SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
Let it be granted, as a matter of bare fact, quite apart from any
wishes or opinions, that for many years to come we shall retain
military and administrative command in India. Rightly or wrongly, we
shall retain it, unless we are so overwhelmingly defeated at home
that we almost cease to be not only an empire but a nation. Probably
it is to our own advantage to retain it, because to withdraw before
India is strong enough to stand alone would degrade our national life
with a cowardly sense of failure. Personally I think it is to India’s
advantage also, because her peoples are so unarmed, undrilled, and
unorganized under our rule that if we withdrew our place would easily
be taken within a year by Russia, Germany, or Japan; perhaps by all
three in conflict. When the very worst that can be said against our
rule has been said, the substitution of Russia’s rule for ours would
be an incalculable disaster from which India might recover only after
many generations, just as Poland, the Caucasus, and Persia may. Nor
have Germany and Japan yet given proof of governing subject races
with success, much less with humanity. Till India is sufficiently
advanced in arms, unity, and knowledge to hold her own (which used to
be the hope of our statesmen), it is probably to her advantage that
we should retain the ultimate supremacy in government and war. We may
not do it particularly well, but the chances are that others would do
it incomparably worse. Let it be granted, anyhow, that nothing but
overwhelming national defeat will deter us from doing it.
But whilst we shall continue, as far as politics can foresee, to
superintend the administration of India and to protect her from
external attack, the danger is that our bureaucracy, always the
slowest form of government to realize change, should ignore the new
spirit arising in the country, or should seek to stifle rather than
guide it. It is the conviction of many that India is now standing on
the verge of a national renaissance—a new birth in intellect, social
life, and the affairs of state. There are unmistakable evidences of
this, not only among educated Hindus, but among educated Mohammedans;
not only among the educated classes, but throughout the masses of the
people. Many things have combined to create a new spirit, and we have
ourselves contributed much. The long peace that has made development
possible, the easy communication by railways, the wide distribution
of newspapers, the visits of highly educated Indians to England,
the use of English as a common tongue among educated people of all
races and religions, the increasing knowledge of our history and
our hard-won liberties, the increasing study of our great Liberal
thinkers—all these admirable advantages we have ourselves contributed
to the new spirit, and it is useless for startled reactionaries to
think of withdrawing them now. We must also take into account the
example set to all Oriental nationalities by Japan, and the awakened
stirring of Liberalism in England herself, and, no matter how feeble
its efforts and how bitter its failure, in Russia, Egypt, Persia, and
Turkey.
Most of these beneficent influences move slowly, with a deep and
gradual force, and, whatever happens, they will continue to move,
though to move slowly. But the outburst of the new spirit which we
call the unrest in India was occasioned by a different order of
things, for the most part, sudden, external, and pernicious. Such
things were the contemptuous disregard of Indian feeling in the
Partition of Bengal and Lord Curzon’s University speech upon Indian
mendacity; the exclusion of fully qualified Indians from public
positions, in contradiction to Queen Victoria’s Proclamation of 1858;
several notorious cases of injustice in the law courts, where English
criminals were involved; numerous instances of petty persecution
for political opinions since 1905; the well-known measures for
the suppression of personal liberty and freedom of speech in 1907
and 1908; the espionage of police and postal officials; and the
increasing insolence of the vulgar among Anglo-Indians, as shown in
ordinary behaviour and in the newspapers which represent their views.
All these obvious and external causes of complaint, crowded into the
space of very few years, have been sapping India’s confidence in
the justice of our rule and the benevolence of our people. Indians
have, no doubt, exaggerated both the injustice and the malevolence.
They have taken a few flagrant cases of injustice as typical of our
Courts; they have mistaken for malevolence what is only our reckless
indifference to far-off responsibilities. But we cannot wonder at
their mistakes. Nearly every one generalizes about foreign nations
from the one or two specimens he knows; and we, as foreigners in
India, must not hope to escape generalizations rapidly founded on
the behaviour of every man or woman who may represent us there
unworthily. As to our national indifference, I wish we could say that
this charge also was founded only on special and notorious instances.
But it is not. Our indifference to the Indian peoples, from whom
we are continually sucking so much of our wealth, is universal and
invariable. Or it is varied only at long intervals after outbreaks of
bloodshed and threatenings of revolt. No wonder that a growing party
in India believes that only by such means can England’s attention be
roused, and any permanent advantage for their country obtained.
Of course, they are inconsiderate. In spite of the ill-manners of
a certain type of Anglo-Indian, we are as a whole rather a polite
and kind-hearted people, and the mere shadow of injustice makes
us seethe with indignation, so long as it is not too far away. If
they charge us with indifference, they ought to consider that we
are faced with almost insoluble problems of our own; that we are a
very busy people, and that our knowledge of what goes on in India
is generally limited to one or two speeches which attract little
attention, a few Parliamentary questions, and the reports of official
or other journalists whose very existence depends on standing
well with the Anglo-Indian community. Indians are too apt not to
consider these mitigating circumstances. But it does not tend to
make people considerate when men, women, and children are dying of a
comparatively recent plague by hundreds of thousands every year; when
for fifteen years in succession famines have been almost regularly
recurrent; when increasing malaria is rotting the population away in
body and mind, and when thousands, or probably millions, of people
who used to have two meals a day can now afford only one. I do not
say these disasters are the fault of the Indian Government or the
British people. But it is obvious that they do not tend to make the
sufferers under them considerate towards the difficulties of rulers
who hardly suffer from them at all. They are likely to be the less
considerate because they know that, out of a revenue over which they
have no control, at least £20,000,000 a year is withdrawn from their
country to be spent in England, partly in the shape of interest on
serviceable loans, but largely in incomes, pensions, and other more
questionable forms; while, even against the better judgment of the
highest Anglo-Indian authorities themselves, the greatest Indian
industry is kept depressed by the countervailing excise of 3½ per
cent. imposed by the Cotton Duties Act of 1896 on cottons made and
sold in India, simply for the benefit of our Lancashire mills.
Considerate or not, the new spirit—the section of it that has time
and youth on its side—has begun to despair of further appeals and
petitions for English justice or assistance. In spite of the splendid
traditions of many noble Englishmen from Sir Thomas Munro down to
Lord Ripon, I suppose few representatives of our rule have been
popular among the Indian races. That was not usually the fault of
our representatives; their position made genuine popularity very
difficult, and it is impossible for one race to deny freedom to
another and rule it to the true advantage of either. But I think that
till lately the verdict of most Indians upon us would have been the
same as the schoolboy’s who called Dr. Temple “a beast, but a just
beast.” In their verdict to-day the compliment of that saving clause
would generally be omitted, and that loss of our high reputation for
justice, if it is to be permanent, is the worst loss we could ever
suffer—worst for ourselves as patriots who honour our country for
her justice, and worst for the Indians, whose position a sense of
permanent injustice will render intolerable.
The belief that petitions for the redress of grievances, whether
presented to the Indian Government or to the British people, are
equally vain, is not so serious a matter for us as the distrust of
our justice, but it contributed very strongly to the new spirit in
its extreme form. Our disregard of all the public protests against
the Partition of Bengal and all the persistent appeals for its
withdrawal; our disregard of the reasonable pleading of such men as
Mr. Gokhale and Dr. Rash Behari Ghose in the Viceroy’s Council, have
perhaps done more than anything else to discredit the methods of the
old Congress. I do not mean that the Congress has been useless. It
served as a training ground for political knowledge. It afforded a
centre for the growing unity of India, and without it the leaders
of Indian reform could hardly have formulated their own programme.
But in two avowed objects it has failed; it has had no influence
upon the action of the Indian Government, and no influence upon
English opinion at home. For twenty-two years it was a model of order
and constitutional propriety. It passed excellent resolutions, it
demanded the redress of acknowledged grievances, in trustful loyalty
it arranged deputations to the representatives of the Crown. By the
Anglo-Indians its constitutional propriety was called cowardice, its
resolutions remained unnoticed, its grievances unredressed, and the
representative of the Crown refused to receive its deputation. In
England, outside the half-dozen who take some interest in India, no
one knew where the Congress met, what language it spoke, what were
its demands, or what its object; no one knew, and no one cared.
The new spirit perceived that it was useless addressing pious
resolutions to the official waste-paper basket. The cry of
“self-reliance, not mendicancy” spread through the country. One
last effort to attract British attention to the grievance of India
was made by the Swadeshi movement and the boycott on British goods.
“Touch the pockets of our rulers, and they will listen”—that was the
hope. And the hope was partly realized, for owing to Swadeshi and
the local disturbances in Eastern Bengal, Calcutta, and the Punjab,
England during 1907 and 1908 has probably paid more attention to
India than at any time since the Mutiny.
But the principle of Swadeshi has now been developed by the new
spirit for purposes far beyond the immediate object proposed.
Swadeshi in manufacture and commerce is now followed for the great
economic purpose of restoring the Indian industries, threatened or
already ruined by England’s favoured competition. And even this
economic Swadeshi is seen to be only a part of a much wider movement
in self-reliance. On every side societies and orders are growing up
for the promotion of Indian ideals and the development of Indian
character, quite independently of our influence, and their members
are sometimes inspired by an uncalculating devotion like that of
the early Christians. Such are the Arya Samaj in the Punjab and
United Provinces; the Servants of India in Poona; the Brahmo Samaj
of highly educated Theists in Calcutta; the Order of Ramakrishna
on the Ganges above Calcutta; the Hindu College in Benares, with
which Mrs. Annie Besant’s name is so closely connected; the Order
of the Gangrath Institute near Baroda; to say nothing of the
whole Volunteer movement, the object of which is the renewal of
organization, courage, and physical power among the youth. None of
these movements is political in aim. Their work as societies lies in
social and theological reform. But both in aim and method all are
distinctly Swadeshi. They take little account of Government or of
the Anglo-Indian community. In some of them there is even a tendency
to react against reform, lest some taint of Western civilization
should be introduced into Indian life. But religious and social as
these movements are in origin and object, it is no longer possible
to exclude their keener members from politics; for, among educated
people, the events of the last few years have given to national
politics the place once held by theology, and even social reform
cannot now be entirely separated from political reform, since the
result of educational and other advance is inevitably an increased
demand for self-government.
The question immediately before India now is, which of two courses
with regard to ourselves the new spirit as a whole will take. On the
one hand, it may follow the line of most resistance. It may proclaim
throughout the whole country: “It is useless to trouble about any
reforms that these intruding foreigners will give us. Let them go
on their way with their Advisory Councils, their Notables, their
extended Legislative Councils, and other deceits. They have never
paid the smallest attention to our real demands. In Mill’s words,
they keep us as a warren or preserve for their own use, a place to
make money in, a human farm to be worked for their own profit. It
is for us to pursue our own course, disregarding their presence.
Beyond paying their taxes, we need have little concern with them.
If they imprison us, we will go to gaol silently; if they deport us
without trial, we will endure without protest; if they execute us,
we know that our souls will be at once re-incarnated to continue the
struggle. But we will not notice their Government either by sharing
in it or denouncing it. In religion, in education, in industries and
common life, we will follow our own national lines just as though no
foreigners were pretending to rule us. If enough of us combine, we
shall embarrass their position; perhaps we shall make it untenable
as well as ridiculous. But whether it is untenable or not, we do not
greatly care, till a common Indian nationality has the strength to
take freedom into its own hands.”
That is the line of most resistance, always a tempting line to take,
and many Indians are taking it now. The temptation must be almost
irresistible in a vast population like India’s, where a handful of
people from a distant country maintain a predominance unmitigated
by social intercourse, marriage, or permanent residence. All the
more because this predominance rests on so narrow a basis that for
its own maintenance it is inclined to deter the subject race from
all initiative, enterprise, or leadership, and so to reduce it to
what Dadabhai Naoroji has described as “moral poverty.” Any movement
to check this national deterioration must be welcomed on behalf of
the Indian peoples, except by those who openly desire those races
to remain as flocks of sheep, dependent on the good nature or
interested bounty of their appointed shepherds. But that is not
the ideal that the best of our statesmen in India have set before
themselves, nor is it an ideal that can any longer be maintained. The
new spirit has already overthrown it.[72]
But besides this tempting line of most resistance there is another
way, and, considering the external dangers that threaten India and
her own existing difficulties of race, religion, and inexperience,
this other way is probably the way of wisdom. The new spirit may
still endeavour to act in harmony with us for the common good,
acquiescing in our presence as on the whole tending to justice and
advancement, acknowledging the material advantages we have brought,
but at the same time persistently pressing for extensions of
liberty, taking every opportunity that offers, and never hesitating
to grasp at any chance of progress because it falls short of the
perfect ideal. I admit that to follow this course requires a sweet
reasonableness and a strength of character which few men in any
nation possess. But after the defeats of many years, Mr. Gokhale
still retains his hope; and after the outrage upon his own freedom
and the very basis of our liberties, Lajpat Rai still classes himself
with the Moderates. It depends almost entirely on ourselves whether
those who, in spite of recent disappointments, still believe in an
English feeling for justice and freedom shall be able to make their
voices heard. If only the more reasonable and hopeful party had
something to point to—some generous and ungrudging act of justice on
England’s part—they might still silence the counsels of despair. It
is not yet too late. Only, it is no good juggling with sham reforms
and half-hearted concessions. Our measures, as Burke said, must be
remedial.
The nature of such measures is well known. They should include
a modification of the Partition of Bengal, by which the central
province would be united under one Governor, having the same status
as the Governors of Bombay and Madras, while the contiguous western
districts were collected into a new province, and Assam remained
isolated as it is by nature and race, under a Chief Commissioner
responsible either to the Viceroy or to the Governor of Bengal.[73]
They should include the appointment of at least one Indian on each
of the Executive Councils (a concession which in the case of the
Viceroy’s Council seems likely to be fulfilled), and an enlargement
of the Viceroy’s and other Legislative Councils by genuinely elected
members up to the number of half the Council. This would leave to
the officials a steady but narrow majority, the right of absolute
veto remaining with the Viceroy, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor.
It might then be laid down that if a large proportion of the elected
members—say, two-thirds—were opposed to a certain measure, it
should be suspended for further consideration. Some similar control
should be granted over the expenditure of money, for at present
the representative members have no voice in the revenue that is
scraped off their people year by year, and the papers of protest
or suggestion, which they read as they sit round the Viceroy’s
council-table, might almost as well remain unread for any effect they
have upon the official policy.
These reforms could be followed by a gradual extension of primary
education, which might in the end cost us £5,000,000 a year, but
would be well worth the price, even if we had to save something off
the £20,000,000 now spent on the Army, and something off the other
public services. Owing to our present parsimony in education, the
census of 1901 reported that there were 104,500,000 males in India
who could not read, 826 boys out of every 1000 of school age who had
no school to go to, and only 1 in 10 males literate, and 7 in 1000
females. Further, we could be loyal to the late Queen’s Proclamation
and admit Indians without prejudice to the positions they had fitted
themselves for. We could make the position of the police such that
they would be no longer compelled to help out their livelihood by
corruption and false evidence. We could resolutely extinguish the
system of Begar or forced labour for the benefit of Civilians and
other Europeans. And we could make it illegal for any representative
of our Government to condescend to the baseness of opening other
people’s letters, even on the off-chance of spying upon sedition.
[Illustration: A DESERTED CITY.
_[Face p. 334._
]
Such measures as these would be remedial. They would serve as an
earnest of our country’s goodwill, and of our determination to
maintain the principles of freedom and justice in our government.
They would cut the ground under the feet of those who, by proclaiming
perpetual distrust of our intentions, are fostering a fanatical
hatred against us. But I am aware that measures by themselves are
insufficient. What is wanted is the difficult thing that our fathers
called a “change of heart,” and no legislation can effect that. We
need a change that would transform our people’s arrogance towards
“natives”; a change that would prevent the ladies and gentlemen whom
we send out from degenerating into “bounders” where Indians are
concerned, and would make it impossible for an Englishman to display
towards Indians the outrageous manners that would exclude him from
decent society at home. Such a change must be extremely difficult
among ourselves of the upper and middle classes, for we are not
born very imaginative or sympathetic, we are educated on a plane
of patronizing superiority, and outside our class and nation any
claim to equality staggers us like a sudden blow. But there are one
or two quite simple points on which we might begin to practise for
the change. Except among the baser sort of Anglo-Indians, the word
“nigger” has died out, and I would suggest that the word “native”
might follow it. If the phrase “rulers and ruled” died too, and
if our social philosophers would cease to drone out their weary
ineptitude that “East is East, and West is West,” the situation would
be much eased. I have sometimes thought also that our reputation
would stand higher if English people who insist, quite rightly, on
the importance of our prestige, were to abstain now and then, for the
sake of our prestige, from games that develop neither courage nor
strength, and are regarded by Indians with contemptuous astonishment,
and from a mode of dancing which is regarded by Indians as an
indescribable abomination.
But the present crisis is too acute to allow of waiting for a change
of heart. Upon our immediate action will depend the terms under
which we must maintain our position in India: whether we are to hold
the new spirit fairly on our side, and to cooperate with it for
the progress of the country in enlightenment and self-government;
or whether we are to have our rule confronted by impenetrable
resentment, and our best efforts thwarted by indifference or
suspicion. In any case, India has a long and bitter road to travel.
The gulf between her educated and uneducated classes is wider
even than in our own country. She has many divisions of thought,
and caste, and race to overcome. But, as to the growth of her new
spirit, we need have no fear. It is one of the most hopeful signs
of our hopeful time. Every act of injustice on our part, and every
attempt at political suppression, have only promoted India’s sense of
unity and hastened her progress in self-reliance. If injustice and
suppression continue, their effect will be the same. Whatever course
our action may now take, the new spirit has already breathed a fresh
life into large classes of the Indian peoples, and it will continue
to afford a high motive for self-devotion, and for the moral courage
and love of freedom in which the Indian character has hitherto been
lacking. For India herself the present unrest holds out a promise
of the highest possibilities, no matter how much she may suffer in
realizing them.
But for us the brief interval left for decision is momentous. On our
decision it will depend whether, in contempt of the freedom we have
with such obstinate labour secured for ourselves, we shall sink, step
by step, from suppression into persecution, and from persecution
into atrocities that now we should shudder at; or whether we
shall display strength enough to welcome the spirit of freedom and
nationality which we have done so much to create, and strength enough
to advance with it hand-in-hand for the furtherance of India’s
welfare as a self-respecting country, and so to redeem our reputation
for the love of a freedom which others may enjoy, as we enjoy it.
FOOTNOTES:
[72] This subject of “moral poverty” was treated in a paper Prof.
C. F. Andrews of St. Stephen’s College, Delhi, read before the
Pan-Anglican Congress in London (1908), and published in “The Indian
Review” for June. The success of Prof. Rudra, a Bengali economist and
historian, as Principal of that College, with a staff that includes
First Class Cambridge men, one of them a Fellow of his College, is
one of the many disproofs of the theory that Indians are incapable of
initiative and leadership. Even Mohammedan men of learning are glad
to serve under him gratuitously.
[73] See Introduction, p. 10.
INDEX
Abkari, excise, 121
Act, Land Alienation, 2;
Official Secrets, 4;
Universities, 4
Adamson, Sir Harvey, 119-171
Afghanistan, agreement with Russia about, 24
Agnew, Mr., Deputy Commissioner, 18
Agra, land question in, 83;
effect of rain at, 279
Agreement with China and Russia about Afghanistan, Lhassa, and
Persia, 24
Agricultural banks, 89
Ahmedabad (Congress, 1902), 215
Ajit Singh, founds “Indian Patriots,” 18;
speaks at Lyallpur, 18;
deported, 19, 304;
released, 126
Akbar, inheritors of, 189;
land of, 236
Aligarh, college at, 199, 321
Allahabad, press of, 230
Allen, Mr., Collector of Dacca, shot, 238;
regrets for assault, 254
_Amrita Bazar Patrika_, M. L. and S. K. Chore, editors of, 211-214
Amritsar, deportations from, 20
“Anandamath,” the Abbey of Joy, 127
Anchorite in cage, 189-190
Andrews, Prof. C. F., on “Moral Poverty,” 331
Anglo-Indians, attitude towards Indians and Lord Curzon, 2, 187,
261, 323, 327;
outrages by, 3;
in journalism, 17, 102, 171;
protected, 17, 102, 171, 229;
courtesy of, 30;
exclusiveness, 42;
lack of sympathy, 42;
deterioration of, 43;
Christianity of, 82;
against education, 102;
manners of, 115 _et seq._, 234, 335;
under criticism, 132;
oppose Partition of Bengal, 167;
tone of press, 171, 230-231, 302;
system, 223;
unrepresentative, 324
Anglo-Russian agreement, 24
Arbitration _v._ law, 223
Artisans, condition of, 284
Arya Samaj, 18, 210, 291;
founder of, 292 _et seq._;
two sections of, 295, 308;
leaders of, 304;
struck at, 303;
defence of, 305
_Asian_, incites to manslaughter, 229
Assam, included in E. Bengal, 11, 16, 166;
backwardness of, 175
Assamese, object to Partition of Bengal, 175
Assessment, land, speeches on, 18 (_v._ land assessment)
Athavale, K. K. (editor, _Punjabee_), fined and imprisoned, 17
Ayerst, Lieut., shot, 35
Baidianath, shrine of, 211
Baker, Sir E. N., Lieut.-Governor, Bengal, financial statement of,
280-281
Bakerganj, proclaimed, 186
Balasore, 140
“Bande Mataram” (Hail to the Motherland) forbidden, 15;
prosecuted, 24;
boy beaten for cry of, 29;
at Vishnu’s Temple, 113;
cigarettes, 122;
heard in Madras, 126;
national song, 127 _et seq._;
at Surat, 237, 249
_Bande Mataram_ newspaper, policy of, 219, 223;
article in, 224-226
Banerjea, Surendra Nath, honoured, 15;
draws up Swadeshi oath, 179;
sketch of, 215 _et seq._;
position of, 216;
as orator, 217, 218, 234;
at National Congress, 243, 255-256
Banerjee, Sir Guru Das, writes Note of Dissent, 3
Banks, agricultural, 89
Bankura, Manchester goods in, 179
Banya, _v._ Money-lenders
Bari-Doab Canal, rates increased on, 17
Barisal, police disperse conference at, 14;
Swadeshi suppressed, 184;
Little Brothers of the Poor, 185-186;
vernacular press at, 288-289
Baroda, D. Naoroji at, 29;
progress under Gaekwar, 221;
Maharajah of, 313-316;
reforms under, 316-318;
policy of, 317;
emancipation of women and education in, 318;
courageous Maharani of, 319;
administration reports of, 319
Batty, Mr., Justice, released Mr. Tilak, 68
“Begar” (forced labour), 17;
abolition of, 334
Behar, 10, 11, 166, 213
Benares, National Congress at, 36
Bengal, Partition of, 10, 11, 36, 44, 160-167;
petitions against, 167, 168, 184;
protests against, 167, 326;
results of, 169-170, 178;
“a settled fact,” 175;
Lord Curzon’s influence on, 191-192;
his letters to _Times_, 193;
nominal excuse for, 213;
turning-point in, 242;
modification of, 332
Bengal, population of, 10;
Mohammedans in, 11;
civil servants in, 11-12;
public meetings in, 11-12;
fast day in, 12;
disturbances in, 14-17;
proclaimed, 21;
Morley on, 26;
Extremists in, 44;
permanent settlement of, 135;
formation of, 160;
richness of, 161;
jute growing in, 163;
war with Manchester and Liverpool, 166;
Chamber of Commerce in, 176;
High Court in, 176;
spread of Swadeshi in, 178;
Legislative Council of, 215;
revival of, 227
_Bengalee_ 9;
editor of, 159, 215
Bengali songs and poets, 127
Bengalis taunted, 224;
duty of, 227
Besant, Mrs. Annie, 328
Bilgrami, S. H. of India Council, 22
Boer war, influence of, 43
Bombay, 6, 10, 46, 68, 70, 77, 236;
death rate in presidency of, 52-53;
social customs in, 62-64;
rates and taxes in, 83;
Swadeshi in, 122;
cotton mills, 182;
corporation, 240;
Moderates, 240, 242, 261
Bomb-throwing, 229-230
Bose, Chunder Nath, on prices, 281-282
“Bounders,” Governor of Bombay on, 116;
manufacture of, 334
Boycott, K. K. Mitra on, 178;
women’s part in, 181;
justification of, 183;
gives impetus to Swadeshi, 184;
with destruction, 185;
penalties for, 185;
_v._ Hindu merchants, 188;
_v._ national industry, 223;
exclusion of, 242;
legitimacy of, 252;
limitation of, 253;
a last effort, 327
Brahmani, sacred river, 135;
in flood, 136;
after flood, 141
Brahmaputra, 205;
source of, 160
Brahmo Samaj, 210, 219
Brailsford, H. N., “Macedonia” by, 110
Braja Mohun Institution, 186
British prejudice and justice, 19;
connection, benefit of, 42;
policy in India, 45;
rule, excuses for, 5-6;
responsibility of, 6;
Mr. Tilak on, 72-73;
levies under, 83;
officials, deterioration of, 72;
domination, uses of, 74-75;
officials criticized, 145;
goods boycotted, 178;
Government, promises of, 261;
people criticized, 301
Brodrick (Lord Midleton) and Partition, 11, 13;
(Secretary of State), 167-168
Buddha, 258
Budget (1907-8), 22;
control of, 45
Buffalo, importance of, 97
Bunds (_vide_ Dams), 276 _et seq._
Burdwan, Commissioner of, 179
Bureaucracy, slowness of, 321
Burke, teaching of, 28, 131;
on remedial measures, 332
Burma, contributes to Exchequer, 96;
rice crop of, 280
Byturni, sacred river, 135
Calcutta, municipality of, 2;
correspondents, 15-16;
disturbances in, 23;
Congress, 30;
High Court respected, 68, 175 _et seq._;
meeting in, 75;
extent of Lieut.-Governor’s authority in, 134;
importance of, 173;
Corporation, 215;
papers, 229, 230;
resolutions of, 239
Canada contrasted with India, 26
Canning, Lord, proposal of, 92
_Capital_, 230
Central Provinces, famine and cholera in, 2, 146
Cesses, application of, 165
Chaitanya, Bengali saint, 211
Chapekar, Demodur, 35
Chatterji, B. C., poet and novelist, 127
Chaudhuri, 234
“Chaukidari,” police tax, 145
Chenab Colony, 17;
a settler promise to, 302
Chief Court, Lahore, _Punjabee_, appeal to, 18
China, agreement with, 24
Cholera, causes of, 2, 140, 186, 272
Chota Nagpur, 10, 166
_Civil and Military Gazette_, 17, 43, 230
Clarke, Sir G., Governor of Bombay, 25, 57-58;
prepares relief works, 95
Clive, 103
Cocanada, 29
Collector and relief problem, 137
Collectors (C. S.), 134
College, Elphinstone, 34;
Fergusson, 35, 37, 42;
Ripon, 179, 215;
at Aligarh, 199;
Presidency (Calcutta), 221, 234;
Anglo-Vedic (at Lahore), 292, 310;
at Benares, 328;
Delhi, St. Stephens, 331
Colonists, 17
Colonization Bill refused, 17
Comilla, riots in, 16
Commerce, Chambers of, 23, 45
Commission, Lord Welby’s, 2;
Education, 3;
on famine, irrigation, plague, police, and universities, 3, 14;
Decentralization, 24, 104;
of inquiry, 120
Commissioners, powers of, 25;
Civil Service, 134;
solicitude of, 138-139
Committee of Imperial Defence, 25
Congress, National, 34, 43, 79, 185;
at Bombay (1885), 7, 30;
at Benares (1905), 36;
at Calcutta (1906), 182-183;
at Surat (1907), 233 _et seq._;
Reception Committee of, 235, 241;
rift in, 239-240;
Subjects’ Committee of, 243;
“printer’s error,” 250;
vital differences, 252;
first principles, 253;
adjournment of, 255;
“note of discord,” 255;
dissolution, 259;
police at, 259;
“a training ground,” 326;
ignored by authorities, 326-327
Congress, Bengal Provincial, dispersed, 14
Constitutional agitation, 44;
Reform Party, 12
Convention of Extremists, 260;
Moderates, 260
“Coronation” of S. N. Banerjea, 16
Cotton, Sir Henry, presides at National Congress, 7;
refused hearing by Lord Curzon, 7
Cotton and Swadeshi, 122;
industry, 179;
trade, _Times_ on, 181;
mills, 182;
failure of, 279
Cotton Duties Act, 325
Council, Viceroy’s, new members on, 13;
held in Simla, 25-26;
Mohammedan represents Hindus on, 104;
of India (Whitehall), additions to, 22;
Imperial Advisory, constitution of, 22;
condemned, 44;
Provincial Advisory, use of, 44
Councils, Executive, reform of, 332;
Legislative, reform of, 332-333
Cromer, Lord, on India, 74
Crops, valuation of, 83;
holdings of, 135;
failure of, 271
Cultivators, pressure on, 87;
persistence of, 88;
resources of, 88;
protection of, 91
Currency, change in, 1-2
Curzon, Lord, political career of, 1;
policy of, 2;
unpopularity of, 2, 3, 4;
office renewed, 4;
attitude towards educated Indians, 5;
Budget speech (1904), 5;
addresses convocation of Calcutta University, 7;
refuses to see Sir H. Cotton, 7;
explains nationality, 8-10;
“Problems of the Far East,” 9;
advocates “efficiency,” 10;
divides Bengal, 10-12;
proclamation of (October, 1905), 12;
cause of resignation, 13;
farewell speech, 13;
resigns, 13;
irritation under, 43;
replies to Mr. Dutt, 83;
grievances under, 132;
his Partition policy, 167;
dislike of Bengalis, 170;
Government of, 176;
promise to Mohammedans, 191;
letter to _Times_, 198;
Calcutta Corporation, 215;
criticized by Anglo-Indian press, 230;
at Durbar, 317
Customs, Imperial, organization of, 14
Cuttack, 135, 136
Dacca, new capital of E. Bengal, 11, 166;
Mohammedan encouraged in, 16;
Lieut.-Governor isolated in, 160;
muslins of, 162;
ruinous condition of, 173;
boycott in, 180;
description of, 189 _et seq._
Dalhousie, Lord, promise of (1853), 167
Dams, construction of, 276
Darjeeling, distance from Calcutta, 160
Datta, Bupendra Nath imprisoned, 219
Datta, Norendra Nath (Vivekananda), 209
Davar, Mr., Justice, tries Mr. Tilak (July 22, 1908), 77
Deccan Club, 48
Deccan, The, rain in, 94
Decentralization Committee, 24, 104
Delhi, mill hands in, 285;
terror in, 288
Deportation Statute, 131
Desai, D.B.A.S. (Chief Justice of Baroda), 241
Deva, _vide_ Ramakrishna
Deva, Rama (Vedic Schoolmaster), 307
Disraeli on youth, 304
District Boards, 165;
powers of, 25;
magistrates, functions of, 118-120
Diwali, festival of, 31
Drink question, 121;
in Madras, 121;
sale of licences, increase in Excise Revenue, 121;
in Poona, 122;
Swadeshi and, 122;
traffic, 122
“Dualist,” 106
Dundee, jute trade with, 163-166
Durga, temple of, 32
Dutt, Aswini Kumar, notable Nationalist, 186-234, 243
Dutt, Romesh Chandra, books on India, 82-83, 86;
as economist, 104;
minister of Baroda, 317
Eden, Sir Ashley, Lieut.-Governor Bengal, 212
Education Commission (1901), 3;
raising standard of, 4;
opposition to, 45;
dangers of, 72-94;
expenditure on, 82
Education, national, 223;
exclusion of, 242;
system of, 251;
defects of, 310;
extension of, 333
Elphinstone, Lord, 72
_Empire_ (newspaper), 230
_Englishman_ (newspaper), 43, 230
Espionage, police and postal, 203, 323
Excise (“abkari”), 121;
privileges of, 334
Extremists, 28, 42, 70;
in Bengal and Poona, 44;
leader of, 62;
meeting of, 127;
at Congress, 183;
courage of, 225;
warning to, 254;
conflict with Moderates, 259
Expenditure, Indian report of, 2;
increase of, 173-174
Factories, increase of, 180
Factory Labour Commission, 24
Famine (1900), terrible season of, 2;
and finger-prints, 93;
preparations for, 94 _et seq._;
in Orissa, 136;
effects of, 142-143, 278, 280, 281;
cause of, 271-273 _et seq._;
statistics of, 275;
recurrency of, 324;
official, 270;
Commissioners, duty of, 275;
district, 289
Finger-print Bureau, 93
Floods in Orissa, 134 _et seq._;
statistics of, 139
Food, increased cost of, 281-282
Forests, Communal, importance of, 95;
denudation and appropriation of, 96;
Laws, 95;
hardships of, 97;
absurdities of, 97-98;
Department, absorbs Communal lands, 96, 97, 99;
Revenue, profit on, 96
France, factories of, 236
Fraser, Sir Andrew, Lieut.-Governor Bengal, 3;
presides over Police Commission, 3;
Lieut.-Governor Calcutta, 12;
over Commission of Inquiry, 120;
providence of, 140;
on relief works, 146-147;
on Partition of Bengal, 175;
attempt on, 238
Freedom, Library of, 39;
claims for, 130;
of speech suppressed, 323
Frontier Province (North-West) created (1901), 3;
Policy, revolution of, 14
Fuel, scarcity of, 97, 99
Fuller, Sir Bampfylde (Lieut.-Governor, Dacca), 12;
difficulties of, 14;
with Mohammedans, 15;
resignation of, 15, 203;
represses Swadeshi, 184;
jest of, 192
Ganges, source of, 160;
description of, 263 _et seq._
Ganjam, part of Madras Presidency, 134
Garlands, use of, 112, 130, 313-314
Gauranga, Bengali saint, 211
Germany, rule of, 320-321
Ghose, Arabindo, sketch of, 220 _et seq._;
plan of campaign of, 223;
on courage and nationality, 225-227;
devotion of, 228;
arrest of, 228;
at National Congress, 238;
as mediator, 242-243;
presides at Extremist Convention, 260
Ghose, Moti Lai, 211 _et seq._, 243
Ghose, Prasad Hemendra, writer of “Swadeshi-cum-Boycott,” 181
Ghose, Dr. Rash Behari, opposes Seditious Meeting Bill, 25;
chosen President of National Congress, 70, 247;
sketch of, 233 _et seq._;
at National Congress, 256;
attacks Extremists, 254-255;
presides at Moderates Convention, 260;
disregarded by Government, 326
Gokhale, Gopal Krishna, and Curzon Budget, 6;
in England as delegate, 12;
opposes Seditious Meetings Act, 25;
founder of “Servants of India,” 34 _et seq._;
at Diwali, 46;
in London, 46;
denounces Sedition Bill, 236;
position at Congress, 243-244;
letter in Bengalee, 250-251;
peacemaker, 257;
unpopularity of, 262;
reasonableness, 331-332;
disregarded by Government, 326
Government, excludes Indians from higher Civil Service, 6;
posts reserved for Mohammedans, 15;
intervention, 21-22;
scheme of reform, 22;
loans unpopular, 89-90;
as protector of poor, 95, 142;
discontent under, 100;
exactions under, 164;
buildings at Dacca, 173;
“Court of Wards,” 191;
responsibilities of, 214;
independence of, 223;
pressure under, 235;
difficulty of, 325
Grand Trunk Road, pilgrims on, 135, 152
Grazing lands, 95;
scarcity of, 97
Gupta, Mr. K. G., on Indian Council, 22
Gurkhas quartered in villages, 14-15, 202
Gurukula (the Master’s Home), 310
_Habeas corpus_, breaches of, 20, 131
Hand-looms, dying out of, 162-163
Hardie, Mr. Keir, misrepresented, 25;
Morley on, 26;
insulted, 230-232
Hardwar, ignorance at, 288;
goal of pilgrims, 306
Hare, Sir Lancelot, succeeds Sir B. Fuller, 15
Hastings, Warren, 127
Hewett, Sir John, relief statistics by, 279
High Courts, respect for, 68
_Hindu Spiritual Magazine_, 211
Hinduism, 108-109
Hindus rejected, 15;
shops looted, 16;
rioting of, 16-17;
outrages on, 16, 29;
workshops damaged, 18;
in Bengal, 166;
exclusion of, 322
_Hindustan_ prosecuted, 303
Hitaishi (Friend), violence of, 228
Hobhouse, Mr. Charles, Under-Secretary for India, 24, 104
Holland, factories of, 236
Hooghly magistrate on weavers, 179-180
Hunter, Sir William, famine statistics of, 94
Ibbetson, Sir Denzil (Lieut.-Governor of Punjab), refuses petitions,
17-18
Imperialism and reaction, 43
Imports, decrease in, 180
_India_ (Lahore paper) prosecuted, 17
India, reduction of expenditure in, 25;
compared with Canada, 26;
Morley’s vision of, 26-28;
impoverishment of, 73;
domestic life in, 78 _et seq._;
education of, 129;
limited knowledge of, 324;
crushed, 325;
unity of, 326;
unrest in, 326
“India in the Victorian Age,” by R. C. Dutt, 86
India, Southern, disturbances in, 29
India Office, expenses of, 3;
Council, additions to, 22
Indian, position in British Empire, 9;
tendency to deceit, 9;
Patriots Association, 17;
defence of policy of idealists, 27;
editors in, 43;
economics, 73;
unity promoted, 74;
“Problems,” by S. M. Mitra, 83;
“Ryot,” the, Sir William Wedderburn, 83;
ignorance of, 88;
Empire, basis of, 93;
disabilities of, 119;
_Trade Journal_ on weavers, 179;
Parliament, 223;
_Daily News_, 230;
people insulted, 230;
Province, industrial organization in, 271;
“Patriotism towards the Empire,” by Lajpah Rai, 300;
temperament, 301;
_Review_ on “Moral Poverty,” 331
Indians, exclusion of, 7, 322;
irritated by Press, 17;
educated, 30;
occupations of, 161;
degeneration of, 222;
in Transvaal, 260;
determination of, 281;
in England, 322;
exaggeration by, 323;
incapability disproved, 331;
contempt for Anglo-Indians, 335
“Industrial Organization of an Indian Province,” by Mr. Theodore
Morison, 280, 284
Industries, ancient, 162
Industry, organization of, 14
Irish Home Rulers, comparison with, 238;
Party, encouragement from, 299
Irrigation, question of dues postponed, 17;
rates increased, 17;
results of, 214;
methods of, 273
James, Prof. William, 106
Janaka, austerity of, 269
Japan, rule of, 320-321;
example of, 322
Japanese War, effect of, 170
Jaswant Rai, Lala, proprietor of Punjabee, 17
Jemalpur, disturbances at, 17
Jenapur, floods near, 136, 141
Jenkins, Sir Lawrence, Chief Justice, 68
Jessore, district of, 212
Judicial and Executive functions, separation of, 46
Juggernath, Temples of, 134 _et seq._;
_v._ sanitation, 154;
worship of, 155 _et seq._;
equality before, 155;
brother and sister of, 156
Jute in Bengal, 163;
prices of, 164;
export of, 165
Kali, worship of, 207 _et seq._;
Temple of, 206, 209
Kalighat, description of, 206, 208 _et seq._
Kangra Valley, earthquake in, 297
Karma, influence of, 107
Kelkar, Mr., editor of _Maharatta_, 42, 62, 249
_Kesari_ (Lion), Mr. Tilak’s paper, 62;
attacks Government, 67, 77
Khaparde, Mr., of Nagpur, chosen representative, 242
Kingsford, Mr., judgment of, 24;
incited to manslaughter, 229
Kitchener, Commander-in-Chief, 3;
differs from Lord Curzon, 13;
reviews in Poona, 92
Kolhapur, Gohkale’s birthplace, 34
Krishna, adventures of, 92
Labour Party, leader of, 25;
(English), encouragement from, 299
Lahore, press abuse and prosecutions in, 17-18;
crime in, 29;
injustice in, 118;
poverty, 283;
superstition, 288
Lajpat Rai (Lala), in England and America as delegate, 12;
speech at Lyallpur, deportation of, 19;
as mediator, 70, 242, 243;
release of, 126;
lament for, 129;
tribute to, 133, 233;
popularity of, 246;
and Arya Samaj, 292;
influence of deportation, 295;
addresses Moderates, 296;
criticizes Congress, 296;
nature of, 296;
sketch of, 296 _et seq._;
pamphlets by, 297-301;
in England, 298;
“Lala Rajpat Rai, the Man in his Word,” 298;
“Story of my Deportation,” by, 302;
reason for deportation, 303;
with Moderates, 332
Lakshmi, goddess of family prosperity, 31
Lancers, 9th, punished, 3
Land Act, 17;
assessment, attempted reform of, 14;
increase in, 17;
remission of, 95;
in Bombay, 85;
limitation of, 85;
increase in, 86, 99;
reclaimed, 17;
Revenue, books on, 82;
Administration Report, 180;
Question in Oude, 83;
Tax, period of, 135;
titles, revision of, 140;
settlement,
scenes at, 140-141;
burden on, 289-290
Landowners on Viceroy’s Council, 45;
ruin of, 45. _See_ Zemindars
Languages in India, 11, 130
Lawrence, Sir H., good influence of, 28
Layard on Mohammedan ignorance, 200-201
Lee, W. H., translation by, 127
Lefroy, Dr. (Bishop of Lahore), 117
Legislative Councils (_see_ Councils);
enlargement of, 23;
disbelief in, 222
Lely, Sir F., on drink traffic, 122
Lhassa, neutralized, 24
Liberal Party disappoints India, 43;
Government satirized, 132
Liverpool boycott in Bengal, 166;
salt, decrease in, 180;
destroyed, 185
Local Government, functions of, 23;
proclaimed districts, 25
Low, Mr. Sidney, “Vision of India,” 83
Lyallpur, meeting at, 17-18
Lytton, Lord, passes Vernacular Press Act, 212
Macaulay, influence of, 234-235
MacDonnell, Sir Antony, Famine Report by, 289
Madhu Sudan Das, 147-149
Madras, standing of, 10;
disturbances in, 29;
High Court, 68;
rates and taxes in, 83;
petition to Governor of, 99-100;
reformers and freedom in, 103;
municipality of, 104;
representation of, 104-105;
religion in, 110;
drink question in, 121;
Swadeshi in, 122 _et seq._;
meeting on beach, 125;
languages in, 130;
presidency, drought in, 141
Magistrates, powers of, 25;
manners of, 147 _et seq._
Mahanadi, The, in flood, 135
_Mahratta_ (Mr. Tilak’s paper), 42;
reports in, 62, 76
Mahratta Nobility, 32;
Shoe, effects of, 233
Mailapur, temple at, 105
Malaria, inroads of, 213-214
Malvi, Tribhovandas, 244-255
Manchester at war with Bengal, 166;
goods in Bankura, 179
_Manchester Guardian_, author correspondent of, 30
Mango fruit the cause of cholera, 272;
blossom, the Indian May, 312
Manu, laws of, 83
Martineau, Mr. A. E., Sessions Judge at Delhi, 19
Maruta, Indian Hercules, 93
Mehta, Sir Pherozeshah, services of, 240-241;
at National Congress, 257-258
Midleton, Lord (Mr. Brodrick), on Partition, 13;
favours devolution, 167
Mill, J. S., 131, 329
Mill hands in Delhi, 285;
in Bombay, 286
Milton, 131
Minto, Lord, succeeds Lord Curzon, 13;
refuses Colonization Bill, 17, 21;
Proclamation of, 21;
Indian opinion of, 43;
Press Act of, 220
Mitra, K. K., starts Swadeshi, 178;
S. M., “Indian Problems” by, 83
Moderates, J. Morley on, 27-28;
G. K. Gokhale on, 44;
conflict with Extremists, 257-259;
unpopularity of, 262
Mohammedan Revival, 192;
Riots, 202
Mohammedans favoured by Sir B. Fuller and Government, 15-16;
and Hindus, 16, 17;
nominated on Indian Council, 22,
on Viceroy’s Council, 23, 45;
in Bengal, 166;
against Partition, 175;
after Partition, 186;
gentility of, 199
Money-lenders (Banya), restriction of, 2;
importance of, 87;
speculations of, 89;
opportunities of, 90;
expelled from Deccan, 91;
indebtedness to, 283
Monist, faith of, 106
Monsoon rains, importance of, 276
Morison, Mr. Theodore, “Industrial Organization of an Indian
Province,” 83, 92, 271-272, 281-284
Morley, Lord, in India Office (Dec. 14, 1905), 14;
Secretary of State, 12;
on Partition of Bengal, 12, 175;
defends deportation, 20;
Budget speech and scheme of reforms, 22;
speech to constituents, 26-27;
on bad manners, 28, 118;
criticized, 36-37;
invites criticism, 44;
complaints of, 46;
satire on, 129;
influence of, 131, 132;
misrepresentations to, 163;
study of, 170;
misleading of, 193;
policy of, 254
Morrison, W. J. (Special Commissioner), 24
Moti Lai Ghose (_see_ Ghose, description of), 212;
petition of, 213;
opinions of, 214
Mourning customs, 109;
in Macedonia, 110
Mulkowal, serum poisoning in, 58
Mullahs revive Islamism, 192
Munro, Sir Thomas, popularity of, 325
Mutiny, anniversary of, 19, 29
Mysore, advancement of, 103;
good government in, 316
Nagpur, meeting at, 70, 233;
Chota, 166
Naoroji, Dadabhai (ex-M.P. Finsbury), sketch of, 29-30;
presides at Calcutta Congress (1906), 183, 235;
on “Moral Poverty,” 330
Nash, Mr. Vaughan, “The Great Famine,” etc., by, 85-86, 90, 96-97
Nath, Dina, imprisonment of, 18
National Congress (_see_ Congress);
unity, Curzon’s sympathy with, 5-6;
renascence, 159, 222;
education, 223;
outlook, 301;
societies, 328;
deterioration, check on, 330
Nationalism, definition of, 225-226
Nationalist Cause, repression good for, 222
Nationalists separate from Moderates, 238
Nationality, Curzon’s explanation of, 8-9
Nautch girl, dancing of, 313 _et seq._
Nawab Salimulla of Dacca, 189 _et seq._
Nawab Syed Mohammed on Viceroy’s Council, 104-105
Nehru, Motilal at National Congress, 256
Newspapers, restricted information of, 4;
Anglo-Indian, protest against Partition, 11;
English, misrepresentations in, 16, 25;
unscrupulousness of correspondents, 37;
Hindu, 215, 219;
advantages of, 321-322
North-West Provinces, 285
Nurses, Indian, in hospitals, 56
Officials, bribery of, 100;
object to change, 138;
remedies of, 166;
zeal and sympathy of, 274
Opium, regulation of traffic, 24
Ordinance, Lord Minto’s, 21
Orissa, in Partition, 10-11, 166;
floods in, 134 _et seq._;
peasantry of, 135;
description of, 135;
famine and drought in, 136, 142, 273 _et seq._;
villages, 144;
“Volunteers” at, 185
Oxford Brethren, 186
Pabna, district of, schools disaffiliated, 15
Pal, B. Chandra, prosecution of, 24
Panchayat (village council) restored, 318
Paralysis from famine, 278
Paranjbye, Mr. (head of Fergusson College), 41
Partition of Bengal, lines of, 11;
protests against, 16;
effects of, 322
Patna, in Partition, 10, 167
Peasants, protection of, 2
Permanent Settlement (1793), 91-92, 135;
landowner under, 164-165
Persecution, 202 _et seq._, 322
Persia divided, 24;
contrasted with India, 320
Peshwas, rule of, 32
Petitions to British Parliament, 12;
uselessness of, 326
Phœnix Park murders, comparison with, 238
Picketing, method of, 184
Pindi Das imprisoned, 17
Pilgrimages, methods of, 152;
time for, 153
Pilgrims to Byturni, 135;
Ganges, 263 _et seq._
_Pioneer_ comment on scholarship, 68;
honourable tradition of, 230
Plague, deaths from (1906-1907), 23, 32;
origin of, 32;
terror of, 32;
Government and, 32;
introduction of, 48;
in Poona, 48 _et seq._;
theory of, 50;
squirrels and, 51;
rats and, 52;
proclamations on, 58;
finger-prints and, 59;
inoculation for, 58-61;
“Bubonic,” 49;
vegetarianism and, 53;
symptoms of, 54-55;
after-effects of, 55-56;
described by Thucydides, Boccaccio, Defoe, 56-57;
statistics of, 58;
official record of, 301-302;
results of, 324
Plague Committee, chairman murdered, 49
Poland, comparison with, 320
Police Commission under Sir A. Fraser, 3;
quartered in villages, 14-15;
scandals, 120;
power of, 184;
District Superintendent, 248
Police spies, 203
Political agent, control of, 134;
freedom, importance of, 303-304
Politics in India, 41
Poona, festival at, 31;
desolation of, 32;
riots at, 35, 49;
Extremists in, 44, 225;
Gokhale in, 37-46;
plague in, 48 _et seq._;
hospital hats in, 53-56;
newspapers in, 62;
irrigation in, 65;
“culture” in, 78 _et seq._;
beauty of, 92;
Finger-print Bureau in, 93;
Kitchener’s reviews in, 93;
education in, 101, 215
Port Said, dividing line at, 118
Potters, craft of, 161-162
Poverty, increase of, 324
Press, English, misrepresentations in, 15-16;
(Indian) prosecutions of, 24
Press Act (1908), 220;
suppression under, 229
“Principles of Psychology,” by Professor William James, 106
Processions forbidden, 15
Proclamation of Queen Victoria (1858), text of, 6;
right of Indians under, 46, 236, 322, 333, 334
Professors and Government intervention, 21-22
Provincial Councils, Legislative, 22;
Advisory, 22-23;
and Home Rule, 72;
Conference broken up, 184,
at Surat, 242
Public meeting, right of, curtailed, 15, 21, 25
Punjab, Land Act in, 2;
disturbances in, 16, 17;
Legislative Council, 17;
Colonization Bill, 17, 21;
proclaimed, 21;
the Tikka Sahib of Nabha, representative of, 25;
press insolence in, 43;
death rate in, 52;
unpopularity of inoculation in, 58;
rates and taxes in, 83;
misery of ryot in, 283-284
_Punjabee_, prosecuted in Lahore, 17
Puri, temple at, 152
Raj, Hans (Principal Anglo-Vedic College), 297
Rajahs, 134, 135;
extravagance of, 150
Raleigh, Sir Thomas (President Education Commission), 3
Rama, legend of, 93, 269
Ramakrishna (Society of), 209.
_See_ Deva and Paramahamsa
Ranade, Justice (social reformer), 34;
tradition of, 40
Ranchi, in Partition, 10
Rand, Mr., shot, 35
Rangoon, British outrage in, 2;
rice, 165
Ratcliffe, Mr. S. K. (late editor of _Statesman_), thanks to, 30
Rates, application of, 165
Rats, spreaders of plague, 48 _et seq._
Rawal Pindi, riots in, 17;
meetings at, 18;
arrests at, 18-19;
death of prisoner at, 19;
false evidence at, 19;
outrages at, 29;
injustice at, 118
Reaction, uselessness of, 322
Reasonableness of Indian speeches, 131
Red Pamphlet (Mohammedan propaganda), 192
Reforms scheme, 22, 34;
promptness needed in, 335-336
Regulations of 1818, deportations under, 20
Relief Problem, 137;
private, 146;
Government, 271 _et seq._
Religion, expenditure on, 82
Religions of Hindus, 209 _et seq._
Remedial measures, 332-335
Remembrancer of Legal Affairs, 93
Rent, 84, 144-145
Rent Acts of 1859 and 1885, 91
Revenue Authorities, seizures by, 90
Revenue from land, 83 _et seq._;
India, 325;
control of, 333
_Review, Indian_, Swadeshi-cum-Boycott, 181
Rice, sacrificed to jute, 164;
export, 165;
failure, 279
Riots in Poona, 49;
in Deccan, 91;
in Comilla and Jemalpur, 193;
Lahore and Rawal Pindi, 18, 19, 302
Ripon, Lord, regretted, 34;
decline after, 43;
attempts at reform of, 119, 241;
popularity of, 325
Risley, Sir H., issues Circular, 21, 304;
announces Partition, 167;
cautious reply of, 176
River, nature and sanctity of, 135;
boats on, 161;
caprices of, 161
Road Cess, 213
Royal Family, devotion to, 213
Rudra, Professor (Bengali economist), 331
Rupee, values of, 2
Rutherford, Dr., at National Congress, 245
Russia, disastrous rule of, 320
Russian bureaucracy, Tilak’s criticism of, 73
Rustamji, Kersasp, Minister at Baroda, 319
Ryot, burden on, 78;
“The Indian Ryot,” by Sir William Wedderburn, 83;
amiability of, 93;
life of, 94;
robbed of forests and grazing lands, 96;
protection of, 98;
grievances, 99;
memorial, 99;
income of, 100
Ryotwari (peasant tenantry) in Madras and Bombay, 91
Salem district, memorial from, 100
Salimulla, Nawab of Dacca, 16;
on Council, 191 _et seq._
Salisbury, Lord, taunts Indian, 30;
on land tax, 84-85
Salt tax, revenue from, 4;
reduction of, 34
Sandhurst, Lord, apology to, 35
_Sandhya_ (“Evening”), policy of, 219;
violence of, 228
_Sanjibani_ suggests boycott, 178
Sanyasi Order, rebellion of, 127
Saraswati, Dayananda, founder of Arya Samaj, 292 _et seq._
Sawhny, Dr. Hansraj, at Rawal Pindi Meeting, 18
Schoolmaster threatened, 21;
communal, 101-102
Schools deprived of grants and scholarships, 15
Scinde, plague in, 53
“Sedition!”, 147
“Seditious,” meaning of, 230
Seditious Meetings Act, 25, 130;
protested against, 36-37;
ignored, 74
Segregation in Poona, 49-50
Self-government, Colonial, 41;
preparations for, 223;
at Congress, 239;
increased demand for, 329
Serajganj, schoolboys punished at, 15;
spies at, 203-204
“Servants of India,” founder of, 34;
rules of, 38 _et seq._;
value of, 300
“Settlement,” meaning of, 83-84;
working of, 84;
officers, discretion of, 85;
duty of, 87;
camps, 140
Shillong, summer residence of Viceroy, 160, 173
Shishir Kumar Ghose (editor of _Hindu Spiritual Magazine_), 211
Shiva, temples of, 32, 269;
festival of, 106, 110 _et seq._;
legend of, 207
Shivaji, Peshwa, heroism of, 69, 246
Sikh regiments and colonization, 17;
representative on Viceroy’s Council, 25;
soldier’s dismissal, 303
Simla, Partition proclaimed from (Sept. 1, 1905), 12;
Curzon’s farewell speech at, 13;
reforms proposed at, 22, 44-45;
Council at, 25;
isolation of, 160
Singarh, fortress of, 65, 69
“Sinn Fein,” universal Swadeshi, 221
Sita, wife of Rama, 93, 269
Small-pox, 186
Spinoza and Monism, 106
Spies, use of, 203-204;
abolition of, 334
Starvation, official report on, 139;
deaths from, 144
_Statesman_, 230
Statistics of Indian life, 79 _et seq._
Sugar, foreign, destroyed, 185;
failure, 279
Surat, chosen for Congress, 70, 183, 233 _et seq._;
Christmas Day in, 236;
decrepitude of, 237;
Provincial Conference at, 242
Surendra Nath Banerjea, influence, 215 _et seq._;
refused hearing, 247;
at Congress, 256-257, 262
Swadeshi, beginning and reason of, 12-14;
movement, 74;
and temperance, 122;
in Madras and Bombay, 122;
true spirit of, 147;
effect on hand-looms, 163;
“Volunteers,” 178 _et seq._;
meeting in Calcutta, 179;
oath, 181;
women and, 181;
good effects of, 180 _et seq._;
English traders and, 182;
official admiration for, 182;
shops, 182;
payment for, 187;
refused, 188;
extension of, 221;
limitations of, 228;
foundation of, 297;
a last effort, 327;
development of, 328 _et seq._
“Swadeshi Movement,” by Lajpat Rai, 301
Swaraj (Home Rule), 129-130
Tahsildars, 145
Takavi (loans), 146
Takka Sahib of Nabha opposes Seditious Meetings Act, 25
Taluka (group of villages), 85
Tamil singer, 127;
poet, 129;
orator, 133
Tanks as social centres, 273
“Tenets of the New Party,” 75
“Test Works,” 274 _et seq._
Tigers, slaughter of, 98-99
Tilak, B. G., an adherent of, 42;
opposed to inoculation, 58;
as editor, 62;
sketch of, 65 _et seq._;
as author, 66;
imprisoned, 67;
sentence quashed, 68;
Extremists’ leader, 70;
attitude of, 71;
statement of aims, 72;
on bureaucracy, 73;
policy of, 73-74;
on moderation, 75;
on “Efficiency,” 76;
on revolution, 76;
influence of, 76-77;
arrest, trial, and sentence, 77;
moderation of, 221;
opposes Dr. Ghose at Congress, 238 _et seq._;
on National Representation, 242;
addresses Extremists, 260
_Times_, the, against education, 102;
Lord Curzon’s letter to, 193
_Times of India_ insults Mr. Keir Hardie and Indians, 230-232
Travancore, education in, 103
Tribhuvaneshwar, temple of, 134
Tributary chiefs, 134-135
“Trust Company” swindle, 108
Turner, Dr., theorizes on plague, 50
Unearned increment, 277
Unitarians of Hinduism, 210
United Provinces, rainfall in, 92-94;
agriculture suspended in, 271;
tranquillity of, 280
Universities, extension of faculties in, 4;
changes in constitution, 5
University, Calcutta, schools disaffiliated from, 15;
senate, S. N. Banerjea’s services in, 215;
brother of Arabindo Ghose on staff of, 221
Unrest, cause of, 170 _et seq._;
meaning of, 322
Uriya people, antiquity of, 134
Vasantha (Spring), 310
Vedantic Order for distributing relief, 146
Vedantists (members of Ramakrishna Society), 210
Vedas, recitation from, 16;
belief in, 210
Vedic hymns and worship, 291;
school, 306 _et seq._;
discipline, 308
Vernacular Press Act, 212
Viceroy, Lord Curzon as, 1, 2, 8, 9;
limits right of public meeting, 21;
rejects Colonization Bill, 17;
Legislative Council of, 23, 45;
passes Seditious Meetings Act, 25;
winter residence of, 208-209;
“Veto” of, 333
Viceroy’s Council, Military Supply member on, 13;
disputes about, 13;
promises of, 119;
Nawab Salimulla on, 191;
member’s letters opened, 220;
Dr. R. B. Ghose on, 235;
financial statement to, 280;
Indians disregarded in, 326;
reform of, 332
Victoria, Queen, Proclamation for India (1858), 6
Village communities, destruction of, 95-96
Villagers, death through forced labour, 17;
poverty of, 90;
homes of, 287
Villages, conditions in, 282-283
Vishnu, Temple of, 32, 111-112;
footprint of, 106;
worship of, 211;
prayer to, 267
“Vision of India,” by Mr. Sidney Low, 83
Vivekananda, follower of Ramakrishna, 219
“Volunteers” in relief work, 146-147;
in Swadeshi movement, 185;
alarm at, 185;
at National Congress, 237
Wacha, Dinshaw Edulji, 240
Wages Table for Public Works, 275;
statistics of, 285
Wales, Prince and Princess of, visit of, 13;
devotion to, 213
Warren Hastings, power of, 127
Weavers, persistence of, 162;
religion of, 162;
increased prosperity of, 179-180;
work and wages of, 285
Wedderburn, Sir William, “The Indian Ryot,” by, 83;
“The Skeleton at the Jubilee Feast,” 83, 91;
Solution given by, 178
Wells, expense of, 273
Widows, abduction of, 193
Women, education of, 38;
examined by soldiers, 49;
against inoculation, 59;
freedom of, 103;
in “Swadeshi,” 123;
sufferings of, 143;
use boycott, 181;
guardians of, 186;
backwardness of, 196
_Yugantar_ (“New Age”), policy of, 219-220
Zemindars (landowners) on Viceroy’s Council, 45;
in Bengal, 91;
subletting by, 134;
ruin of, 165;
hardships of, 174;
increased taxation of, 277
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Transcriber’s Notes
pg 45 Changed: judicial and and executive functions
to: judicial and executive functions
pg 194 Changed: more attached, I I was told
to: more attached, I was told
pg 195 Changed: leaning forward like a diplomast
to: leaning forward like a diplomat
pg 231 Changed: find the god of their idolatory
to: find the god of their idolatry
pg 235 Changed: to which Dadadhai Naoroji had been brought
to: to which Dadabhai Naoroji had been brought