
Peter Pauls.
Adolph Rudemann.
Louis Schalk.
Rudolph Firo.
Joseph Kaiser.
Frank Allring.
Heinrich Block.
Carl Beck.
John Urech.
Gustav Roshke.
Ed. Peterson.
M. Grant.
August Hoffman.
Gustav Kerstarm.
J. Casper.
Philipp Wichmann.
John Bernier.
August Schnedort.
Total number, 139.
Names of Socialistic women of North Side, 1886:
Mrs. Back.
Mrs. W. Lange.
Mrs. Mattius.
Mrs. Rehm.
Mrs. Johanna Schroeder.
Mrs. Antonie Hoverstadt.
Mrs. Rosenzweig.
Mrs. Fisher.
Mrs. Wilhelmina Menge.
Mrs. H. Habitzreiter.
Mrs. Elizabeth Reuter.
Marie Schnaubelt.
Mrs. Lane.
Mrs. Hermann.
Mrs. Pohl.
Mrs. Neuhaus.
Ida Schnaubelt.
Johanna Schnaubelt.
Mrs. Schwab.
Mrs. Miller.
Mrs. Huber.
Total number, 21.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Portrait of the Author, Frontispiece
The French Revolution—The Feast of Reason, 16
Storming the Bastile, 18
Karl Marx, 19
Michael Bakounine, 20
Pierre Joseph Proudhon, 21
Louise Michel, 24
Ferdinand Lassalle, 25
Excavated Dynamite Mine in Moscow, 33
“It is Too Soon to Thank God.”—The Assassination of Czar
Alexander II., 35
The Czar’s Carriage after the Explosion, 36
Diagram of Elnikoff’s Bomb, 36
The Nihilists in the Dock, 38
Execution of the Nihilist Conspirators, 39
The Book Bomb, 40
Scenes from the Riots at Pittsburg, 1877, 51
The Great Strike in Baltimore—The Militia Fighting their Way
through the Streets, 57
The Labor Troubles of 1877—Riots at the Halsted Street Viaduct,
Chicago, 63
Dr. Carl Eduard Nobiling, 67
Max Hoedel, 67
Banners of the Social Revolution—I., 69
Carter H. Harrison, 70
The Black Flag, 75
The Office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, 76
An Anarchist Procession, 78
The Board of Trade, 80
Banners of the Social Revolution—II., 85
A Group of Anarchists, 87
Banners of the Social Revolution—III., 91
The Red Banner of the Carpenters’ Union, 93
Dr. Nobiling’s Attempt to Assassinate the Emperor of Germany, 95
August Reinsdorf, 96
Johann Most, 100
Banners of the Social Revolution—IV., 109
Interior View of Neff’s Hall, 111
A Strike—The Walking Delegate Sowing the Seed of Discontent, 114
Greif’s Hall, 115
A Round-up, 118
Specimen Rioters—Hynek Djenek and Anton Seveski, 120
—— John Pototski and Frank Novak, 121
—— Vaclav Djenek and Anton Stimak, 122
—— Ignatz Urban and Joseph Sugar, 123
Charging the Mob at McCormick’s, 126
Officer Casey’s Peril, 127
Franz Mikolanda, a Polish Conspirator, 128
_Fac-simile_ of the Famous “Revenge” Circular, 130
The Call for the Haymarket Meeting—_Fac-simile_ I., 132
—— _Fac-simile_ II., 135
Neff’s Hall, Exterior View, 136
The Haymarket Meeting—“In the Name of the People I Command You to
Disperse,” 140
The Haymarket Riot—The Explosion and the Conflict, 142
Inspector John Bonfield, 143
Captain William Ward, 144
Lieut. (now Chief) G. W. Hubbard, 145
Sergt. (now Capt.) J. E. Fitzpatrick, 146
Lieut. James P. Stanton, 147
Lieut. Bowler, 147
The Desplaines Street Station, 151
The Haymarket Martyrs, 154
Adolph Fischer, 157
The Fischer Family, 158
Fischer’s Belt and Poisoned Daggers, 159
August Spies, 160
Miss Nina Van Zandt, 162
Chris Spies, 163
Miss Gretchen Spies, 164
Michael Schwab, 165
Albert R. Parsons, 166
Mrs. Lucy Parsons, 167
Oscar W. Neebe, 168
Rudolph Schnaubelt, the Bomb-Thrower, 170
Balthasar Rau, 173
Lingg’s Candlestick, 177
Round Iron Bomb, 180
Samuel Fielden, 181
Detective James Bonfield, 184
Officer Henry Palmer, 185
Officer (now Lieut.) Baer, 186
Detective Hermann Schuettler, 189
Detective Michael Hoffman, 189
Detective Michael Whalen, 189
Detective Charles Rehm, 189
Detective John Stift, 189
Detective Jacob Loewenstein, 189
Edmund Furthmann, 191
The East Chicago Avenue Station, 193
A Back-Yard Interview, 195
A Friendly Communication, 197
The Notorious Florus’ Hall, 203
The Shadowed Detectives, 204
The “Red” Sisterhood, 207
Turning the Tables, 209
Underground Auditors, 211
Betrayed by Beauty, 214
Thalia Hall, 218
Underground Conspirators, 220
Officer Nordrum, 221
The Scared Amateur Anarchist, 223
Watching a Suspect, 225
Julius Oppenheimer’s Double, 231
Mr. and Mrs. William Seliger, 236
A Noble Woman’s Influence-A Kiss that Prevented Bloodshed, 239
John Thielen, 248
Louis Lingg, the Bomb-maker, 257
Lingg’s Trunk, 258
Coils of Fuse Found in Lingg’s Trunk, 259
Composition Bomb Found in Lingg’s Room, 261
Cast-Iron and Large Gas-pipe Bombs, 262
Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg’s Room, 263
Gas-pipe Bombs without Fuse, 264
Unfinished Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg’s Dinner-box, 265
Lingg’s Revolver, 267
A Desperate Struggle—Louis Lingg’s Arrest, 269
Iron Bolt Found in Lingg’s Trunk, 271
Lingg’s Sweetheart, 274
Ladle used by Lingg in Casting, with Can of English Dynamite, 276
Muntzenberg Peddling Books and Bombs, 281
George Engel, 284
Miss Mary Engel, 285
Gottfried Waller, 287
Underground Rifle Practice—A Meeting of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 289
Numbered Plates from L. u. W. V. Rifles, 290
“Liberty Hall,” 295
Otto Lehman, 298
Gustav Lehman, 303
Zepf’s Hall, 306
Timmerhof Hall, 309
Herman Muntzenberg, 313
A Hasty Toilet, 325
A Dangerous Storing-Place, 327
An Obstreperous Prisoner, 329
The Conspiracy Meeting—Waller Reading Engel’s “Plan,” 336
The “Czar” Bomb, 343
Anarchist Ammunition—I., 348
1. Incendiary Bomb, with powder flask detached.
2. Gas-Pipe Bombs, without cap or fuse, but loaded with
dynamite. Found in Lingg’s Room.
3. Bombs used in Evidence, after analysis by chemists.
4. Gas-pipe Bombs, with fuse and caps, secreted by Julius
Oppenheimer under a dancing-platform.
A Group of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 352
The Wife-Beater’s Trial, 362
An Incendiary Can, 365
Henry Spies, 368
The Larrabee Street Station, 371
The Hinman Street Station, 374
Neebe’s Sword and Belt, 377
Anarchist Ammunition—II., 381
1. Round Iron Bombs, cast whole, and designed for use with
percussion caps, to explode on falling.
2. Sheet-iron Molds, used by Lingg in the construction of
infernal machines.
3, 4. Sectional Views of the “Czar” Bomb.
Hon Joseph E. Gary, 384
Portraits of the Jury, 386
Portraits of the Jury, 387
Hon. Julius S. Grinnell, 391
The Great Trial—Scene in the Court-room, 410
Spies’ Manuscript of the Famous “Ruhe” Signal—_Fac-simile_, 421
“Y—Come Monday Evening”—_Fac-simile_, 422
Reduced _Fac-simile_ of Heading of the _Fackel_, 423
Plan of the Seliger Residence, 425
Dynamite Packages, 436
1. Package left at Judge Tree’s House.
2. Package left at C., B. & Q. Railroad offices.
Socialistic Bombs—Diagrams from _Daily News_ of January 14, 1886, 437
Chart of Street Warfare, 438
Interior Plan of Greif’s Hall, 440
Interior Plan of Neff’s Hall, 443
Adolph Lieske, 449
Parsons’ Handwriting, 451
A Picnic of the “Reds” at Sheffield, 453
1. Experimenting with Dynamite.
2. Getting Inspiration.
3. Engel on the Stump.
4. “Hoch die Anarchie!”
5. Mrs. Parsons Addressing the Crowd.
6. Children Peddling Most’s Literature.
7. A Family Feast.
Engel’s Blast Furnace, 469
Moses Salomon, 479
Spies Addressing the Strikers at McCormick’s, 511
Francis W. Walker, 526
Sigismund Zeisler, 536
George C. Ingham, 542
William A. Foster, 546
Capt. William P. Black, 554
Lingg’s Suicide Bombs, 595
E. F. L. Gauss, 607
Henry Severin, 607
Judge Benjamin D. Magruder, 609
Jailor Folz, 629
Benjamin P. Price, 632
Lingg’s Terrible Death, 633
1. Lighting the Deadly Bomb.
2. The Explosion.
3. The Deputy Entering Lingg’s Cell.
4. The Dying Bomb-Maker in the Hands of the Surgeons.
Lingg’s Last Request, 635
John C. Klein, 636
The Chicago Water-works, 641
Sheriff Canute R. Matson, 643
The Execution, 645
John A. Roche, 648
Kierlan’s Souvenir, 653
The Haymarket Monument, 659
An Anarchist “Sunday-school”—Teaching Unbelief and Lawlessness, 669
Frank Chleboun, 673
Frank Capek, 673
Charles L. Bodendick, 675
Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678
Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678
Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678
Hronek’s Portrait and Description—I. Showing New Police Method of
Identifying Criminals, 679
Hronek’s Portrait and Description—II., 680
End of Project Gutenberg's Anarchy and Anarchists, by Michael Schaack