CHAPTER VIII.

The Air Full of Rumors—A Riot Feared—Police Preparations—Bonfield

in Command—The Haymarket—Strategic Value of the Anarchists’

Position—Crane’s Alley—The Theory of Street Warfare—Inflaming

the Mob—Schnaubelt and his Bomb—“Throttle the Law”—The Limit of

Patience Reached—“In the Name of the People, Disperse”—The Signal

Given—The Crash of Dynamite First Heard on an American Street—Murder

in the Air—A Rally and a Charge—The Anarchists Swept Away—A Battle

Worthy of Veterans.

WITH such active work among the conspirators as I have shown, it

was only a question of time when some terrible catastrophe would

ensue through the instrumentality of the powerful bombs they had

manufactured. The public mind was in a state of fear and suspense, not

knowing the direction whence threatened devastation and destruction

might appear. The incendiary speeches were enough to excite

trepidation, and the appearance of the “Revenge circular” fanned the

excitement into general alarm and indignation. The McCormick attack

proved conclusively that the Anarchists meant to practice what they

preached. After their rout and defeat, they were heard to express

regret that they had not taken forcible possession of the works before

the arrival of the police and then received the officers with a

volley of fire-arms, as had once been contemplated in a star-chamber

session of one of their “revolutionary groups.” The air was full of

rumors, and the general public was convinced that some great disaster

would occur unless the police promptly forbade the holding of further

revolutionary meetings. The Mayor’s attention had been called to the

possible results if such meetings were permitted to continue, and he,

in turn, directed the Police Department to keep close watch of the

gathering called for the Haymarket Square and disperse it in case

the speakers used inflammatory language. During the day many of the

Spies circulars had been distributed in the vicinity of the McCormick

establishment, and it was expected that many of the enraged strikers

from that locality would attend the meeting. It was clear that, in view

of the temper of the Socialists, only slight encouragement would be

required to produce a disturbance, and it was of the utmost importance

that prompt action should be taken at the first sign of trouble. It

subsequently transpired that the leaders had intended to make the

speeches threatening in order to invite a charge upon the crowd by the

police, and then, during the confusion, to carry out the Monday night

programme.

[Illustration: THE HAYMARKET MEETING.

“IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE, I COMMAND YOU TO DISPERSE.”]

The city authorities fully comprehended the situation, but concluded

not to interfere with the meeting unless the discussion should be

attended with violent threats. In order to be prepared for any

emergency, however, it was deemed best to concentrate a large force

in the vicinity of the meeting—at the Desplaines Street Station. One

hundred men from Capt. Ward’s district, the Third Precinct, under

command of Lieuts. Bowler, Stanton, Penzen and Beard, twenty-six men

from the Central Detail under command of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt.

Fitzpatrick, and fifty men from the Fourth Precinct, under Lieuts.

Steele and Quinn, were accordingly assigned for special service that

evening. Inspector John Bonfield was ordered to assume command of

the whole force, and his instructions were to direct the detectives

to mingle with the crowd, and, if anything of an incendiary nature

was advised by the speakers, to direct the officers to disperse the

gathering.

The meeting had been called for 7:30 o’clock, and at that hour quite a

number had assembled in the vicinity of Haymarket Square. This square

is simply a widening of Randolph Street between Desplaines and Halsted

Streets; and in years past was used by farmers for the sale of hay and

produce. It was for this place that the call had been issued, but for

certain reasons the meeting was held ninety feet north of Randolph, on

Desplaines Street, near the intersection of an alley which has since

passed into public fame as “Crane’s alley.” In sight almost of this

alley was Zepf’s Hall, on the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines

Streets, and about two blocks further east on Lake Street were Florus’

Hall and Greif’s Hall—all notorious resorts and headquarters for

Anarchists. On the evening in question these places and surrounding

streets leading to the meeting-place were crowded with strikers and

Socialist sympathizers, some within the saloons regaling themselves

with beer and some jostling each other on the thoroughfares, either

going for liquids or returning to the meeting after having for the

moment satisfied the “inner man.” Here was a condition of things that

would permit an easy mingling in, and ready escape through, the crowd,

in the event of inauguration of the revolutionary plan adopted the

evening previous. The throngs would serve as a cover for apparently

safe operations. Another advantage gained by holding the meeting at

the point indicated was that the street was dimly lighted, and, as the

building in front of which the speaking took place was a manufacturing

establishment,—that of Crane Bros.,—not used or lighted at night, and

as the alley contiguous to the speaker’s stand formed an L with another

alley leading to Randolph Street, there were points of seeming safety

for a conflict with the police. Besides, the point was about 350 feet

north of the Desplaines Street Police Station, and it was evidently

calculated that when the police should attack the crowd, that part of

the Monday night programme about blowing up the stations could easily

be carried into effect.

These were the undoubted reasons for effecting the change. The reader

will remember that one of the objections urged by Fischer against

holding the meeting on Market Square was that it was a “mouse trap,”

and one of his potential arguments for the Haymarket was that it was a

safer place for the execution of their plot. There was thus a “method

in their madness.” All the contingencies had evidently been very

carefully considered.

[Illustration: THE HAYMARKET RIOT. THE EXPLOSION AND THE CONFLICT.]

But, as I have already stated, the hour had arrived for calling the

meeting to order, and as there appeared no one to assume prompt

charge, the crowd exhibited some manifestations of impatience. About

eight o’clock there were perhaps 3,000 people in the vicinity of the

chosen place, and some fifteen or twenty minutes later Spies put in

an appearance. He mounted the truck wagon improvised as a speaker’s

stand and inquired for Parsons. Receiving no response, he got down,

and, meeting Schwab, the two entered the alley, where there was quite

a crowd, and where they were overheard using the words “pistols” and

“police,” and Schwab was heard to ask, “Is one enough or had we better

go and get more?” Both then disappeared up the street, and it is a

fair presumption—borne out by the fact that they had entered a group

of Anarchists on the corner of Halsted and Randolph Streets, as noted

in the preceding chapter, and other circumstances—that they went to

secure bombs. Spies shortly returned, and, meeting Schnaubelt, held a

short conversation with him, at the same time handing him something,

which Schnaubelt put carefully in a side-pocket. Spies again mounted

the wagon (the hour being about 8:40—Schnaubelt standing near him),

and began a speech in English. It is needless, at this point, to

reproduce the speech, as its substance appears later on, both as given

by the reporters and as written out subsequently by Spies. But both

reports fail to give a proper conception of its insidious effect on

the audience. It bore mainly on the grievances of labor, the treatment

of the strikers by McCormick, and an explanation of his (Spies’)

connection with the disturbances of the day previous. The lesson he

drew from the occurrence at McCormick’s was “that workingmen must arm

themselves for defense, so that they may be able to cope with the

Government hirelings of their masters.”

[Illustration: INSPECTOR JOHN BONFIELD.]

Parsons had meanwhile been sent for, and on the conclusion of Spies’

harangue was introduced. He reviewed the labor discontent in the

country, the troubles growing out of it, touched on monopoly,

criticised the so-called “capitalistic press,” scored the banks,

explained Socialism, excoriated the system of elections, and terminated

his remarks by appealing to his hearers to defend themselves and

asserting that, if the demands of the working classes were refused,

it meant war. His speech, like that of Spies, was mild as compared

with what would be expected on such an occasion. Perhaps this is

accounted for by the fact that during their harangues Mayor Harrison

mingled in the throng and paid close attention to the sentiments of

the speakers. He afterwards characterized Parsons’ effort as “a good

political speech,” and, being apparently satisfied that there would

be no trouble, left for the Desplaines Street Police Station, giving

his impressions of the gathering to the Captain in charge and telling

Bonfield that there seemed to be no further use for holding the force

in reserve.

No sooner had Harrison left for the station and thence for his own

house, than the next speaker, Fielden, grew bolder in his remarks

and sent the words rolling hot and fast over an oily, voluble and

vindictive tongue. He opened with a reference to the insecurity of

the working classes under the present social system, drifted to the

McCormick strike, in which men, he said, were “shot down by the law in

cold blood, in the city of Chicago, in the protection of property,”

and held that the strikers had “nothing more to do with the law except

to lay hands on it, and throttle it until it makes its last kick.

Throttle it! Kill it! Stab it! Can we do anything,” he asked, “except

by the strong arm of resistance? The skirmish lines have met. The

people have been shot. Men, women and children have not been spared

by the capitalists and the minions of private capital. It had no

mercy—neither ought you. You are called upon to defend yourselves,

your lives, your future. I have some resistance in me. I know that you

have, too.”

[Illustration: CAPT. WILLIAM WARD.]

At this juncture the police made their appearance. During the remarks

of Spies and Parsons, detectives had frequently reported to the station

that only moderate, temperate sentiments were being uttered, but after

Fielden had got fairly worked up to his subject, this was changed. The

crowd was being wrought up to a high point of excitement, and there

were frequent interjections of approval and shouts of indignation.

Fielden’s was just such a speech as they had expected to hear. Very

little was required to incite them to the perpetration of desperate

deeds. Like a sculptor with his plastic model, Fielden had molded

his audience to suit the purpose of the occasion. With his rough and

ready eloquence he stirred up their innermost passions. His biting

allusions to capitalists caught the hearts of the uncouth mob as with

grappling-hooks, and his appeals for the destruction of existing laws

shook them as a whirlwind.

It would be as well, he said, for workmen to die fighting as to

starve to death. “Exterminate the capitalists, and do it to-night!”

The officers detailed to watch the proceedings saw that the speech

portended no good, and they communicated the facts to Inspector

Bonfield. Even then the Inspector hesitated. To use his own language,

in the report he sent to Superintendent Ebersold: “Wanting to be

clearly within the law, and wishing to leave no room for doubt as to

the propriety of our actions, I did not act on the first reports, but

sent the officers back to make further observations. A few minutes

after ten o’clock, the officers returned and reported that the crowd

were getting excited and the speaker growing more incendiary in his

language. I then felt that to hesitate any longer would be criminal,

and gave the order to fall in and move our force forward on Waldo

Place,”—a short street south of the Desplaines Street Station.

[Illustration: LIEUT. (NOW CHIEF) G. W. HUBBARD.]

The force formed into four divisions. The companies of Lieuts. Steele

and Quinn formed the first; those of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, the

second; those of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, the third; and

two companies commanded by Lieuts. Beard and Penzen constituted the

fourth, forming the rear guard, which had orders to form right and

left on Randolph Street, to guard the rear from any attack from the

Haymarket. These various divisions thus covered the street from curb

to curb. Inspector Bonfield and Capt. Ward led the forces, in front of

the first division. On seeing them advancing in the distance, Fielden

exclaimed:

“Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty, and I’ll do mine!”

Arriving on the ground, they found the agitator right in the midst

of his incendiary exhortations, that point where he was telling his

Anarchist zealots that he had some resistance in him, and assuring them

that he knew they had too. At that moment the police were ordered to

halt within a few feet of the truck wagon, and Capt. Ward, advancing to

within three feet of the speaker, said:

“I command you, in the name of the people of the State, to immediately

and peaceably disperse.”

Turning to the crowd, he continued: “I command you and you to assist.”

Fielden had meanwhile jumped off the wagon, and, as he reached the

sidewalk, declared in a clear, loud tone of voice:

“We are peaceable.”

This must have been the secret signal,—it has about it suggestions

of the word “Ruhe,”—and no sooner had it been uttered than a spark

flashed through the air. It looked like the lighted remnant of a cigar,

but hissed like a miniature skyrocket. It fell in the ranks of the

second division and near the dividing-line between the companies of

Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, just south of where the speaking had taken

place.

A terrific explosion followed—the detonation was heard for blocks

around. The direction in which the bomb—for such it was—had been

thrown was by way of the east sidewalk from the alley. It had been

hurled by a person in the shadow of that narrow yet crowded passageway

on the same side of, and only a few feet from, the speaker’s stand.

[Illustration: SERGT. (NOW CAPT.) J. E. FITZPATRICK.]

The explosion created frightful havoc and terrible dismay. It was

instantly followed by a volley of small fire-arms from the mob on

the sidewalk and in the street in front of the police force, all

directed against the officers. They were for the moment stunned and

terror-stricken. In the immediate vicinity of the explosion, the

entire column under Stanton and Bowler and many of the first and third

divisions were hurled to the ground, some killed, and many in the

agonies of death.

As soon as the first flash of the tragic shock had passed, and even

on the instant the mob began firing, Inspector Bonfield rallied the

policemen who remained unscathed, and ordered a running fire of

revolvers on the desperate Anarchists. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn charged

the crowd on the street from curb to curb, and Lieuts. Hubbard and

Fitzpatrick, with such men as were left them of the Special Detail,

swept both sidewalks with a brisk and rattling fire.

[Illustration: LIEUT. JAMES P. STANTON.]

The rush of the officers was like that of a mighty torrent in a narrow

channel—they carried everything before them and swept down all hapless

enough to fall under their fire or batons. The masterly courage and

brilliant dash of the men soon sent the Anarchists flying in every

direction, and a more desperate scramble for life and safety was never

witnessed. Even the most defiant conspirators lost their wits and

hunted nooks and recesses of buildings to seclude themselves till they

could effect an escape without imminent danger of bullets or of being

crushed by the precipitate mob.

Fielden, so brave and fearless on the appearance of the police, pulled

a revolver while crouching beneath the protection of the truck wheels,

fired at the officers, and then took to his heels and disappeared.

Spies had friendly assistance in getting off the truck, and hastened

pell-mell through the crowd in a frantic endeavor to get under cover.

He finally reached safety, while his brother, who was with him on the

wagon, got away with a slight wound. Parsons seems to have taken time

by the forelock and nervously awaited developments in the bar-room

of Zepf’s Hall.

[Illustration: LIEUT. BOWLER.]

Fischer had been among the crowd while Spies and Parsons spoke, but he

was in the company of Parsons at Zepf’s when the explosion occurred.

Schnaubelt, who had sat on the wagon with his hands in his pockets

until Fielden began his speech, hurried through the mob, after sending

the missile on its deadly mission, and got away without a scratch.

Other lesser yet influential lights in the Anarchist combination found

friendly refuge, and, as subsequently developed, lost no time in

reaching home as soon as possible. How any of these leaders who were in

the midst of the awful carnage managed to escape, while other of their

comrades suffered, is not clear, unless they dodged from one secluded

spot to another, while the storm raged at its height—and there are many

circumstances showing that this was the case. At any rate the point

is immaterial: the fact remains that they were all found lacking in

courage at the critical moment, and each seemed more concerned about

his own safety than that of his fellow revolutionists.

Owing to the masterly charge of the police, the conflict was of short

duration, but, while it lasted, it produced a scene of confusion, death

and bloodshed not equaled in the annals of American riots in its extent

and far-reaching results. The hissing of bullets, the groans of the

dying, the cries of the wounded and the imprecations of the fleeing

made a combination of horrors which those present will never forget.

No sooner had the field been cleared of the mob than Inspector Bonfield

set to work caring for the dead and wounded. They were found scattered

in every direction. Many of the officers lay prostrate where they had

fallen, and to the north, where the mob had disputed the ground with

the police, lay many an Anarchist. On door-steps and in the recesses of

buildings were found wounded and maimed. The police looked after all

and rendered assistance alike to friend and foe. The dead, dying and

wounded were conveyed to the Desplaines Street Station, where numerous

physicians were called into service.

In subsequently speaking of the bravery of his men on this occasion, in

his report to the Chief of Police, Inspector Bonfield very truly said:

It has been asserted that regular troops have become panic-stricken

from less cause. I see no way to account for it except this. The

soldier acts as part of a machine. Rarely, if ever, when on duty, is

he allowed to act as an individual or to use his personal judgment. A

police officer’s training teaches him to be self-reliant. Day after

day and night after night he goes on duty alone, and, when in conflict

with the thief and burglar, he has to depend upon his own individual

exertions. The soldier being a part of a machine, it follows that,

when a part of it gives out, the rest is useless until the injury is

repaired. The policeman, being a machine in himself, rarely, if ever,

gives up until he is laid on the ground and unable to rise again. In

conclusion, I beg leave to report that the conduct of the men and

officers, with few exceptions, was admirable—as a military man said

to me the next day, “worthy the heroes of a hundred battles.”

Anarchy and Anarchists A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators · 第 8 / 38 章