G Servants of Tesfos, his camp and rebellious peasants of Mariam

Ohha on a high rock.

]

About noon the hill was assaulted on all sides that were accessible,

and the ancient spirit of the troops seemed to revive upon seeing the

enemy were the aggressors. Without any aid of musquetry, the king's

foot repulsed Coque Abou Barea, and drove him from the hill into the

plain, without any considerable stand on his part: the same success

followed against Mammo and Heraclius; they were chased down the

hill, and several of their men pursued and slain on the plain; but

a large reinforcement coming from the camp, the king's troops were

driven up the hill again, and Tesfos, with his musquetry, had made

a lodgment in a pit on the low side of one of these stone-walls Ras

Michael had built for his own defence, from which he fired with great

effect, and the king's troops were obliged to fall back to the brow

of the hill immediately below the tent, and that of the Ras's. In a

moment appeared Woodage Asahel, with a large body of horse, supported

likewise with a considerable number of foot. This was the most

accessible part of the hill, and under the cover of Tesfos's continued

fire: they mounted it with great gallantry, the troops above expecting

them with their irons fixed at a proper elevation in the ground; for

it must be here explained, that no Abyssinian soldier in battle rests

his gun upon his hand, as every one is provided with a stick about

four feet long, which hath hooks, or rests, on alternate intervals on

each side, and which he sticks in the ground before him, and rests the

muzzle of his gun upon it, according to the height of the object he

is to aim at; and here is discovered the fatal and most unreasonable

effect of fear in these troops, who have not the knowledge or practice

of fire-arms, and are about to charge, for as soon as they hear this

noise of planting the sticks, (which is somewhat louder than that

of our men cocking their musquets) they halt immediately, and give

the fairest opportunity to their enemies to take aim; and, after

thus suffering from a well-directed fire, they fall into confusion,

and run, leaving the musquetry time to recharge. This is as if they

voluntarily devoted themselves to destruction; for if, either upon

hearing the noise of setting the sticks in the ground, or before or

after they have received the fire, the horse were to charge these

musqueteers, having no bayonets, at the gallop, they must be cut to

pieces every time they were attacked by cavalry; the contrary of which

is always the case.

Woodage Asahel had now advanced within about thirty yards of the

musquetry that were expecting him, when unluckily the hill became

more steep, and Ayto Tesfos (for some reason not then known) ceased

firing. The king was now close to the very brow of the hill, nor

could any one persuade him to keep at a greater distance. I was not

far from him, and had no sort of doubt but that I should presently

see the whole body of the enemy destroyed by the fire awaiting them,

and blown into the air. Woodage Asahel was very conspicuous by a red

fillet, or bandage, wrapt about his head, the two ends hanging over

his ears, whilst he was waving with his hands for the troops below to

follow briskly, and support those near him, who were impeded by the

roughness and mossy quality of the ground. At this instant the king's

troops fired, and I expected to see the enemy strewed dead along the

face of the hill. Indeed we saw them speedily disappear, but like

living men, riding and running down the declivity so as even to excite

laughter. Woodage Asahel, with two men only, bravely gained the top of

the mountain, and, as he passed the king's tent, pulled off his red

fillet, making a sign as of saluting it, and then galloped through the

middle of the camp. He was now descending unhurt upon the left, where

Abou Barea had been engaged and beaten, when Sebastos, a Greek, the

king's cook, seventy-five years of age, of whom I have already spoken

in the campaign of Maitsha, lying behind a stone, with his gun in his

hand, seeing the troops engage below, fired at him as he passed: the

ball took place in the left side of his belly. He was seen stooping

forward upon the tore of his saddle, with some men supporting him

on each side, in his way to his tent, where he died in the evening,

having, by his behaviour that day, deserved a better fate. Sebastos

reported this feat of his to the king, but it was not believed, till

a confirmation of the fact came in the evening, when Sebastos was

cloathed, and received a reward from the king.

Tesfos had been observed not to fire since Woodage Asahel gained the

steep part of the hill, and it was thought it was from fear of galling

his friends; but it was soon known to be owing to another cause.

Kefla Yasous had ordered two of his nephews to take a body of troops,

with lances and shields only, and these were to go round the Ras's

tent, and down the side of the hill, till they were even with Tesfos

behind the screen where he lay. These two young men, proud of the sole

command which they had then received for the first time, executed it

with great alacrity; and tho' they were ordered by their uncle to

watch the time when Tesfos had fired, and then to run in upon him,

they disdained that precaution, but coming speedily upon him, part

of them threw down the stones under which he was concealed, and part

attacked him in the hollow, and, while much intent upon the success

of Woodage Asahel, he was in a moment overpowered and dislodged; and,

being twice wounded, with great difficulty he escaped. Seventeen of

his match-locks were brought into the camp, and with them a man of

great family in Samen, a relation or friend of Kefla Yasous. This

person, after having been regaled with the best that was in the camp,

and cloathed anew after their custom, was sent back the same night to

Ayto Tesfos, with this short message, "Tesfos had better be upon his

rock again, if my boys can beat him upon the plain at broad noon-day."

Coque Abou Barea, after having attempted several times to ascend the

hill, was beaten back as often, and obliged to desist. On the king's

side only eleven men were killed. The loss of the enemy was variously

reported. Sixty-three men only, and several horses of those with

Woodage Asahel, were left upon the side of the hill, after the fire

of near 1000 musquets--so contemptible is the most dangerous weapon

in an ignorant and timid hand. That night the body of musqueteers

called Lasta, part of the king's household, (in number about 300

men) deserted in a body. One of the worst consequences of that day's

engagement was, that the enemy, when in possession of the foot of

the hill, had thrown a great number of dead bodies, both of men and

beasts, into Deg-Ohha, which therefore now was abandoned altogether

by our troops. To make up for this, Ras Michael, that very evening,

advanced 2000 men upon the end of the long hill, immediately below

him, which post was never molested after, so that our beasts had

water in greater plenty and safety than when they were at a less

considerable distance.

Below the north-west side of the hill, where it was a steep precipice,

two or three pools of water were found retaining all their original

purity, out of the reach or knowledge of the enemy, in the bed of the

torrent which surrounded the north side of the mountain: the descent

was very difficult for beasts, but thither I went several times on

foot, and bathed myself, especially my head, in very cold water,

which greatly strengthened my eyes, much weakened from the blow I had

received.

CHAP. IX.

_Interview with Gusho in his Tent--Conversation and interesting

Intelligence there--Return to the Camp--King's Army returns to

Gondar--Great Confusion in that Night's March._

On the 25th of May, early in the morning, I went to Gusho. When I

arrived near his tent I dismounted my mule, and, as the king had

commanded me, bared myself to below the breasts, the sign of being

bearer of the king's orders. Four men were now sent from the tent,

who, two and two, supported each arm, and introduced me in this state

immediately to Gusho. He was sitting on a kind of bed, covered with

scarlet cloth, and edged with a deep gold fringe. As soon as I came

near him, I began, "Hear what the king says to you." In a moment he

rose, and, stripping himself bare to the waist, he bowed with his

forehead on the scarlet cloth, but did not, as was his duty, stand on

the ground, and touch it with his forehead, tho' there was a good

Persian carpet, as pride and newly-acquired independence had released

him from those forms, in the observance of which he had been brought

up from his childhood.

On seeing him attentive, I continued, "The king sends you word by me,

and I declare to you from my own skill as a physician, that the fever

now amongst you will soon become mortal; as the rains increase, you

will die; consequently, being out of your allegiance, God only knows

what will happen to you afterwards. The king therefore wishes you to

preserve your health, by going home to Amhara, taking Powussen, and

all the rest along with you who are ill likewise, and the sooner the

better, as he heartily wishes to be rid of you all at once, without

your leaving any of your friends behind you." It was with difficulty

I kept my gravity in the course of my harangue; it did not seem to

be less so on his part, as at the end he broke out in a great fit of

laughter. "Aye, Aye, Yagoube, says he, I see you are still the old

man; but tell the king from me, that if I were to do what you just

now desire of me, it was then I should be afraid to die, it was then

I should be out of my duty; assure the king, continued Gusho, I will

do him better service. Were I to go home and leave Michael with him,

I, who am no physician, declare, the Ras would prove in the end a much

more dangerous disease to him than all the fevers in Dembea."

I then introduced his relation, Tecla Mariam, who stood with the

people behind; and, as he had on his monk's dress, Gusho at first did

not know him. He had been well informed, however, of his having saved

the king, and of the blow that he had received from him. He said every

thing in commendation of the young man, and his honourable action,

adding, that the preservation of kings was a gift of Providence

particularly reserved for the people of Amhara. He then ordered new

cloaths to be brought and put upon Tecla Mariam, who scrupled to take

off his cowl; on which Gusho violently tore it from his head, dashed

it on the floor, stamped twice on it with his foot, and then threw

it behind the back of the sofa. At parting, Gusho ordered him five

ounces of gold, a large present for one that loved money as Gusho did,

commanding him strictly to return to his duty and profession, and

ordering me to carry him to the king, and see him reinstated in his

office in the palace.

I then desired his permission to visit the sick, and left ipecacuanha

and bark with Antonio, (his Greek servant,) and directions how to

administer them. One of his nephews, (Ayto Aderesson) the young man

who had lost Gusho's horse, had the small-pox, upon which I warned

Gusho seriously of the danger to which he exposed all his army if that

disease broke out amongst them, and advised him to send his nephew

forthwith to the church of Mariam, under the care of the priests,

which he did accordingly.

The tent being cleared, he asked me if I had seen Welleta Selassé;

if I was with her when she died; and who was said to have poisoned

her, Ras Michael or herself, or if I had ever heard that it was

Ozoro Esther? I told him her friends had sent for me from the camp,

but missed me, not knowing I was at Koscam with Ayto Confu, who had

been wounded; but that I could have been of little service to her

if they had found me sooner: That she had scarce any signs of life

when I entered her room, and died soon after: That she confessed she

had taken arsenic herself, and named a black servant of hers, a

Mahometan, from whom she had bought it; and the reason was, her fears

that her grandfather, Ras Michael, whom she had always looked upon

as the murderer of her father, should force her when he returned to

Gondar. He seemed exceedingly attentive to all I said, and mused for a

couple of minutes after I had done speaking.

A plentiful breakfast was then brought us, and many of his officers

sat down to it. I observed likewise some people of Gondar, who had

formerly fled to Fasil at Michael's first coming. He said he wished

me to bleed him before I went away, which I assured him I would by no

means do, for if he was well, as I then saw he was, the unnecessary

bleeding him might occasion sickness; and, if he was dangerously ill,

he might die, when the blame would be laid upon me, and expose me to

mischief afterwards. "No, says he, I could certainly trust you, nor

would any of my people believe any harm of you; but I am glad to see

you so prudent, and that you have a care of my life, for the reason

I shall give you afterwards." I bowed, and he made me then tell him

all that passed in my visit to Fasil, which I did, without concealing

any circumstance. All the company laughed, and he more than any, only

saying, "Fasil, Fasil, thou wast born a Galla, and a Galla thou shalt

die."

Breakfast being over, the tent was cleared, and we were again left

alone, when he put on a very serious countenance. "You know, says he,

you are my old acquaintance. I saw you with Michael after the battle

of Fagitta, as also the presents you brought, and heard the letters

read, both those that came from Metical Aga, and those of Ali Bey

from Cairo. All the Greeks here who have considerable posts, and are

proud and vain enough, have yet declared to us several times, (as

Antonio my servant did to me last night) that, in their own country,

the best of them are not higher in rank than your servants; and that

those who hitherto have come into this country were no better. We know

then, and the king is sensible, that in your own country you are equal

to the best of us, and perhaps superior, and as such, even in these

bad times, you have been treated. Now, this being the case, you are

wrong to expose yourself like a common soldier. We all know, and have

seen, that you are a better horseman, and shoot better than we; your

gun carries farther, because you use leaden bullets; so far is well;

but then you should manage this so as never to act alone, or from any

thing that can have the appearance of a private motive[11]." "Sir,

said I, you know that when I first came recommended, as you say, into

this country, Ayto Aylo, the most peaceable, as well as the wisest man

in it, the Ras, and I believe yourself, but certainly many able and

considerable men who were so good as to patronize me, did then advise

the putting me into the king's service and household, as the only

means of keeping me from robbery and insult. You said that I could

not be safe one instant after the king left Gondar, being a single

man, who was supposed to have brought money with him; that therefore I

must connect myself with young noblemen, officers of consequence about

court, whose authority and friendship would keep ill-disposed people

in awe. The king observing in me a facility of managing my horse and

arms, with which, until that time, he had been unacquainted, placed

me about his person, both in the palace and in the field, for his own

amusement, and I may say instruction, and for my safety; and this

advice has proved so good, that I have never once deviated from it

but my life has been in danger. The first attempt I made to go to the

cataract, Guebra Mehedin way-laid and intended to murder me. When the

king was in Tigrè, Woodage Asahel designed to do me the same favour

by the Galla he sent from Samseen; and so did Coque Abou Barea at

Degwassa, by the hands of Welleta Selassè. No safety, therefore, then

remained to me but in adhering closely to the king, as I have ever

since done, and was advised from the first to do, which indispensibly

brought me to Serbraxos, or wherever he was in person. You cannot

think it is from a motive of choice that a white man like myself runs

the risk of losing his life, or limbs, so far from home, and where

there is so little medical assistance, in a war where he has no motive

that can concern him."

"Do not mistake me, Yagoube, says Gusho, your behaviour at Serbraxos

does you honour, and will never make you an enemy, so does the like

affair with Kefla Yasous; there is no man you can so properly connect

yourself with as Kefla Yasous; all I wanted to observe to you is, that

it is said Woodage Asahel would have escaped safely from the mountain

if you had not shot him, and that yours was the only musquet that was

fired at him; which is thought invidious in you, being a stranger, as

he is the head of the Edjow Galla, the late king's guards; they may

yet return to Gondar, and will look upon you as their enemy, because

a leaden bullet was found in Woodage Asahel's body fired at him by

you."--"Sir, said I, it is very seldom a man in such a case as this

can have the power of vindicating himself to conviction, but that I

now happily can do. All the Greeks in the king's army, their sons and

families, all Mahometans, who have been in Arabia, India, or Egypt,

use leaden bullets. The man who shot Woodage Asahel is well known

to you. He is the king's old cook, Sebastos, a man past seventy,

who could not be able to kill a sheep till somebody first tied its

legs. He himself informed the king of what he had done, and brought

witnesses in the usual form, claiming a reward for his action, which

he obtained. It was said that I, too, killed the man who carried

the red flag of Theodorus at Serbraxos, though no leaden bullet, I

believe, was found in him. A soldier picked up this flag upon the

field, and brought it to me. I paid him, indeed, for his pains; and,

when I presented the flag to the king, told him what I had seen, that

the bearer of it had fallen by a shot from Guebra Mascal. I had not a

gun in my hand all that day at Serbraxos, nor all that other day when

Woodage Asahel was slain. I saw him pass within less than ten yards

where I was standing behind the king, in great health and spirits,

with two other attendants; but, so far from firing at him, I was very

anxious in my own mind that he should get as safely out of the camp as

he had gallantly, though imprudently, forced himself into it. It is

not a custom known in my country for officers to be employed to pick

out distinguished men at such advantage, nor would it be considered

there as much better than murder: certainly no honour would accrue

from it. But when means are necessary to keep officers of the enemy

at a proper distance, for consequences that might otherwise follow,

there are common soldiers chosen for that purpose, and for which they

are not the more esteemed. This, however, I will confess to you, that

when either the king's horses or mine went down to Deg-Ohha to water,

and never but then, I sat upon the rock above, and did all in my power

to protect them, and the men who were with them, and to terrify the

enemy who came to molest them, by shewing the extensive range of our

rifle guns; and that very day when Ayto Tesfos arrived, some of his

troops having driven off the mules, among which were two of mine, I

did, I confess, with my own hand shoot four of them from the rock, and

at last obliged the rest to keep at a greater distance; but as for

Woodage Asahel, I disown having had arms in my hand the day he entered

the camp, or having been absent, till late in the evening, from the

king's person."

"Now, all this is very well, continued Gusho; who killed Theodorus, or

the man at Serbraxos; who killed Ayto Tesfos's men, is no object of

inquiry; Deg-Ohha was within the line of the king's camp, and they

that wanted to deprive him of this possession, or the use of it, did

it at their peril. If you had shot Ayto Tesfos himself, attempting to

deprive you of water for the camp, no man in all Amhara would have

said you did wrong; but I am very much pleased with what you tell me

of Woodage Asahel. The short, yellow man, who breakfasted with you,

was one of those two who accompanied Woodage Asahel when he was shot,

and is a friend of mine; he brought word that he was killed by a

frank, and the leaden bullet fix'd it upon you."

This man was now immediately called for. He went by the nickname of

_Goul_, or the _Giant_, from his small size and debility of body. "Is

this your man, says Gusho, who shot Woodage Asahel on the hill?" "O,

by no means, says Goul; he was an old man with a long grey beard,

and a white cloth round his head. This man I know well. I saw him

with Fasil. This is Yagoube, the king's friend; he would not do such

a thing." "No, certainly he would not, says Gusho, and so mind that

you tell Woodage Asahel's friends." Upon this he withdrew. And now,

says Gusho, talk no more upon this affair, I will take the rest upon

myself. There is a servant of Metical Aga's now in the camp, sent over

by desire of your friends and countrymen[12] at Jidda, to know if you

are alive and well. He has also a message to the king, and perhaps I

may send him to the camp to-morrow, but more probably defer it till

we meet at Gondar. Mean time, remember my injunction to you, to keep

close by the person of the king, and then no accident can befal you in

the confusion that will soon happen. I thanked him for his friendly

advice, which I promised to follow. I then asked for Ayto Confu and

Engedan, as also for Metical Aga's servant, but he answered, I could

not then see them.

He had now in his hand some silk paper, in which they generally wrap

their ingots of gold, and he was preparing to slip this into my hand

at parting, in the same manner we do the fee of a physician in Europe.

"You forget, said I, what you mentioned in the morning, that I am no

cast-away, no Greek nor Armenian servant, but perhaps of equal rank

to yourselves: if I wanted money, Metical Aga's servant would procure

it for me upon demand. It is your wife and two daughters who are ill;

and when you shall hereafter be great, and governing every thing at

Gondar, I will by them put you in mind of any piece of friendship I

may stand in need of at your hand; and you shall grant it."--"You

are a good prophet, Yagoube, says he; and so I shall; but remember

my advice; I know you are a friend of Ozoro Esther, but she cannot

protect you; Ozoro Altash[13] may: the best of all is to keep close to

the king, to defend yourself if any body molests you on your way to

Gondar, and leave the rest to me."

An officer was now appointed to conduct me across the plain, and

several servants laden with fish and fruit. About a hundred yards

from the tent, a man muffled up met me, whom I found to be a servant

of Engedan. "Your army will disband, says he to me, in a low tone

of voice; keep by the king, or Aylo my master's brother, and he

will bring you over here." Having left him, we continued across the

plain, and saw several small parties of horse patroling, but they

came not near us. My conductor said they were Galla, waiting for some

opportunity to do mischief. He told me that Ozoro Welleta Israel, and

his son Aylo, had joined their army that day with 10,000 men from

Gojam, to no purpose at all, continued he, but that of eating up the

country. But your friend the Iteghé could not see Ras Michael fall

without giving him a shove, though she has staid till the very last

day before she ventured, for fear of accidents. Gusho's men set the

fish down at the advanced guard, and returned with the officer who had

attended me, while I went towards the king's tent, musing what all

this might mean, what power was to carry us to Gondar, disband the

army, depose Michael, and not hurt the king.

I found the king had not been well, and had taken warm water to

vomit, a remedy I advised him sometimes to make use of, not choosing

to venture on all occasions to give him medicines, and he was then

quiet. I therefore went to Ras Michael, who was alone, and seemingly

much chagrined. He interrogated me strictly as to what passed between

me and Gusho. I told him the discourse about Woodage Asahel's death,

and about Fasil; then about the sick family I had seen, the offer

of money, the fish, &c. The same I repeated when I went back to the

king, but nothing about our meeting at Gondar. I begged, however, as

he still complained a little of his head, that he would see nobody

that night, but lie down and compose himself, allowing me to wait in

the secretary's apartment till he should awake. I thought he embraced

this proposal willingly, Ozoro Esther having had a long conference

with him the night before. I do not imagine the state of the realm had

much share in their conversation. After he was laid down, I went and

found Azage Kyrillos, and with him the beautiful daughter of Tecla

Mariam, who was just dressed to go to Ozoro Esther's. She said she

would either take me along with her to Ozoro Esther's, or stay, and

the king would send us supper at her father's. I excused myself from

either, on account of the king's indisposition, and my business with

her father, who, guessing by my countenance I had something material

to communicate, sent her on her visit, and so we were left alone.

As he was a man with whom I had always lived in the most confidential

friendship, and knew the same subsisted between him and the king, I

made no scruple to tell him, word for word, what I had heard from

Gusho, and Engedan's servant. He said, without any seeming surprise,

Why, we are all worn out, but state all this to the king. Soon after,

came in the slave who had the charge of the king's bed-chamber, and

told the secretary that the king found himself well, only wanted to

know what he should drink. I ordered him some water, with some ripe

tamarinds, a liquor he usually took in time of Lent. See him and

advise him yourself, says the secretary. I accordingly went in, and

told the king the whole story. He seemed to be in great agitation,

repeating frequently, "O God! O God! O Guebra Menfus Kedus[14]!"--"Who

is this Guebra Menfus Kedus?" said I afterwards to Tecla Mariam, who

in his heart believed in him no more than I did. "Why, answered he

gravely, he is a great saint, who never ate or drank from his mother's

womb till his death, said mass at Jerusalem every day, and came home

at night in form of a stork."--"But a bad regimen his, said I, for

such violent exercise."--"That is not all, says Tecla Mariam, he

fought with the devil once in Tigrè, and threw him over the rock Amba

Salam, and killed him."--"I wish you joy, said I, this is good news

indeed." All this conversation had passed in half a whisper. The king

was quiet; but, hearing me say the last words, he started, and cried,

"What joy, what good news, Yagoube?"--"Why, said I, Sir, it is only

Tecla Mariam informing me that the devil is dead, which is good news,

at least to me, who always dreaded falling into his clutches."--"Aye,

says the king, the monks say so; it must have been long ago; but the

saint was surely a holy man."

Though the king was violently agitated, yet he neither said that he

did or did not understand what was meant by Gusho and Engedan, but

only ordered me home immediately, saying, "As you value your life,

open not your mouth to man or woman, nor seem to take particular care

about any thing, more than you did before; trust all in the hands of

the Virgin Mary, and Guebra Menfus Kedus."

I needed no incitement to go to my tent, where I went immediately to

bed. I cannot say but I had a ray of hope that Providence had begun

the means which were to extricate me out of the difficulties of my

present situation, better and sooner than I had before imagined; I

therefore fell soon into a profound sleep, satisfied that I should

be quickly called if any thing ailed the king. The lights were now

all put out, and, except the cry of the guards going their rounds,

very little noise in the camp, considering the vast number of people

it contained. I was in a profound sleep when Francisco, a Greek

servant of the Ras, a brave and veteran soldier, but given a little

to drink, came bawling into my tent, "It is madness to sleep at this

time."--"I am sure, said I, very calmly, I should be mad if I was not

to sleep. Why, when would you have me to take my rest? and what is

the matter?"--"Get up, cries he, quickly, for we shall all be cut to

pieces in a minute."--"Then hang me, said I, if I don't lie still, for

if I have no longer to live, it is not worth while to dress."--"Fasil

(continued he) has surprised the camp, and gives no quarter."--"Fasil!

said I, impossible: but go to the guard commanded by Laeca Mariam, and

if he has a horse ready saddled bring him to me."

On this Francisco catched up a lance and shield that were in my tent,

for fear of danger in the way, and ran off. In a minute he returned to

ask the _word_. "Googue, said I, is the parole, (it signifies Owl.)

A curse upon his father, says, he, (meaning the owl's father), and a

curse upon their fathers who gave such unlucky words for the parole

at night; no wonder misfortunes happen," says he, in Greek; he then

returned to the guard under Laeca Mariam. In the mean time, surveying

the camp around, I could not help doubting the truth of this alarm;

for not a soul was stirring about Kefla Yasous's tent, and the light

scarcely burning. On the other hand, however, there seemed several

in the tent of the Ras, and people moving about it, though the Tigrè

guard around were quiet, who, I knew well, would have been alarmed by

the motion of a mouse.

There was, however, still a light, and an unusual noise in the upper

end of the camp to the N. E. Francisco now returned from the king's

tent, and, without my speaking to him, said, in a great passion,

"Those black fellows are all become mad; you don't keep them in any

sort of order." "Has Laeca Mariam got ready a horse for me, said I;

where is he?"--"When I delivered your orders, replied Francisco, to

have a horse ready for you, he said there were fifty, but did not

suppose you intended galloping to-night." Francisco continued, "I

told him Fasil was in the camp; at which he laughed outright, said

I was drunk, and wondered you had given me the parole with a curse

upon its father; a great catch this word, to be sure, it will make

me rich." "I am afraid, said I, friend, Laeca Mariam hath stated the

truth; at least I never heard of an army cut to pieces so very quietly

as ours is." While I was speaking, the flambeaux at the Ras's tent

were all suddenly lighted, which was likewise done by Kefla Yasous,

all the general officers, and lastly from the king's tent. This is a

kind of torch, or flambeau, used by the janizary Aga, at Cairo and

Constantinople, when he patroles the streets; in the night-time it is

lighted, but the fire does not appear till you whirl it three or four

times round your head, and then it bursts out into a bright flame.

Michael had sixteen always on the guard, ever since the attempt upon

his life by the Guragué. In a moment all the camp was lighted, and

the people awakened, whilst, as nobody knew the reason, the tumult

increased. Francisco, with great exultation, upon seeing the Ras's

torches lighted, cried, "See who is drunk now; where are your jokes?

this will be a fine night, and nobody is armed." "Sir, said I, you saw

Laeca Mariam and his guard armed; so is every other guard in the camp

as much as ever; and you may thank God you have my servant's lance and

shield, so you are armed. I may drink coffee, though I very much fear

there may be some embroil on foot, of which you may be yourself part

of the occasion. Go, however, to the Ras's tent, and ask if he has any

orders for me."

In short, we soon after found that the cause of all this disturbance

was, that some part of Tesfos's men had come to the back of the camp

and attempted to recover the mules which had been taken from them;

and they had succeeded in part, when they were discovered, pursued,

and some of the mules retaken. At the sight of armed men running up

and down the hill, an alarm spread that nobody knew the occasion of,

till the Ras caused the mule-keeper to be bastinado'd in the morning.

That day, the 26th, we received advice, that the Edjow Galla, and some

other horse of the same district, had massacred all the people they

met on their way to and from Gondar, and that a body of troops had

marched into the town, which threatened to set it on fire if any more

provisions were sent to the camp.

We were now without food or water; a great council was therefore held,

in which it was agreed to decamp the 28th in the night, and return

to Gondar on the 29th, in the morning. A present of fresh provisions

had been sent to Ras Michael, and, in one of the baskets, a number

of torches. A message was also delivered from Gusho, "That as he was

informed the Ras intended travelling in the night, that therefore

he had sent him store of torches, lest he should mistake his way to

Gondar by having burnt all he had by him in the last night's alarm

about Fasil." He declared, moreover, in name of all the Confederates,

that it was their resolution not to molest him in his march; that the

whole kingdom was in alliance with them to save the effusion of blood,

now absolutely unnecessary, and to meet and treat with him at Gondar.

Upon receipt of this message, with the torches, the Ras flew into a

most furious passion. He called for Kefla Yasous and Guebra Mascal,

and sharply upbraided them with having betrayed him to his enemies. He

gave orders to the troops to refresh themselves, for he was that day

resolved to try the fortune of another battle. To this, however, it

was replied by all the principal officers, That the army was starving,

therefore a refreshment at this time was out of the question, and that

fighting was as much so; for Gusho, having sent to the Abuna and to

the King, had solemnly excommunicated his whole army if any harm was

offered to them in person or baggage, if they marched directly back to

Gondar that night, as they had of their own accord before intended;

and that the army was resolved, therefore, as one man, to return;

and, if the Ras did not agree to it, there was great fear they would

disband in the night, and leave him in the hands of the enemy, without

terms. The Ras was now obliged to make a virtue of necessity; and it

was given in orders, that the army should be ready to decamp at eight

in the evening, but nobody should strike their tent before that hour

on pain of death. The old general was ashamed to be seen for the first

time flying before his enemies.

It was plain to be read in everybody's countenance, that this

resolution was agreeable to them all. I confess, however, that I

thought the measure a very dangerous one, considering how much blood

the king's army had so lately spilt, and the ordinary prejudices

universally adopted in that country, allowing to every individual the

right of retaliation. Before I struck my tent, I called Yasine to me,

and told him that Ayto Confu, being wounded and a prisoner, myself

necessarily obliged to attend the king, and the event of that night's

retreat unknown to any body, I thought he could do neither himself

nor me any further service by staying where he was; that therefore,

so long as the road to Azazo was open to him, he should march thro'

Dembea, as if going to Fasil, then turn on the right behind the

hills of Koscam, and make the best of his way to Ras el Feel, in

which government he should maintain the strictest discipline, and be

particularly careful of the intrigues of Abd el Jeleel, the former

governor, whose application I should defeat if I had any interest,

or if the king remained, both which I thought very improbable. I

annexed, moreover, this condition, that on his part he should be

active and unwearied in procuring information concerning the properest

way of my attempting to reach Sennaar; I enjoined him also to be very

circumstantial in all the advices which he sent to me at Gondar;

that they should be written in Arabic, and sent directly to me by my

black servant Soliman, who was with him, and told him that I myself

should join him as soon as possible. Yasine, with tears in his eyes,

protested against leaving me in the dangerous situation of that night;

he said we should be all cut to pieces as soon as we were in the

plain, and that there was not a man of the troops under him who would

not rather die with me, than abandon me to be murdered by the hands

of these faithless Christian dogs, who never were to be bound by oath

or promise. He said, it would be incomparably safer, as they were all

under my command, that I should put myself at their head, and continue

my march to Ras el Feel, where, if I was once arrived, Ayto Confu's

troops, being behind me at Tcherkin, (that is, between me and Gondar),

I might, at my own leisure, solicit a safe conduct to Sennaar.

I confess this proposal at first struck me as extremely feasible;

but reflecting on my solemn promise to the king, not to leave him

without his direct permission, that Gusho had assured me of safety

if I kept close to his person, that it would be a breach of trust to

leave my Greek servant unprovided at Gondar, and that forsaking my

instruments would have the effect of making my return through the

desert imperfect,--I rejected this proposal, and dismissed Yasine,

with orders to adhere inviolably to the instructions I had given him.

As for the king himself, his countenance was not changed, nor did he

say to me one word that day in confidence, whether he did or did not

intend to return to Gondar.

As no body knew what conditions were made, or whether any were really

made at all, fear kept the common soldiers under obedience till it was

night. The first who began to file off, it being near dark, were the

women, who carried the mills, jars, and the heavy burdens; these were

in great numbers. Soon after, the soldiers were in motion, and the Ras

and the King's tents were struck just as it was night; darkness freed

the whole army from obedience to orders, and a confusion, never to be

forgot or described, presently followed, every body making the best of

their way to get safe down the hill. At first setting out I kept close

by the king; but, without treading upon, or riding over a number of

people, I could not keep my place. I was now, for the first time, on

one of the strong black horses that came last from Sennaar, given me

by the king, and he was so impatient and fretful at being pressed on

by the crowd of men and beasts, that there was no keeping him within

any sort of bounds. The descent of the hill had become very slippery,

and men, horses, and mules were rolling promiscuously over one another.

I resolved to try for myself some other way that might be less

thronged. I went to the place where Woodage Asahel descended when he

was shot by Sebastos; but the ground there was more uneven, and fully

as much crowded. I then crossed the road to the eastward, where the

Ras's tent stood, and where Kefla Yasous's two nephews had gone round

to dislodge Ayto Tesfos: there was a considerable number of people

even here, but it was not a croud, and they were mostly women. I

determined to attempt it, and got into a small slanting road, which I

hoped would conduct me to the bed of the torrent; but I found, upon

going half way down the hill, that, in place of a road, it had been

a hollow made by a torrent, which ended on a precipice, and below,

and on each side of this, the hill was exceedingly steep, the small

distance I could see.

In Abyssinia, the camp-ovens for making their bread are in form of

two tea-saucers joined bottom to bottom, and are something less than

three feet in diameter, being made of a light, beautiful potter's

ware, which, although red when first made, turns to a glossy black

colour after being greased with butter. This being placed upright, a

fire of charcoal is put under the bottom-part; the bread, made like

pancakes, is pasted all within the side of the upper cavity, or

bowl, over which is laid a cover of the same form or shape. It is

in form of a broad wheel, and a woman carries one of these upon her

back for baking bread in the camp. It happened that, just as I was

deliberating whether to proceed or return, a woman had rolled one of

these down the hill on purpose, or let it fall by chance: whichever

was the case, it came bounding, and just past behind my horse. Whether

it touched him or not I cannot tell; but it determined him, without

further deliberation, to spurn all controul of his rider. On the first

leap that he made it was with the utmost difficulty I avoided going

over his head: I will not pretend to say what followed. I was deprived

of all sense or reflection, till stumbling often, and sliding down

upon his haunches oftener, I found myself at the bottom of the hill,

perfectly stupified with fear, but safe and sound in body, though my

saddle was lying upon the horse's neck.

Soon after, I saw a fire lighted on the top of the hill above where

Ras Michael's tent stood, and I did not doubt but that it was the

work of some traitor, as a signal to the rebels that we were now in

the plain in the greatest confusion. I made all haste therefore to go

round and join the king, passed Deg-Ohha incumbered with carcases of

men and beasts, from which, as well as from the bottom of the hill,

a terrible stench arose, which must soon have forced us out of the

camp if we had not resolved, of our own accord, to remove. A little

further in the opening to the river Mariam, I found myself in the

middle of about twenty persons, three or four of whom were upon mules,

in long clean white clothes, as if in peace, the rest apparently

soldiers; this was Engedan's brother, Aylo, whom I was passing without

recollecting him, when he cried, Where do you come from, Yagoube? this

is not a night for white men like you to be alone; come with me, and

I will carry you to your friend Engedan. My horse, replied I, found

a new way for itself down the hill, and I confess I would rather be

alone than with so much company: our colour by this light seems to be

pretty much the same. Remember me to Engedan. I am seeking to join the

king.

Immediately after, I got into the crowd: though they were now in the

plain, they still kept in a line close to the foot of the mountain,

as in fear of the enemy's horse. I passed on at as brisk a walk as

my horse could go; nor was I so tender of those who were before me

in the plain as I had been on the side of the hill. Among those that

were still in the crowd, that had not got yet down the hill, I heard

the Abuna's servant saying they had lost their mules, and denouncing

excommunication and curses against those who had stolen his baggage.

I could not refrain from a fit of laughter at the stupidity of that

priest, to think any man of such a nation would pay attention to

his anathemas in such a scene. Soon after, however, I overtook the

Abuna himself, with Ozoro Altash. He asked me in Arabic, and in a

very mournful tone of voice, what I thought they were going to do? I

answered, in the same language, "Pray for them, father, for they know

not what to do." Ozoro Altash now told me the king was a great way

before them, with Ras Michael, and advised me to stay and accompany

her. As she spoke this confidently, and it was part of the advice

Gusho had given me if I missed the king, I was deliberating what

course I should pursue, when a great noise of horse and men was heard

on the side of the plain, and presently the Abuna and Ozoro Altash

were surrounded by a large body of horsemen, whose cries and language

I did not understand, and whom therefore I took for Galla. As I found

my horse strong and willing, and being alone, and unincumbered with

baggage, I thought it was better to keep free, and not trust to who

these strangers might be. I therefore got out of the line of the

troops towards the plain, spurred my horse, and arrived at the body of

cavalry where the king was.

As I had a white turban upon my head, (having shaved the fore part of

it after the blow I had received from the stone) I was employed taking

this off before I presented myself to the king, when somebody said out

loud, Ozoro Esther is taken prisoner. Ras Michael answered, That is

impossible; Ozoro Esther is here. It is Ozoro Altash and the Abuna,

said I, from behind; I came just now from them. By whom are they

taken? says the king. By the Galla, I believe, answered I; at least by

men whose language I did not understand, though indeed I took no time

to consider, but they are close in our rear, and I suppose they will

be here presently. Here! says the Ras, what will they do here? It must

be Powussen, and the troops of Lasta, to recover his mother-in-law,

that she may not go to Gondar; and it is the Tcheratz Agow language

that Yagoube has taken for Galla. It is so, says another horseman;

the people of Lasta have carried her off, but without hurting any

body. This I thought a good sign, and that they were under orders,

for a bloodier or more cruel race was not in the army, the Galla not

excepted; and they had met with their desserts, and had suffered

considerably in the course of this short campaign.

The whole road was now as smooth as a carpet; and we had scarce done

speaking when Ras Michael's mule fell flat on the ground, and threw

him upon his face in a small puddle of water. He was quickly lifted

up unhurt, and set upon his mule again. We passed the Mogetch, and

at about 200 yards from the bridge, upon ground equally plain as

the former, the mule fell again, and threw the Ras another time in

the dirt, on which a general murmur and groan was heard from all his

attendants, for every body interpreted this as an omen that his power

and fortune were gone from him for ever. Another mule was speedily

brought, but he refused to mount it, and we passed on by the Mahometan

town, and up to Confu's house, by Aylo Meidan. I could not, however,

help reflecting how justly the Ras was now punished for the murder of

the singers in that very spot, when he returned from Mariam-Ohha and

entered Gondar. The king went directly to the palace, the Ras to his

own house, and, by the secretary's advice, I went with him to that

of the Abuna, where I left my Greek servants with my gold chain, and

some trifles I wanted to preserve, together with my instruments. I

then dressed myself in the habit of peace, and returned to the palace,

where, remembering the advice of Gusho, I resolved to expect my fate

with the king. Upon seeing me with the fore part of my head shaven,

and remembering the cause, as his first mark of favour he ordered

me to cover my head, a thing otherwise not permitted in the king's

presence to any of his household.

The king's servants brought me a bull's hide for my bed; and although

many a night I have wanted rest upon less dangerous occasions, I

scarcely ever slept more soundly, till I heard the cracking of the

whips of the Serach Massery, about five o'clock in the morning of the

29th. He performs this function much louder than a French postilion

upon finishing a post, it being the signal for the king to rise. There

was, indeed, no occasion for this custom, now there was no court, nor

judgment of causes civil or criminal. The palace was quite deserted;

even the king's slaves, of both sexes, (fearing to be carried off to

Begemder and Amhara) had hid themselves among the monks, and in the

houses of private friends, so that the king was left with very few

attendants.

CHAP. X.

_Rebel Army invests Gondar--King's Troops deliver up their

Arms--The Murderers of Joas assassinated--Gusho made Ras--Ras

Michael carried away Prisoner by Powussen--Iteghé's return

to Koscam--Fasil arrives at Gondar--King acknowledged by all

Parties--Bad Conduct of Gusho--Obliged to fly, but is taken and

put in Irons._

About eight o'clock in the morning of the 29th of May, the day

immediately following the night of our retreat, came Gusho's

Fit-Auraris, and marked out the camp for his master between the

Mahometan town and the church of Ledeta, on the very spot where

Michael had encamped after his late return from Tigrè; Coque Abou

Barea from Ledeta to Koscam; Aylo and Ayabdar on the other side of the

Kahha, in a line passing by Kedus Raphael, the Abuna's house at the

foot of the mountain, above Debra Berhan; Ayto Tesfos in the valley

below, by the side of the Angrab; on the road from Woggora to Gondar,

and all along the Angrab, till it joined the Kahha, and Kasmati

Gusho's camp, were Powussen and the rest of the confederate army; so

that by nine o'clock the town was completely invested, as if a wall

had been built round it. The water being all in possession of the

enemy, centinels were by them placed along the banks of each river,

with orders to suffer every townsman to fill single jars, such as one

man or woman could carry, and to break any supernumerary jars, that

might be brought by way of securing a larger provision[15]. All the

people of consequence who had property in and about Gondar, who had

fled to Fasil and to the provinces, from fear of Ras Michael when he

returned from Tigrè, had gone back upon Gusho's word, each man to his

house; Gondar was full of men in arms. In Gusho's and Ayabdar's army,

and depending on them, was the property of all Gondar. Ras Woodage,

Gusho's father, and brother to Ayabdar, had been Ras in Yasous' time,

till he died, universally beloved and regretted; Ayto Engedan and

Aylo, sons of Kasmati Eshté, (by a sister of king Yasous) had the

property of near one half of the town. Though Engedan was prisoner,

and Aylo had married Ras Michael's daughter, they were, by interest

and inclination, united to Gusho, and had served Michael only through

fear, from attachment to the king, so that Gusho and Ayabdar were the

only citizens in whom the inhabitants of Gondar confided. Powussen,

and the rest, were looked upon as free-booters in their inclinations,

at least by the townsmen; very little better than Michael, or his

troops of Tigrè.

From the moment the town was invested, and indeed in the field, before

Gusho had taken the lead, and though neither Ayabdar nor Powussen

were his friends, all Gondar was at his command; and in it an army

infinitely superior in number and riches, now they had got such a

chieftain, to all the Confederates put together, and Michael's army

added to them. Gusho, a man of great understanding, born and bred in

Gondar, knew this perfectly well, and that he alone was looked up to

as the father of his country. He knew, moreover, that he could not

ruin Michael so effectually as to lodge him safely in Gondar, amidst

a multitude of enemies, and blockade him there before he had time for

resources. He therefore detached Ayto Tesfos, the very day he arrived

before the town, after Darien, Basha of Belessin, whom Ras Michael had

sent before him into Woggora to effect a passage through that province

into Tigrè by fair means, promises, and presents. Tesfos came up with

Darien before he had time to enter upon his commission, and, having

beaten and taken him prisoner, raised all Woggora in arms against

Michael, so that not a man could longer pass between Tigrè and Gondar.

No person from the rebel army had yet entered Gondar. The king's

secretary, Azage Kyrillos, a relation of Gusho, had gone to his camp

the day of his arrival. The same day the kettle-drums were brought to

the brink of Kahha, and a proclamation made. That all soldiers of the

province of Tigrè, or who had bore arms under Ras Michael, should, on

the morrow before mid-day, bring their arms, offensive and defensive,

and deliver them on a spot fixed upon near the church of Ledeta, to

commissaries appointed for the purpose of receiving them; with further

intimation to the inhabitants of Gondar, That any arms found in any

house in that town, after noon of the day of proclamation, should

subject the owner of such house and arms to death, and the house, or

houses, to be razed to their foundation.

The first of the Tigrè troops who set this example was Guebra Mascal;

he carried down to the place appointed, and surrendered, about 6000

musquets, belonging to the Ras and his family; all the rest of the

principal officers followed, for the inhabitants of Gondar were

willing inquisitors, so that the whole arms were delivered before the

hour appointed, and locked up in the church of Ledeta, under a strong

guard both without and within the church. The Tigrè soldiers, after

surrendering their arms, were not suffered to depart, but a space was

assigned between Gusho's tent and the town, where they were disposed

that night, and centinels placed upon them, that they might not

disperse. This indeed was needless; for they were every day surrounded

with troops and enemies, so that all their wealth remained with their

landlords in Gondar, which home they were not suffered again to enter,

a measure which greatly added to Gusho's popularity in the town. A

great number of flour sacks were brought down to Gusho's camp, and

many mules, loaded therewith, were delivered to the disarmed army,

sufficient to carry them by speedy marches to their own country, for

which they had orders to set out the next morning.

Kefla Yasous alone, with about 400 men, had shut himself up in the

church of Debra Berhan, where there was water, and he had carried

in sufficient provisions for several days. He refused therefore

to surrender upon the general summons; on which Powussen, who was

encamped immediately below him, sent an officer to require him to

submit, which he not only peremptorily refused, but told the officer,

that, unless he instantly retired, he would give orders to fire upon

him, as he had a treaty with Gusho, and, till that was ratified by

Gusho himself, he would not surrender, nor suffer any other person to

approach his post; at any rate, that he did not intend to surrender

to a man of Powussen's low birth, however high his present post had

raised him, which he no longer acknowledged, being the mere gift

of Michael, one complaint against whom was that of levelling and

confounding the nobility with their inferiors.

Gusho accordingly sent an officer, a man of great character, and a

relation of the king, with a confirmation of his promise; whereupon

Kefla Yasous surrendered, and sent down his soldiers, with what arms

he pleased, to Gusho's camp, carrying the rest privately to his own

house, to which he retired that very evening. Kefla Yasous was much

beloved by the inhabitants of Gondar, though a Tigran, and perhaps in

neither party was there a man so universally esteemed. He had done the

townsmen often great service, having always stood between Michael and

them in those moments of wrath and vengeance when no one else dared

to speak; and, in particular, he had saved the town from burning that

morning the Ras had retired with the king to Tigrè, when warned, as

he said, by an apparition of Michael the archangel, or more probably

of the devil, to put the inhabitants of Gondar to the sword, and set

the city on fire; a measure that was supported by Nebrit Tecla, and

several other leading men among the Tigrans. If the devil can speak

true, here surely was one example of it, Gondar that very day had

proved fatal to the Ras; and Kefla Yasous himself told me, long after

Michael was gone, and all was peace, that having visited him that very

evening he left Debra Berhan, Michael had privately upbraided him with

having prevented his burning the town, and told him, that his guardian

spirit, Saint Michael the archangel, or the devil, or whatever we may

please to call it, had left him, and never appeared to him again since

he had passed the river Tacazzé on his return to Gondar; and to this

he attributed his present misfortunes.

All the king's arms were surrendered with the rest, and Kefla Yasous

was the only man that remained unsubdued, a distinction due to his

superlative merit, and preserved to him by his enemies themselves in

the very heat of conquest.

As for the Ras, he had continued in the house belonging to his office,

visited only by some private friends, but had sent Ozoro Esther to the

Iteghé's at Koscam, as soon as he entered Gondar. He ate, drank, and

slept as usual, and reasoned upon the event that had happened with

great equanimity and seeming indifference. There was no appearance of

guards set upon him; but every motion and look were privately, but

strictly watched. The next day, when he heard how ill his disarmed men

were treated by the populace, when they were dismissed to Tigrè, he

burst into tears, and cried out in great agony, Had I died before this

I had been happy. He played no more at drafts, by which game formerly

he pretended to divine the issue of every affair of consequence, but

gave his draft-board and men to a private friend; at the same time

renouncing his pretended divinations, as deceitful and sinful, by the

confidence he had placed in them.

The king behaved with the greatest firmness and composure; he was

indeed graver than usual, and talked less, but was not at all

dejected. Scarce any body came near him the first day, or even the

second, excepting the priests, some of the judges, and old inhabitants

of the town, who had taken no part. Some of the priests and monks,

as is their custom, used certain liberties, and mixed a considerable

degree of impertinence in their conversations, hinting it as doubtful,

whether he would remain on the throne, and mentioning it, as on the

part of the people, that he had imbibed from Michael a propensity

towards cruelty and bloodshed, what some months ago no man in Gondar

dared to have surmised for his life. These he only answered with

a very severe look, but said nothing. One of these speeches being

reported to Gusho, not as a complaint from the king, but through a

by-stander who heard it, that nobleman ordered the offender (a priest

of Erba Tensa, a church in Woggora) to be stript naked to his waist,

and whipt with thongs three times round Aylo Meidan, till his back

was bloody, for this violation of the majesty of the sovereign: and

this example, which met with the public approbation of all parties,

the clergy only excepted, very much lessened that insolence which the

king's misfortunes had excited.

He had ate nothing the first day but a small piece of wheat-loaf,

dividing the rest among the few servants that attended him, who had

all fared better than he, among their friends in town, though they

did not own it. The second day began in the same stile, and lasted

till noon, without any appearance of provisions. After the surrendry

of the arms, however, came great plenty, both from the town and the

camp, and so continued ever after; but he ate very sparingly, though

he had generally a very good appetite; and ordered the residue to be

given to his servants, or the poor about the gates of the palace, many

of whom, he said, must starve by the long stay of so large an army.

He seemed to be totally forgotten. About three o'clock of the second

day came his secretary from Gusho, staid about an hour, and returned

immediately; but what had passed I did not hear, at least at that

time. There was no alteration in his looks or behaviour. He went early

to bed, and had not yet changed the cloaths in which he came from the

camp.

The next day the unfortunate troops of Tigrè, loaded with curses and

opprobrious language, pelted with stones and dirt, and a few way-laid

and slain for private injuries, were conducted up the hill above Debra

Berhan, on the road through Woggora to Tigrè, by a guard of horse

from Gusho's camp, who protected them with great humanity as far as

they were able; but it was out of the power of any force but that of

an army to protect them from the enraged populace, over whom they had

tyrannised so many years. Arrived at the river Angrab, in the rear of

Powussen's army, they were consigned to him, and he delivered them to

Ayto Tesfos, who was to escort them across the Tacazzé. Many of the

mob, however, continued to pursue them even farther; but these were

all to a man disarmed, and stript naked, on their return to Gondar, by

Tesfos and Powussen's soldiers, who justly judged, that in the like

situation they would themselves have met with no better treatment.

While every rank of people was intent upon this spectacle, a body

of Galla, belonging to Maitsha, stole privately into the town, and

plundered several houses: they came next into the king's palace, and

into the presence-chamber, where he was sitting alone in an alcove,

whilst, just by his side, but out of sight, and without the alcove,

I and two of his servants were sitting on the floor. This room, in

the time of Yasous and the Iteghé, (the days of luxury and splendour

of the Abyssinian court), had been magnificently hung with mirrors,

brought at great expence from Venice, by way of Arabia and the Red

Sea; these were very neatly fixed in copper-gilt frames by some Greek

filligrane-workers from Cairo; but the mirrors were now mostly broken

by various accidents, especially when the palace was set on fire, in

Joas's time, upon Michael's coming from the campaign of Begemder.

These savages, though they certainly saw the king at the other end of

the room, attached themselves to the glass nearest the door, which

was a large oblong one, and after they had made many grimaces, and a

variety of antics before it, one of them struck it just in the middle

with the butt-end of his lance, and broke it to shivers, which fell

tinkling on the floor. Some of these pieces they took up, but in the

end they were mostly reduced to powder with the repeated strokes of

their lances. There were three glasses in the alcove where the king

sat, as also one in the wings on each side without the alcove; under

the king's right hand we three were sitting, and the Galla were

engaged with a mirror near the door, at the other end of the room, on

the left side, so that there was but one glass more to break before

they arrived at those in the alcove where the king was sitting.

I was in great fear of the consequences, as they were about thirteen

or fourteen in number; nor did we know how many more of their

companions might be below, or in the town, or of what party they were,

nor whether resistance on our part was lawful. We three had no arms

but a short knife at our girdle, nor had the king any, so that we were

in the greatest fear that, if their humour of breaking the glasses

had continued when they came near the king, he would strike one of

them, and we should be all massacred: We all three therefore got up

and stood before the king, who made a gentle motion with his hand,

as if to say, "Stay a little, or, have patience." At this instant,

Tensa Christos, (a man of considerable authority in Gondar, who was

understood by Gusho to be trusted with the care of the town, though he

had no name or post, for there was yet no form of government settled,)

hearing the Galla had plundered houses, and gone into the palace,

followed them as fast as possible, with about a hundred stout young

men belonging to Gondar, well-armed. The Galla soon saw there was a

more serious occupation awaiting them, and ran out to the great hall

of the king's chamber, called Aderasha, when one of these soldiers

of Gondar shut the door of the room where the king sat. The Galla

at first made a shew of resistance; but two of them being very much

wounded, and seeing themselves in a house where they did not know

their way, and all assistance from their comrades impossible, they

surrendered their arms; they then were tied two and two, and sent in

this manner down to Gusho's camp, who immediately ordered two of them

to be hanged, and the rest to be whipt and dismissed.

Tensa Christos, after having done this good service, came into the

room to the king, and kissed the ground in the usual manner before

him. The king immediately ordered him to rise, gave him his hands to

kiss, and then permitted him to withdraw, without having said one word

in his commendation for having delivered him from so great a danger.

That same day, a little after noon, a party of soldiers was sent into

the town, who apprehended Shalaka Becro and his son; Nebrit Tecla, and

his two sons; two sons of Lika Netcho a priest, and another man, whose

name I have forgot, in all eight persons, natives of the province

of Tigrè, dependants and servants of Ras Michael, and murderers of

the late king Joas. These being brought to the market-place, were

delivered into the hands of the Edjow Galla, formerly Joas's guard.

Becro and his son were hewn to pieces with knives; Nebrit Tecla's

sons, the eldest first, and then the youngest, were thrust through

with lances; and their father being then brought to them where they

lay, and desired to say if he knew who they were, and answering in

the negative, he was immediately cut to pieces, as were the others,

with great circumstances of cruelty, and their mangled bodies thrown

about the streets. These were all the executions which followed this

great and sudden revolution; a proof of very exemplary moderation in

the conquerors, considering the number of people concerned in the

parricide first, and the consequential rebellion after. Lika Netcho,

in particular, fully as guilty as his sons, was nevertheless spared,

because he had married one of the king's relations.

As yet none of the chiefs of the rebels had entered Gondar. Messages

had passed, but not frequently, between the king and Gusho; fewer

still between him and Powussen; as for the rest, they seemed to take

no lead at all.

On the 1st of June, Gusho and Powussen came both to the house of the

Ras, where they interrogated him very roughly as to all his past

conduct. Till the execution of Joas's murderers, he had constantly

dressed himself in his very best apparel, with all the insignia of

command. As soon as this was told him, he cloathed himself plainly,

and constantly in white, with a cowl of the same colour on his head,

like the monks, a sign he had retired from the world. It seemed as

if this was done through a fondness for life, for by that act he

devoted the remainder of his days to obscurity and penitence. Nothing

remarkable happened at this interview, at least as far as was known.

From thence Gusho and Powussen went to the king's palace, where they

did homage, and took the oaths of allegiance.

It was there resolved that Gusho should be Ras, and the other places

were all disposed of. From this time forward the king began to have a

shew of government, no party having testified any sort of discontent

with him; on the contrary, each of the rebel chiefs now waited upon

him separately, and had long conferences with him; but, what bade

fairest to re-establish his authority entirely was, the dissentions

that evidently reigned among the leaders of the rebels themselves,

whom we, however, shall no longer consider as such, not because their

treason had prospered, but because they were now returned to their

duty. It was strongly suspected that a treaty was on foot between

Gusho and Michael, by which the latter, in consideration of a large

sum, was to put the former again in possession of the province of

Tigrè; others again said, that Kefla Yasous, at Ras Michael's desire,

was to be made governor of Tigrè, and to have a large sum of gold,

which Michael was supposed to have concealed there, and which he was

to remit to Gusho, whilst he and Michael were to understand each other

about the government of the province.

Be that as it may, Powussen, on the 4th of June, without any previous

notice given to Gusho, marched into Gondar with a thousand horse,

and, without further ceremony, ordered Ras Michael to be placed upon

a mule, and, joining the rest of his army, who had all struck their

tents, marched away so suddenly to Begemder, that Ozoro Esther, then

residing at the queen her mother's house at Koscam, had scarcely time

to send her old husband a fresh mule, and some supply of necessary

provisions. All the rest of the troops decamped immediately after, the

rains beginning now to be pretty constant, and the soldiers desirous

to be at home. Some of the great men, indeed, remained at Gondar, such

as Ayabdar, Engedan, and others, who had views of preferment. Gusho

took possession of the Ras's house and office; the king's officers

and servants returned to the palace; the places of those that had

fallen in battle were filled, and the whole town began to resume an

appearance of peace, which every one who considered feared would be of

a very short duration.

A few days after the army of Begemder had left Gondar, Powussen sent

the usurper Socinios, loaded with irons, from Agar Salam, a small town

in Begemder, where he had been kept prisoner. He was brought before

the king in the same equipage he arrived, and being interrogated who

he was, answered with great boldness, that he was Socinios, son to

king Yasous, son of Bacussa; that he had not sought to be made king,

but was forced by the Iteghé and Sanuda; this every one knew to be

true. Soon after his mother was examined; but denying now what she

had formerly sworn, that she ever had any intimate connection with

the late king Yasous, Socinios was sentenced to death; but being in

his manners, figure, and conversation perfectly despicable, the king

directed he should serve as a slave in his kitchen, whence he was

taken, some time afterwards, and hanged for theft.

On the 21st of June, the Iteghé arrived from Gojam, and all the people

of Gondar flocked to see her without the town. Gusho had met her at

Tedda; and, at the same time that he welcomed her, told her, as from

the king, that it was his orders that neither Palambaras Mammo, nor

Likaba Beecho, were to enter the town with her. This she considered

as a very high affront, and the work of Gusho, not the king's orders.

She upbraided Gusho with avarice, pride, and malice, declared him a

greater tyrant than Michael, without his capacity, forbidding him

to appear any more before her, and with great difficulty could be

prevailed to go on to Koscam instead of returning to Gojam. It is

impossible to conceive the enthusiasm with which the sight of the old

queen inspired all sorts of people. Gusho had no troops, the king

as few, being left even without a servant in his palace. Then was

the season for mischief, had not Fasil been hovering with his army,

without declaring his approbation or disapprobation of any thing that

had been done, or was doing.

About the end of June he came at once to Abba Samuel, without

announcing himself before hand, according to his usual custom, and

he paid his first visit to the Iteghé, then a short one to the king,

where I saw him: he was very facetious with me, and pretended I had

promised him my horse when I returned from Maitsha, which I excused,

by observing the horse was out of town. Well, well, says he, that

shall not save you; tell me where he is and I will send for him, and

give you the best mule in the army in exchange, and take my chance of

recovering him wherever he is. With all my heart, replied I; you will

find him perhaps in the valley of Serbraxos, at the foot of the hill,

opposite to the south ford of the river Mariam. He laughed heartily

at this, shook me by the hand at parting, saying, Well, well, for all

this you shall not want your mule.

The king was exceedingly pleased at what had passed, and said, "I wish

you would tell me, Yagoube, how you reconcile all these people to you.

It is a secret which will be of much more importance to me than to

you. There is Gusho now, for example, so proud of his present fortune,

that he scarcely will say a civil word to me; and Fasil has brought

me a list of his own servants, whom he wants to make mine without

asking my leave, (Adera Tacca Georgis, whom he named to be Fit-Auraris

to the king, as he had done formerly when he wanted to quarrel with

Socinios, Gubena to be Cantiba, and some others), yet he never sees

you come into the room but he begins immediately joking and pleasant

conversation."

After these appointments, which were not disputed with him, though

otherwise very much against the king's inclination, Fasil retired with

his army to Maitsha.

In the mean time, Gusho set every thing to sale, content with the

money the offices produced, and what he could squeeze from people who

had crimes, real or alledged, to compound for. He did not perceive

that steps were taking by his enemies which would soon deprive him of

all the advantages he enjoyed. Instead of attending to this, he amused

himself with mortifying the Iteghé, whose daughter, Welleta Israel, he

had formerly married, but who had long left him by the persuasion of

her mother. He thought it was an affront to his dignity that the king

had pardoned Likaba Beecho, and Palambaras Mammo, the very day after

he had forbid them to enter the town; and, what was still stronger,

that the king, without his consent, had sent an invitation to the

Iteghé to return to Gondar, and govern, as his mother, to the extent

she did in the time of Joas; he resolved therefore to attempt the

creating a misunderstanding between the king and queen, a matter not

very difficult in itself to bring about.

Gusho had confiscated, in the name of the king, all the queen's

villages, which made her believe that this offer of the king to bring

her to Gondar was an insidious one. In order to make the breach the

wider, he had also prevailed upon the king's mother to come to Gondar,

and insist with her son to be crowned, and take the title and state

of Iteghé. The king was prevailed upon to gratify his mother, under

pretence that the Iteghé had refused to come upon his invitation; but

this, as it was a pretence only, so it was expressly a violation

of the law of the land, which permits but one Iteghé, and never

allows the nomination of a new one while the former is in life,

however distant a relation she may be to the then reigning king. In

consequence of this new coronation, two large villages, Tshemmera and

Tocussa, which belonged to the Iteghé as appendages of her royalty, of

course devolved upon the king's own mother, newly crowned, who sending

her people to take possession, the inhabitants not only refused to

admit her officers, but forcibly drove them away, declaring they would

acknowledge no other mistress but their old one, to whom they were

bound by the laws of the land.

If Gusho, in this manner, dealt hardly with the queen, his behaviour

to the king was neither more just nor generous: he had not only failed

to advance any gold for the king's subsistence, but had intercepted

that part of his revenue which he knew was ready to be paid him, and

in the hands of others of his subjects. A stated daily allowance was,

indeed, delivered to the king in kind for the maintenance of his

household, but even this was smaller than had been settled by Ras

Michael; besides which, 120 jars of honey, being one day sent the king

from Damot, and at the same time 1000 cotton coats from Walkayt, both

these were seized upon by Gusho, without any part being offered to the

king, who thereupon determined to break with him, as did the Iteghé

from the former provocation.

Ayabdar, never reconciled to him before the battle of Serbraxos, had

fresh reason of difference with him from an unequal distribution

of Ras Michael's effects, while Engedan, who had been promised the

province of Kuara, and whom the king very much favoured, solicited

that post in vain, unless he would advance a thousand ounces of

gold, which he positively refused to do. The king fomented all these

complaints by sending a person of consequence to Powussen, who advised

him to arrest Gusho immediately, and promised, if resistance was

made, to be at Gondar in three days. Engedan and Ayabdar were trusted

with the execution of this, but as Gusho was beloved by the people of

Gondar, the secret was not so well kept but that it came to his ears.

On the 16th of July, (the feast of Saint Michael) Gusho pretended

he had made a vow to visit the church of that Saint at Azazo, and

accordingly, early in the morning, he set out for that village,

attended with thirty horse and fifty musqueteers; but no sooner had

he passed the church than his real intention appeared, and he was

pursued by Gubeno, Cantiba of Dembea; Ayto Adigo, Palambaras; and Ayto

Engedan. Gubeno alone, being hearty in the cause, came up with him

first, as they had passed the river Derma, when Gusho, seeing Gubeno's

troops close behind him, turned quickly upon them, repassed the river,

and, having killed two of the foremost with his own hand, and repelled

the rest, he returned across the river, and faced about upon the banks

of it. Upon the other troops coming up, he called to Engedan, putting

him in mind how lately he had been in his hands, and advising them all

to return to Gondar, and tell the king he should again be with him in

fifteen days.

A council was thereupon held, and as it was plain, from the

countenance of the man, that he was resolved to resist to the utmost,

none of the leaders then present thought themselves warranted to risk

the death of a person so noble, and so powerfully related, especially

in an obscure skirmish, such as was then likely to happen, the motives

for which were not publicly known; they accordingly all returned to

Gondar, leaving the Ras to pursue his way, who being now advanced as

far as Degwassa, and thinking himself out of all danger, was suddenly

surrounded by Aclog, governor of a little district there, and even

from him he would have escaped by his own courage and exertion, had

not his horse sunk in miry ground whence he could not recover him.

After receiving these news, the king sent his Fit-Auraris, Adera Tacca

Georgis, and Ayto Engedan, with a number of troops, to bring Gusho to

town, when he returned a miserable figure, with his head shaven: he

was cloathed in black, and was confined that same day (the first of

August) a close prisoner, and in irons, in a high, damp, uninhabited

tower of the king's house, without being pitied by either party.

It was now the season of the year when this country used to overflow

with milk and honey; because, being in all the low part of it covered

with rain, the horsemen and soldiers, who used to obstruct the roads,

were all retired to quarters, and the peasants, bringing provisions to

the market, passed the high grounds in safety; all sorts of people,

profiting by the plenty which this occasioned, indulged themselves

to the greatest excess in every sort of pleasure to which their

respective appetites led them. The rains had fallen, indeed, as usual,

but had not, however, stopped the march of the armies, and if not a

famine, at least a scarcity of provisions in Gondar, had been the

consequence; not a word was heard, indeed, of Ras Michael, whether he

was alive or dead, but his familiar spirits seemed to preside in the

air, and pour down mischief.

CHAP. XI.

_The Author obtains Liberty to return Home--Takes Leave of the

Iteghé at Koscam--Last Interview with the Monks._

Since the queen came again to Koscam, I had passed a great part of my

time there, but my health declining every day, I had obtained, with

great difficulty, liberty from her to attempt my return home. The

king, too, after a hundred exceptions and provisos, had at length been

brought to give an unwilling consent. I had seen also Metical Aga's

servant, who, upon finding Ras Michael was disgraced, would not stay,

but hasted back, and would fain have prevailed upon me to return with

him thro' Tigrè into Arabia. But besides that I was determined to

attempt completing my journey through Sennaar and the desert, I by no

means liked the risk of passing again through Masuah, to experience

a second time the brutal manners of the Naybe and garrison of that

place.

Captain Thomas Price, of the Lion of Bombay, had been obliged, by his

business with the government of Mecca, to continue at Jidda till the

season after I went from thence to Abyssinia. I had already heard once

from him, and now a second time. He informed me my countrymen had been

in the greatest pain for me; that several reports had been current,

both at Jidda and Mocha, of my having been assassinated; sometimes it

was said by the Naybe of Masuah; sometimes that it had happened at

Gondar; by others at Sennaar, in my return home. Captain Price wrote

me in this last letter, that, thinking I must be distressed for want

of money, he had left orders with Ibrahim Seraff, the English broker

at Jidda, to advance me 1000 crowns, desiring my draft to be sent to

Ibrahim, directed to him or his brother at Bombay, and to make it

payable to a gentleman of that name who lived in Smithfield. I cannot

omit mentioning these instances of the philanthropy and generosity

of Mr Price, to whom I bore no relation, and who was but a common

acquaintance, whom I had acquired among my countrymen during my stay

at Jidda. The only title I had to this consideration was, that he

thought I was probably in distress, and that as it was in his power

alone to relieve me, this in itself, to a noble mind, constituted a

sufficient obligation. I do not believe Captain Price was able to read

a word of Latin, so that sentiment in Terence, "Homo sum, nihil humani

mihi alienum esse puto," was as much an original in Mr Price's breast

as if it had never before been uttered.

I told Metical Aga's servant the bad news I had got from Sennaar, and

he agreed perfectly with the contents, adding, that the journey was

not practicable; he declared they were so inhuman and so barbarous

a race, that he would not attempt the journey, Mahometan as he was,

for half the Indies. I begged him to say no more on that head, but to

procure from his master, Metical Aga at Mecca, a letter to any man of

consequence he knew at Sennaar.

My resolution being therefore taken, and leave obtained, this will

be now the place to resume the account of my finances. I have

already gone so far as to mention three hundred pounds which I had

occasionally borrowed from a Greek whose name was Petros. This man

was originally a native of the island of Rhodes, which he must have

left early, for he was not at this time much past thirty; he had been

by trade a shoemaker. For what reason he left his own country I know

not, but he was of a very pleasing figure and address, though very

timid. Joas and the Iteghé very much distinguished him, and the king

had made him Azeleffa el Camisha, which answers precisely to groom of

the stole, or first lord of the bed-chamber in England. Being pliant,

civil, and artful, and always well-dressed, he had gained the good

graces of the whole court; he was also rich, as the king was generous,

and his perquisites not inconsiderable.

After the campaign of Mariam Barea, when the dwarf was shot who was

standing before Ras Michael, and the palace set on fire in the fray

which followed, the crown, which was under Petros's charge, was

melted; the gold, indeed, that it consisted of, was afterwards found,

but there was said to have been on the top of it a pearl, or jewel,

of immense price and size, larger than a pigeon's egg; and this,

whatever it was, had disappeared, being in all probability consumed

by the fire. Ras Michael, on the contrary, believed that it had been

taken out by Petros with a view to sell it, and for this reason he had

constantly refused him liberty to leave Abyssinia, and had kept him

always in fear that some day or other he would strip him of all that

he had saved. While Michael was besieging the mountain Haramat, Petros

beseeched me to take L.300 of him, and give him my first, second, and

third bill of exchange upon Messrs Julian and Rosa, my correspondents

at Cairo, payable a month after sight, to the Maronite Bishop of

Mount Sinai, after which he set out for his own country, _in formâ

pauperis_, and thereby escaped the rapacity of both Ras Michael and

the Naybe of Masuah. As for the bill, it came duly to hand, and was

paid to the bishop, who would very fain have received for each of the

duplicates, and was near being bastinado'd for insisting upon this

before the Bey at Cairo.

A Bill drawn from Gondar is a very great curiosity when arrived

in London; it should be now upon the file in the shop of my very

worthy and honourable friends the Messrs Drummond and Company at

Charing-Cross. It was the only piece of writing of any kind which

found its way to its intended destination, though many had been

written by me on different occasions which presented for Arabia; so

that I will recommend to all travellers, for the future, to tack bills

of exchange to their letters of greatest consequence, as a sure method

of preventing their miscarriage.

I had made a shew, and with some degree of ostentation, of sending

my gold chain to Cairo by the hands of Metical Aga's servant,

declaring always that it was the only piece of Abyssinian gold I

should carry out of the country, which I was to leave, both in fact

and appearance, a _pauper_. Mules are the only beasts for carriage

commonly used in Abyssinia, though bulls and cows, of a particular

kind, are bought for the purpose by carriers, merchants, and such

like, in that country, especially near the mines or quarries of

salt; they are very slow, however, and capable of no great burden,

though very easily maintained. I had abundance of mules of my own for

carrying my instruments and baggage, and the king and Iteghé furnished

me with others for my own riding. I had, besides, two favourite

horses, which I intended to attempt to carry home, foolishly enough;

for though I thought in my own mind that I was sufficiently informed

of, and prepared for all sorts of hardships, I had not foreseen the

hundredth part of the difficulties and dangers that were then awaiting

me.

On the 6th of August messengers came from Fasil, and the day after

from Powussen, Begemder, Gojam, Damot, and Maitsha, which provinces,

by their deputies, desired that Gusho might be set at liberty. This

the king agreed to, but upon condition that the Ras should instantly

pay him 1000 ounces of gold, and 500 musquets, which, on the other

side, was as positively refused. Upon this Gusho was put into close

confinement, and heavier irons than before: and, what was the most

unjust, his two sons, who had left their own country to assist their

father in distress, were confined in chains with him. All these

violent measures were attributed to Ayabdar, Billetana Gueta Tecla,

Guebra Mascal, and Basha Hezekias, officers connected with Ras

Michael, whom the king had permitted to return from Tigrè, and very

much confided in their councils.

On the other hand, Adera Tacca Georgis, (the king's Fit-Auraris) and

Guebra Welleta Yasous, principal people in Maitsha, and whom Fasil had

put about the king, desired leave to retire to their own country, from

which it is probable they will never again return to Gondar, unless as

enemies.

Although the king still obstinately insisted that the Ras should pay

him his thousand ounces of gold, and five hundred musquets, as a price

for his being set at liberty, this was refused by Gusho, in terms that

shewed he was not now, as formerly, afraid of the king's power. On the

other hand, the king proclaimed Kefla Yasous governor of the province

of Tigrè, with the same extent of command as Ras Michael had enjoyed

it; and he was already there, and had taken upon him the government

of that province. At the same time the king superseded Gusho, and

deprived him of his province of Amhara, which was given to his nephew

Ayto Adigo, son of Palambaras Durrie, a man of very great interest and

property in the province; after which he immediately left Gondar, and

took his way thro' Begemder; but at the very entrance into Amhara, he

was defeated by a son of Gusho who was expecting him; his troops were

dispersed, and his brother, Ayto Aderesson, (the man who lost Gusho's

horse at the battle of Tedda) wounded and taken prisoner.

There remained no longer any doubt that, as soon as the rains were

over, the former scenes of bloodshed and confusion were to be acted

over again; for, by appointing Kefla Yasous to the government of

Tigrè, and Ayto Adigo to that of Amhara, and the peaceable passage

given to this young nobleman through Begemder, in order to supplant

his uncle Gusho, by the great confidence shewn by the king in the

old officers and relations of Ras Michael, now at Gondar, and the

dismission of Fasil's friends, (Adera Tacca Georgis and Confu Adam)

the most ample confession possible was made, that the king had again

thrown himself into the arms of the province of Tigrè and Begemder

united, to which Amhara was to be added, by keeping Gusho prisoner,

till such time as his nephew Adigo could gain entire possession.

To counterpoise this, a messenger arrived from Fasil, demanding

privately of the king, that Gusho should be set at liberty, and return

to his province of Amhara; that Lika Netcho, one of the murderers of

Joas, (who had been spared, as being married to a relation of the

king) should be immediately put to death, and that all the officers

belonging to Ras Michael, then at court, should be banished for ever

to Tigrè, their native country. The king returned a positive refusal,

not qualified in any shape whatever.

A disagreement now happened, which, more than all the rest, was

interesting, and disturbed me in particular. Positive information was

brought to the Iteghé, and, I believe, very authentic, that the king,

weary of the many councils held at Koscam by the servants and deputies

of the several parties, in the queen's presence, (to which he was not

called) had determined to give up the palace of Koscam, in which it

was thought there were great riches, to be plundered by his soldiers.

As the death of the queen by her confinement in some distant desert

and unwholesome convent, must have probably been the consequence of

success on one part, so an immediate revolution, and the death of the

king, was certainly to follow the miscarriage on the other, that is,

should he be defeated in, or after making the attempt.

Troops, headed by Engedan, Ayto Confu, and by Mammo, and all the

Iteghé's relations, now crowded into Koscam, into which great plenty

of provisions was also carried. The wall was high and strong, the

gates lately put into good repair, the tower, or castle, within in

perfect good order; the Iteghé had not surrendered her fire-arms, and

all the inhabitants around, especially the poorer sort, were firmly

attached to her, as in times of distress and famine her charity

afforded them a constant refuge.

Since the Iteghé had returned, I always lived at Koscam by her

own desire, as her health was very precarious since her residence

in Gojam. This suited my intention of withdrawing privately, and

therefore, not to multiply the number of leave-takings, I had seen

Gusho but once, and that for a moment, and Ayabdar not at all, so that

my whole attendance was now between the king and queen. The king had

denied publicly his intention of plundering Koscam, but in a manner

not at all satisfactory to the Iteghé; I ventured therefore to mention

it to him one day when he was alone, on which he said, "I would not do

it for your sake, Yagoube, were there no other reason; but my mother

(meaning the Iteghé) is ill-advised, and worse informed."

On the 13th of October, Powussen, with a very considerable army, and

without any previous intimation, arrived at Koscam, his head-quarters

all the last campaign. He continued there till the 22d of the same

month, and then decamped, passing by Gondar, without entering it; he

came to Ras Gusho's house, under the hill of Koscam, where he had

several interviews with the king and Iteghé, to what purport was never

known; but it probably was to endeavour some reconcilement between the

king and queen, and this was effected a few days afterwards (at least

in appearance) by Ayabdar, and some of the great men at Gondar, after

which Powussen returned to Begemder. For my part, I neither desired

nor obtained an interview; I saw that the storm was ready to break,

and I was taking the most speedy and effectual way to be out of the

sphere of its action.

On the 12th of November, all Gondar was struck with a panic at the

news brought in by the peasants from the country, flying for refuge

to the capital, destitute of every thing, and thankful only they

had escaped with life. Fasil had marched with a considerable army

from Ibaba, and advanced to Dingleber in peace, when he left the

main body, under the conduct of Welleta Yasous, and all his baggage,

considering that place as the limits of his government. He marched

from this, without taking for himself two changes of raiment, at the

head of 700 horse, the most wild and desperate banditti that ever were

introduced into any unfortunate country. With these he burnt every

village and every church between Dingleber and Sar-Ohha, murdered

every male, without distinction of priest or layman; killed every

woman past the age of child-bearing, and gave the others as slaves

to the wild Pagan Galla whom he had with him. In short, he just

indulged that body of men in the same enormities that they themselves

exercise in the inroads they make into countries unhappy enough to be

their neighbours in time of war. The whole country of Degwassa, the

district which Aclog commanded, was totally destroyed; men, women,

and children, were entirely extirpated, without distinction of age

or sex; the houses all razed to the ground, and the country about it

left as desolate as after the deluge. The villages belonging to the

king were as severely treated; an universal cry was heard from every

part, but no one dared to suggest any means of help; parties were so

entirely mixed and confounded, that no one could safely enter into any

confidence with his neighbour; but the common people, who had little

to lose, began again to cry out for the return and government of Ras

Michael.

Fasil, having given the king this sample of what he was capable

of doing, halted at Sar-Ohha, and from thence sent a peremptory

demand that Gusho should be at liberty. His messenger was a crooked,

diminutive dwarf, called Dohho, of whom I have already spoken. It

was a very bad sign of a treaty when such a one was the manager. He

upbraided the king in terms scarcely decent, with the protection,

life, and kingdom the Ras Fasil had given him, when the contrary

was absolutely in his power. He asked the king if he knew who had

protected him the night of the retreat from the hill of Serbraxos?

and told him, in plain terms, that, being entirely void of the noble

principles of gratitude himself, he had forced him, Fasil, to be

wanting to the next great virtue, that of hospitality, in suffering a

man of Gusho's quality to be made prisoner after arriving within the

limits of his government. He concluded, by telling the king plainly,

that, unless he restored Gusho to his liberty and government, without

condition, he would, in three days, make Gondar, the metropolis, as

desert and destitute of inhabitants as he had left the paltry district

of Degwassa.

The king received all this with great composure, for he had as much

fortitude, and as little fear as ever fell to the share of any man;

his misfortune, however, was, that he had no resources in which he

could trust; and the Tigrè officers about him, more imprudent, and

fully as fearless as he, gave him the same advices they would have

done had he been at the head of the army. Ras Michael was moreover

gone, and Kefla Yasous was at a distance; these two were the men for

planning and contriving business, and who saved others the trouble

of thinking. The rest, such as Billetana Gueta Tecla, Guebra Mascal,

and Basha Hezekias, were only fit to be trusted with execution, and

to proceed according to the letter of the orders they might receive,

and the consequences of which they could not, nor did they wish to

understand. By being used, however, to constant success in executing

plans maturely digested by wiser heads, they had acquired a degree

of presumption which made them very dangerous counsellors to a young

king, in the present case, where nothing but the greatest prudence,

assisted by the manifest interposition of the hand of Heaven, (many

examples of which he had already proved) could save him from perdition.

I was not present at the audience, being at Koscam, but his secretary,

to whom I am indebted for every thing that passed in private, in this

history, and which otherwise was beyond the reach of my knowledge,

assured me the king answered these threatenings without any change of

countenance or language, and in very few words: "Tell Kasmati Fasil

from me, that what I am obliged to do by the rules of justice, is not

to be measured either by his inclination or power to do wrong. Men

have crucified their Saviour; and many kings in this country (better

men than I am) have been, in various manners, slain by their deluded

subjects. The race of Solomon, however, God has preserved till this

day on the throne, where I am now sitting, while nothing but the

memory of those who oppressed them remains loaded with the curses of

mankind. I am king of this country, and have often been acknowledged

as such by Kasmati Fasil. I will not give up Gusho, but at my own

time, if ever; nor can he insist upon it, consistently with the duty

of a subject to his sovereign." Noble words these, had he been at the

head of an army to enforce them.

This message was quickly conveyed to Fasil, who was advanced to

Azazo, where it met him, and he continued his march without halting

till he came to Abba Samuel, about two miles from Gondar. It was on

the 13th of November that his army made a shew of encamping at Abba

Samuel, for there was not above six tents pitched, and next day, the

14th, by eight in the morning, a drum and trumpet, guarded by about

a hundred horse, came immediately under the town to the banks of the

river Kahha, where the trumpet having sounded three times, and the

kettle-drum beat as often, it was proclaimed, That all manner of

persons, of what degree soever, whether servants of the palace, or

others, should instantly leave Gondar as they regarded their lives;

and if any staid after this warning, their blood should be upon their

own head. The whole town, therefore, in an instant was deserted, and

very few, even of his own servants, remained with the king. I had

already once partaken of a similar scene, and found it of the most

disagreeable kind; Providence spared me, however, this repetition

of it, as I was at Koscam, and determined to be retired there so

perfectly, that I did not stir out of my apartment till night, when

the gates were locked, and the guards placed.

On the 15th, the king released Ras Gusho from his confinement, who

immediately went to the camp to Fasil; and next day, at night, he

returned, and had an audience at the palace with the king, and

again retired to sleep at Abba Samuel. On the 17th, a little before

noon, Fasil came to the palace for an audience, but first took

possession of every avenue leading to it; a strong guard was also

placed in the anti-chamber, and the charge of the door of the king's

presence-chamber was taken from the king's ordinary black servants,

and given to Confu Adam, who mounted guard there with about twenty

wild Galla. What further passed I did not strictly inquire, being

exceedingly distressed, by the bad prospect that presented itself,

and firmly resolved to take no further part. In general, however, I

understood, that all was humiliation; and Fasil having announced to

the king that he had given his daughter to Gusho in marriage, to him

the king gave Gojam, and restored the province of Amhara. Aclog was

condemned to find security for 1200 ounces of gold, which was said to

be the sum Gusho had with him when taken.

The king was to restore to the Iteghé the whole of her villages that

she had ever enjoyed, from the time of Bacuffa, her husband, to that

present moment. To Fasil, were given Damot, Maitsha, and Agow, and to

Confu Adam, Ibaba Azage; and, for the greater solemnity, the king

and Fasil took a formal oath, to ratify all these articles, and to

remain in friendship for ever. After which, the Abuna, in pontificals,

being called to be present, pronounced a formal curse and sentence of

excommunication, upon whichever of the parties should first break the

vow they had taken.

No word was mentioned of Tigrè, or Kefla Yasous, or of Powussen, nor

the smallest notice taken of Ras Ayabdar, who remained in his house

and office, as if he had not existed. It appeared to me the party was

again made by one half of the kingdom against the other; Kefla Yasous

and Powussen against Fasil and Gusho; as for Ayabdar and Ayto Tesfos

of Samen, these were left, contemptuously _in medio_, to take any

side they pleased, which, indeed, was of no consequence. After this

interview, Fasil never again entered the king's house, though he went

often to Koscam; but I neither saw him nor sought to see him, nor did

he ever inquire after me, as far as I could learn.

On the 19th of November Fasil sent orders to the palace, that four

bodies of the king's household-troops, Gimja Bet, Werk Sacala,

Ambaselé, and Edjow, should immediately join him, which they did, to

the number of 1200 men, all armed. These he carried, with Gusho his

son-in-law, in triumph to Damot, nor was this the only instance Fasil

gave of the great regard he had to his late oaths, and to the sacred

character of the person that administered them; for the morning he

marched off, a party of the Galla, meeting the Abuna, and a numerous

retinue mounted on mules, going to the king's house, obliged them all

to dismount at once, without distinction, taking their mules with

them to the camp, from whence they never returned, and leaving the

Abuna on foot, to find his way back to his house, at Kedus Raphael,

from the top of which, as from a castle, he wisely poured out his

excommunications, against an army, composed entirely of Pagans,

without one Christian among them.

It is here a proper period to finish the history of Abyssinia, as I

was no further present at, or informed of the public transactions

which followed. My whole attention was now taken up in preparations

for my return through the kingdom of Sennaar and the desert.

Neither shall I take up the reader's time with a long narrative

of leave-taking, or what passed between me and those illustrious

personages with whom I had lived so long in the most perfect and

cordial friendship. Men of little, and envious minds, would perhaps

think I was composing a panegyric upon myself, from which, therefore,

I most willingly refrain. But the several marks of goodness,

friendship, and esteem, which I received at parting, are confined

within my own breast, where they never shall be effaced, but continue

to furnish me with the most agreeable reflections, since they were

the fruit alone of personal merit, and of honest, steady, and upright

behaviour. All who had attempted the same journey hitherto, had met

with disappointment, disgrace, or death; for my part, although I

underwent every sort of toil, danger, and all manner of hardship,

yet these were not confined to myself. I suffered always honourably,

and in common with the rest of the state; and when sun-shiny days

happened, (for sun-shiny days there were, and very brilliant ones too)

of these I was permitted freely to partake; and the most distinguished

characters, both at court and in the army, were always ready to

contribute as far as possible, to promote what they thought or saw was

the object of my pursuits or entertainment.

I shall only here mention what passed at the last interview I had

with the Iteghé, two days before my departure. Tensa Christos, who

was one of the chief priests of Gondar, was a native of Gojam, and

consequently of the low church, or a follower of Abba Eustathius, in

other words, as great an enemy as possible to the Catholic, or as they

will call it, _the religion of the Franks_. He was, however, reputed

a person of great probity and sanctity of manners, and had been on

all occasions rather civil and friendly to me when we met, though

evidently not desirous of any intimate connections or friendship; and

as I, on my part, expected little advantage from connecting myself

with a man of his principles, I very willingly kept at all possible

distance; that I might run no risk of disobliging him was my only aim.

This priest came often to the Iteghé's and Ayto Aylo's, with both of

whom he was much in favour, and here I now happened to meet him, when

I was taking my leave in the evening. I beg of you, says he, Yagoube,

as a favour, to tell me, now you are immediately going away from this

country, and you can answer me without fear, Are you really a Frank,

or are you not? Sir, said I, I do not know what you mean by fear; I

should as little decline answering you any question you have to ask

had I ten years to stay, as now I am to quit this country to-morrow: I

came recommended, and was well received by the king and Ras Michael:

I neither taught nor preached; no man ever heard me say a word about

my particular mode of worship; and as often as my duty has called me,

I have never failed to attend divine service as it is established in

this country. What is the ground of fear that I should have, while

under the king's protection, and when I conform in every shape to the

laws, religion, and customs of Abyssinia? True, says Tensa Christos,

I do not say you should be alarmed; whatever your faith is I would

defend you myself; the Iteghé knows I always spoke well of you, but

will you gratify an old man's curiosity, in telling me whether or not

you really are a Frank, Catholic, or Jesuit?

I have too great a regard, replied I, to request of a man, so truly

good and virtuous as you, not to have answered you the question at

whatever time you could have asked me; and I do now declare to you,

by the word of a Christian, that my countrymen and I are more distant

in matters of religion, from these you call Catholics, Jesuits, or

Franks, than you and your Abyssinians are; and that a priest of my

religion, preaching in any country subject to those Franks, would as

certainly be brought to the gallows as if he had committed murder, and

just as speedily as you would stone a Catholic priest preaching here

in the midst of Gondar. They do precisely by us as you do by them, so

they have no reason to complain. And, says he, don't you do the same

to them? No, replied I; every man in our country is allowed to serve

God in his own way; and as long as their teachers confine themselves

to what the sacred books have told them, they can teach no ill, and

therefore deserve no punishment. No religion, indeed, teaches a man

evil, but, when forgetting this, they preach against government, curse

the king, absolve his subjects from allegiance, or incite them to

rebellion, as being lawful, the sword of the civil power cuts them

off, without any blame falling upon their religion, because these

things were done in contradiction to what their priests, from the

scripture, should have taught them were truly the tenets of that very

religion.

The Iteghé now interposed: What do you think, Tensa Christos, if

Yagoube is not a priest, should he not be one? Madam, says he, I have

one question more to inquire of him, and that shall be all, nor would

I ask it if he was not going away to-morrow. It is an unfair one, then

said I, but out with it; I cannot suffer in the opinion of good men,

by answering directly a question which you put to me out of curiosity.

It seems then, says he, you are not a frank, but you think your own

religion a better one than theirs; you are not of our religion,

however, for you say we are nearer the Catholics than you; now what

objection have you to our religion, and what is your opinion of it?

As far as I am informed, said I, I think well of it; it is the ancient

Greek church, under St Athanasius, successor to St Mark, in the

chair of Alexandria. This being the case, you cannot have a better,

as you have the religion nearest to that of the apostles, and, as I

have before said, no religion teaches a man evil, much less can your

religion give you such instruction, if you have not corrupted it; and

if you have, it is no longer the religion of St Athanasius, or the

Apostles, therefore liable to error. And now, Tensa Christos, let

me ask you two questions; you are in no fear of answering, neither

are you in danger, though not about to leave the country, Does your

religion permit you to marry one sister, to divorce her, and marry

the other, and then, keeping the aunt, to marry the niece likewise?

Does St Athanasius teach you to marry one, two, or three wives,

and divorce them as often as you please; to marry others, and then

go back to the former again? No, replied he. Then as you do this

daily, answered I, you certainly are not living in this one instance

according to the religion of St Athanasius. Now I ask you, If any

priest, truly a Christian, from our parts, (not a Frank, but agreeing

in every thing else with you), was to preach against this, and some

such like practices, frequently used in Abyssinia, could this priest

live amongst you, or how would you treat him? Stone him to death, says

Ayto Aylo, who was sitting by; stone him to death like a frank, or a

Jesuit; he should not live a week. Yagoube is hard upon me, continued

Tensa Christos, turning to the Iteghé, but I am sorry to say with

truth, I fear they never would abandon the flesh-pots of Egypt, their

ancient inheritance; for the teaching of any priest, however perfect

his religion might be, or pure his life, or however corrupt their

manners. Then Tensa Christos, said I, do not be over sure but that

shedding the blood of those Franks as you call them, may be criminal

in the sight of God. As their religion has so far served them, as to

prevent the practice of some horrid crimes, that are common here,

yours hath not yet had that effect upon you; if you do not want

precept, perhaps you may want example, these Franks are very capable

of shewing you this last, and your own religion instructs you to

imitate them.

All this time there was not the smallest noise in the room, in

which above a hundred people were present; but, as I wished this

conversation to go no further, and was afraid of some question about

the Virgin Mary, I got up, and, passing to the other side of the room,

I stood by Tensa Christos, saying to him, And now, holy father, I have

one, last favour, to ask you, which is your forgiveness, if I have at

any time offended you; your blessing, now that I am immediately to

depart, if I have not; and your prayers while on my long and dangerous

journey, through countries of Infidels and Pagans.

A hum of applause sounded all throughout the room. The Iteghé said

something, but what, I did not hear. Tensa Christos was surprised

apparently at my humility, which he had not expected, and cried out,

with tears in his eyes, Is it possible, Yagoube, that you believe my

prayers can do you any good? I should not be a Christian, as I profess

to be, Father, replied I, if I had any doubt of the effect of good

men's prayers. So saying, I stooped to kiss his hand, when he laid a

small iron cross upon my head, and, to my great surprise, instead of

a benediction, repeated the Lord's prayer. I was afraid he would have

kept me stooping till he should add the ten commandments likewise,

when he concluded, "Gzier y' Baracuc," May God bless you. After

which, I made my obeisance to the Iteghé, and immediately withdrew,

it not being the custom, at public audience, to salute any one in the

presence of the sovereign.

Twenty greasy monks, however, had placed themselves in my way as I

went out, that they might have the credit of giving me the blessing

likewise after Tensa Christos. As I had very little faith in the

prayers of these drones, so I had some reluctance to kiss their greasy

hands and sleeves; however, in running this disagreeable gauntlet, I

gave them my blessing in English,--Lord send you all a halter, as he

did to Abba Salama, (meaning the Acab Saat.) But they, thinking I was

recommending them to the patriarch Abba Salama, pronounced at random,

with great seeming devotion, their Amen;--So be it.

TRAVELS

TO DISCOVER

THE SOURCE OF THE NILE.