BOOK VII.

RETURN FROM THE SOURCE OF THE NILE TO GONDAR--TRANSACTIONS

THERE--BATTLE OF SERBRAXOS, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES--THE AUTHOR

PREPARES TO LEAVE ABYSSINIA.

CHAP. I

_Return from the Source of the Nile by Maitsha--Come to the

House of Welled Amlac--Reception there--Pass the Nile at

Delakus--Arrive at Gondar._

It was on the 10th of November 1770 we left Geesh in our return to

Gondar, and passed the Abay, as before, under the church of Saint

Michael Sacala. We descended the hill through the wood, crossed the

river Davola, and that night halted at a few huts, called Dembea, on

the north-east side of the entrance of a valley.

On the 11th we continued our journey in our former road, till we

arrived at the church of Abbo; we then turned to the right, our course

N. by E. and at three quarters past nine rested under the mountain on

the right of the valley; our road lay still through Goutto, but the

country here is neither so well inhabited nor so pleasant as the west

side of the Nile. At eleven, going N. N. E. we passed the church of

Tzion, about an eight part of a mile distant to E. N. E.; we here have

a distinct view of the valley thro' which runs the Jemma, deep, wide,

and full of trees, which continue up the sides of the mountains Amid

Amid. At a quarter past eleven we passed a small stream coming from

the west, and at twelve another very dangerous river called Utchmi,

the ford of which is in the midst of two cataracts, and the stream

very rapid; after passing this river, we entered a narrow road in the

midst of brush-wood, pleasant and agreeable, and full of a kind of

foxes[1] of a bright gold colour. At three quarters past one we halted

at the house of Shalaka Welled Amlac, with whom I was well acquainted

at Gondar; his house is called Welled Abea Abbo, from a church of Abbo

about an eight part of a mile distant.

I have deferred, till the present occasion, the introducing of this

remarkable character to my reader, that I might not trouble him to

go back to past transactions that are not of consequence enough to

interrupt the thread of my narrative. Soon after I had seen part

of the royal family, that had been infected with the small-pox,

happily recovered, and was settled at Koscam in a house of my own,

formerly belonging to Basha Eusebius, my friend Ayto Aylo recommended

to my care a man from Maitsha, with two servants, one of whom, with

his master, had been taken ill of the intermitting fever. As I was

supplied plentifully with every necessary by the Iteghé, the only

inconvenience that I suffered by this was, that of bringing a stranger

and a disease into my family. But as I was in a strange country, and

every day stood in need of the assistance of the people in it, it

was necessary that I should do my part, and make myself as useful as

possible when the opportunity came in my way. I therefore submitted,

and according to Ayto Aylo's desire, received my two patients with

the best grace possible; and the rather, as I was told that he was

one of the most powerful, resolute, and best-attended robbers in all

Maitsha; that he lay directly in my way to the source of the Nile; and

that, under his protection, I might bid defiance to Woodage Asahel,

considered as the great obstacle to my making that journey.

The servant was a poor, timid wretch, exceedingly afraid of dying.

He adhered strictly to his regimen, and was very soon recovered. It

was not so with Welled Amlac; he had, as I said, another servant,

who never, that I saw, came within the door; but as often as I was

out attending my other patients, or with the Iteghé, which was great

part of the morning, he stole a visit to his master, and brought him

as much raw meat, hydromel, and spirits, as, more than once, threw

him into a fever and violent delirium. Luckily I was early informed

of this by the servant that was recovered, and who did not doubt but

this was to end in his master's death, as it very probably might

have done; but, by the interposition of Ayto Aylo and the Iteghé, we

got the unworthy subject banished to Maitsha, so that Welled Amlac

remained attended by the servant who had been sick with him, and was

to be trusted.

Not to trouble the reader with uninteresting particulars, Shalaka

Welled Amlac at last recovered after several weeks illness. When he

first came to my house he was but very indifferently cloathed, which,

in a sick man, was a thing not to be remarked. As he had no change of

raiment, his cloaths naturally grew worse during the time he staid

with me; and, indeed, he was a very beggarly sight when his disease

had entirely left him. One evening, when I was remarking that he could

not go home without kissing the ground before the Iteghé, he said,

Surely not, and he was ready to go whenever I should think proper

to bring him his cloaths. I understood at first from this, that he

might have brought some change of cloaths, and delivered them into my

servant's custody; but, upon farther explanation, I found he had not a

rag but those upon his back; and he told me plainly, that he had much

rather stay in my house all his life, than be so disgraced before the

world, as to leave it after so long a stay, without my first having

cloathed him from head to foot; asking me, with much confidence, What

signifies your curing me, if you turn me out of your house like a

beggar?

I still thought there was something of jest in this; and meeting Ayto

Aylo that day at Koscam, I told him, laughing, of the conversation

that had passed, and was answered gravely, "There is no doubt, you

must cloath him; to be sure it is the custom." "And his servant,

too?" said I. "Certainly, his servant too; and if he had ten servants

that ate and drank in your house, you most cloath them all." "I

think, said I, Ayto Aylo, a physician at this rate had much better

let his patients die than recover them at his own expence." "Yagoube,

says Aylo, I see this is not a custom in your country, but it is

invariably one in this: it is not so among the lower set of people;

but if you will pass here as a man of some degree of consequence, you

cannot avoid this without making Welled Amlac your enemy: the man

is opulent; it is not for the value of the cloaths, but he thinks

his importance among his neighbours is measured by the respect shewn

him by people afar off; never fear, he will make you some kind of

return, and for the cloaths I shall pay for them." "By no means, said

I, my good friend; I think the anecdote and custom is so curious

that it is worth the price of the cloaths; and I beg that you would

believe, that, intending to go through Maitsha, I consider it as a

piece of friendship in you to have brought me under this obligation."

"And so it is, says he: I knew you would think so; you are a cool

dispassionate man, and walk by advice, and do not break through the

customs of the country, and this reconciles even bad men to you every

day, and so much the longer shall you be in safety."

The reader will not doubt that I immediately fulfilled my obligation

to Welled Amlac, who received his cloaths, a girdle, and a pair of

sandals, in all to the amount of about two guineas, with the same

indifference as if he had been buying them for ready money. He then

asked for his servant's cloaths, which were ready for him. He only

said he thought they were too good, and hinted as if he should take

them for his own use when he went to Maitsha. I then carried him

new-dressed to the Iteghé, who gave him strict injunctions to take

care of me if ever I should come into his hands. He after went home

with Ayto Aylo, nor did I ever know what was become of him till now,

when we arrived at his house at Welled Abea Abbo, unless from some

words that fell in discourse from Fasil at Bamba.

Shalaka Welled Amlac was, however, from home, but his wife, mother,

and sisters, received us kindly, knowing us by report; and, without

waiting for our landlord, a cow was instantly slaughtered.

The venerable mistress of this worthy family, Welled Amlac's mother,

was a very stout, chearful woman, and bore no signs of infirmity

or old age: his wife was, on the contrary, as arrant a hag as ever

acted the part on the stage; very active, however, and civil, and

speaking very tolerable Amharic. His two sisters, about sixteen or

seventeen, were really handsome; but Fasil's wife, who was there,

was the most beautiful and graceful of them all; she seemed not to

be past eighteen, tall, thin, and of a very agreeable carriage and

manners. The features of her face were very regular; she had fine

eyes, mouth, and teeth, and dark-brown complexion; at first sight

a cast of melancholy seemed to hang upon her countenance, but this

soon vanished, and she became very courteous, chearful, and most

conversible of the whole, or at least seemed to wish to be so; for,

unfortunately, she spoke not a word of any language but Galla, though

she understood a little Amharic; our conversation did not fail to give

great entertainment to the whole family, and for her part, she laughed

beyond all measure.

The two sisters had been out helping my servants in disposing the

baggage; but when they had pitched my tent, and were about to lay the

mattress for sleeping on, the eldest of these interrupted them, and

not being able to make herself understood by the Greeks, she took it

up and threw it out of the tent-door, whilst no abuse or opprobrious

names were spared by my servants; one of whom came to tell me her

impudence, and that if they understood her, she said I was to sleep

with her this night, and they believed we were got into a house of

thieves and murderers. To this I answered by a sharp reproof, desiring

them to conform to every thing the family ordered them. I saw the

fair nymph was in a violent passion; she told her tale to the matrons

with great energy, and a volubility of tongue past imagination, and

they all laughed. Fasil's wife called me to sit by her, and began

to instruct me, drolly enough, as they do children, but of what she

said I had not the smallest guess. I endeavoured always to repeat her

last words, and this occasioned another vehement laugh, in which I

joined as heartily as any, to keep up the joke, for the benefit of the

company, as long as possible.

Immediately after this Welled Amlac arrived, and brought us the

disagreeable news, that it was impossible to proceed to the ford of

the Abay, as two of the neighbouring Shums were at variance about

their respective districts, and in a day or two would decide it by

blows. The faces of all our companions fell at these news; but as I

knew the man, it gave me little trouble, as I supposed the meaning to

be, that, if we made it worth while, he would accompany us himself,

and in that case we should pass without fear; at any rate, I well knew

that, after the obligations I had laid him under at Gondar, he could

not, consistent with the received usages of the country, if it was but

for his own reputation's sake, fail in receiving me in the very best

manner in his power, and entertaining me to the utmost all the time I

was in his house.

Satisfied that I understood him, he put on the most chearful

countenance: another cow was killed, great plenty of hydromel

produced, and he prepared to regale us as sumptuously as possible,

after the manner of the country. We were there, as often before,

obliged to overcome our repugnance to eating raw flesh. Shalaka Welled

Amlac set us the example, entertained us with the stories of his

hunting elephants, and feats in the last wars, mostly roguish ones.

The room where we were (which was indeed large, and contained himself,

mother, wife, sisters, his horses, mules, and servants, night and day)

was all hung round with the trunks of these elephants, which he had

brought from the neighbouring Kolla, near Guesgué, and killed with

his own hands, for he was one of the boldest and best horsemen in

Abyssinia, and perfectly master of his arms.

This Polyphemus's feast being finished, the horn of hydromel

went briskly about. Welled Amlac's eldest sister, whose name was

Melectanea, took a particular charge of me, and I began to find the

necessity of retiring and going to bed while I was able. Here the

former story came over again; the invariable custom of all Maitsha and

the country of the Galla, of establishing a relationship by sleeping

with a near of kin, was enlarged upon; and, as the young lady herself

was present, and presented every horn of drink during this polite

dispute concerning her person, I do not know whether it will not be

thought a greater breach of delicacy to have refused than to have

complied:--

But what success Vanessa met

Is to the world a secret yet;

Can never to mankind be told,

Nor shall the conscious muse unfold.

Fye upon the conscious muse, says lord Orrery; and fye, too, say I:--a

man of honour and gallantry should not permit himself such a hint as

this, though the Red Sea was between him and his mistress.

It was impossible to sleep; the whole night was one continued storm of

thunder, rain, and lightning; the morning was clearer, and my people

very urgent to go away; but I had still to settle with Zor Woldo,

who had been kept by his mistress, Fasil's wife, notwithstanding

his master's orders, till he had told her the whole circumstances

of our expedition, and made her laugh heartily at the oddity of our

sentiments and customs. This she repaid to him by plentiful horns of

mead and bouza, as also large collops of raw meat, which made him a

very eloquent historian; whether or no he was a faithful one, I cannot

possibly judge.

After having settled with him to his perfect satisfaction, and

cancelled entirely the memory of some disagreeable things passed, he

consigned us very solemnly to Ayto Aylo's servant, in presence of

Welled Amlac, and had taken his leave, when a very fine white cow was

brought to the door of the tent from Fasil's wife, who insisted, as a

friend of her husband, that I would stay that day for her sake; and I

should either learn her my language, or she would teach me Galla. The

party was accepted as soon as offered; the morning was fresh and cool,

nor had last night's libation any way disordered my stomach. Strates

himself, though afraid of Welled Amlac, and exceedingly exasperated at

the impudent behaviour, as he called it, of Melectanea, was, however,

a little pacified at the approach of the white cow. Brother, says he

to Michael, we have nothing to do with people's manners as long as

they are civil to us: as to this house, there is no doubt but the men

are robbers and murderers, and their women wh--es; but if they use us

well while we are now here, and we are so lucky as to get to Gondar

alive, let the devil take me if ever I seek again to be at Welled Abea

Abbo. It was agreed to relax that day, and dedicate it to herborizing,

as also to the satisfying the curiosity of our female friends, by

answering all their questions; and thus the forenoon passed as

agreeable as possible.

Welled Amlac, a great hunter, had gone with me early to a neighbouring

thicket on horseback, armed with lances in search of venison, though

we certainly did not want provisions. We in a few minutes raised two

bohur, a large animal of the deer kind, and each pursued his beast;

mine had not run 400 yards before I overtook him, and pierced him with

my pike; and the same would have happened probably to the other, had

not Welled Amlac's horse put his fore-feet into a fox's hole, which

threw him and his rider headlong to the ground; he was not, however,

hurt, but rose very gravely, and desired me to return; it being a rule

among these people, never to persist when any thing unfortunate falls

out in the beginning of a day.

Our company was now increased by our former landlord at Goutto, where

we were obliged to Woldo's stratagem for discovering the cow that was

hid. We sat down chearfully to dinner. Welled Amlac's fall had not

spoiled his appetite; I think he ate equal to four ordinary men. I,

for the most part, ate the venison, which was made into an excellent

dish, only too much stuffed with all kind of spices. Fasil's wife

alone seemed to have a very poor appetite, notwithstanding her violent

fits of laughter, and outward appearance of chearfulness. A melancholy

gloom returned upon her beautiful face, that seemed to indicate a mind

not at ease. She was of a noble family of Galla, which had conquered

and settled in the low country of Narea. I wondered that Fasil her

husband had not carried her to Gondar. She said her husband had twenty

other wives besides her, but took none of them to Gondar; which was

a place of war, where it was the custom to marry the wives of their

enemies that they had forced to fly, Fasil will be married therefore

to Michael's wife, Ozoro Esther. I could not help being startled at

this declaration, remembering that I was here losing my time, and

forgetting my word of returning as soon as possible; but we had, for

many months, lived in such constant alarms, that it was absolutely as

needful to seize the moment in which we could repose our mind, as to

give rest to the body.

In the afternoon we distributed our presents among the ladies. Fasil's

wife was not forgot; and the beautiful Melectanea was covered with

beads, handkerchiefs, and ribbands of all colours. Fasil's wife, on my

first request, gave me a lock of her fine hair from the root, which

has ever since, and at this day does suspend a plummet of an ounce

and half at the index of my three-feet quadrant.

The next morning, the 13th of November, having settled our account

with our host, we set out from the hospitable house of Shalaka Welled

Amlac, after having engaged, by promises to the ladies, that we should

pay them soon another visit. Our landlord accompanied us in person to

the ford, and by this, and his readiness to shew us what he thought

worthy of our curiosity, and by his care in ascertaining for us the

distances and situations of places, he gave us a certain proof he was

well contented, and therefore that we had nothing to fear.

We had both nights heard the noise of cataracts, and we thought it

might be of the Nile, as we were in fact but five miles from the

second small cataract at Kerr, which lay W. S. W. of us. We were

informed, however, in the morning, that it was the sound of falls in

the river Jemma, near whose banks this house is situated. We set out

at eight o'clock, the hills of Aroossi bearing north; and at half past

eight we came to the ford of the Jemma, which is strong, rugged, and

uneven.

The Jemma here comes from the east; its banks are most beautifully

shaded with acacia and other trees, growing as on the west of the

Nile, that is, the trunks or stems of the trees at a distance, but

the tops touching each other, and spreading broad. Though growing to

no height, these woods are full of game of different kinds, mostly

unknown in Europe. The bohur is here in great numbers; also the

Buffalo, though not so frequent. Whoever sees Richmond hill has an

idea of the banks of the Jemma, and the country east of it, with all

that addition that an eastern and happier climate can give it; for the

rains had now ceased, and every hill was in flower; the sun indeed was

hot, but a constant and fresh breeze prevented its being felt near the

river. The heat in this country ceases, in the warmest day, the moment

we pass from the sun to the shade: we have none of these hot winds or

violent reflections which we had suffered in Egypt, Syria, and Arabia,

and both the coasts of the Red Sea.

There are two cataracts lower than this ford of the Jemma, the first

about 300 yards below the ford, and another larger, something about

half a mile; it is not, however, more than seven or eight feet high,

perhaps about ninety feet broad, and the sheet of water is not

entire, but is interrupted in many places. It falls, however, into a

magnificent bason above 400 yards square, and very deep, in which are

large fish in great plenty, but no crocodiles; nor indeed are there

any seen, as I have heard above the third cataract, nor considerably

below, when, after having made the tour of Gojam, it again turns

northward towards its sources. The Gomari, however, often comes to

the mouth of the Jemma, especially when the first rains fall; the

crocodile seems to require a warmer climate.

After having satisfied our curiosity as to the Jemma, I began to

reproach those that were with me about the panic which they felt

the night before; these were, a Greek of Gondar, Strates, and three

others, my servants, whom I brought from Cairo. "You see, said I,

what danger there is; Welled Amlac is with us upon a mule, without

a lance or shield, and only two naked servants with him; did not I

tell you what was the meaning of the news?" Though this was spoken in

a language of which it was impossible Amlac could know a syllable,

yet he presently apprehended in part what I would say. "I see, says

he, you believe what I told you last night to be false, and invented

only to get from you a present: but you shall see; and if this day

we do not meet Welled Aragawi and his soldiers, you are then in the

right; it is as you imagine."--"You do me wrong, said I, and have not

understood me, for how should you. Those white people believe too well

all you told them, and are only apprehensive of your not being able

to defend us, being without arms and followers. All I said was, that

where you were, armed or unarmed, there was no danger."--"True, says

he, you are now in Maitsha, and not in my country, which is Goutto;

you are now in the worst country in all Abyssinia, where the brother

kills his brother for a loaf of bread, of which he has no need: you

are in a country of Pagans, or dogs, Galla, and worse than Galla;

if ever you meet an _old man_ here, he is a stranger; all that are

natives die by the lance young; and yet, though these two chieftains

I mentioned fight to-day, unarmed as I am, (as you well said) you are

in no danger while I am with you. These people of Maitsha, shut up

between the Jemma, the Nile, and the lake, have no where but from the

Agows to get what they want; they come to the same market with us here

in Goutto; the fords of the Jemma, they know, are in my hands; and did

they offer an injury to a friend of mine, were it but to whistle as he

passed them, they know I am not gentle; though not a Galla, they are

sensible, one day or other, I should call them to account, though it

were in the bed-chamber of their master Fasil."

"Your master, Welled Amlac, with your leave," said I. "Yes, mine too,

said he, by force, but he never shall be my master by inclination,

after murdering Kasmati Eshté. He calls me his brother, and believes

me his friend. You saw one of his wives, whom he leaves at my house,

last night, but I hope still to see him and his Galla slaughtered as

the cow in my house was yesterday." "I am surprised, said I, your

house was spared, and that Ras Michael did not burn it in either of

his passages through Maitsha."--"In 1769, replied he, I was not with

Fasil at Fagitta, and the Ras passed the Nile above this far beyond

the Kelti; after which I returned with him to Gondar. In Ginbot[2],

Fasil informed us that Amhara and Begemder were come over to him.

When then all Maitsha joined Fasil, I went with my people to meet

Michael at Derdera, as I knew he must pass the Nile here opposite to

Abbo, and Begemder and Amhara would then be behind him, or else try to

cross at Delakus, which was then swollen with rain, and unfordable:

but apprehensive lest, marching still higher up along the Nile to

find a ford, he might burn my house in his way, I myself joined him

the night before he knew of Powussen's revolt, and he had it then

in contemplation to burn Samseen. The next morning was that of his

retreat, and he chose me to accompany him across the Nile, still

considering me as his friend, and therefore, perhaps, he would have

done no harm to my house."--"So it was you, said I, that led us that

day into that cursed clay-hole, which you call a ford, where so many

people and beasts were maimed and lost?"--He replied, "It was Fasil's

spies that first persuaded him to pass there, or at Kerr. I kept him

to the place where you passed; you would have all perished at Kerr.

This, to be sure, was not a good ford, nor passable at all except in

summer, unless by swimming; but so many men crossing had made it still

worse; besides, do you remember what a storm it was?--what a night of

rain? O Lady Mariam, always a virgin, said I, while they struggled in

the mud and clay. O holy Abba Guebra Menfus Kedus, who never ate or

drank from his mother's womb till his death, will you not open the

earth, that all this accursed multitude may descend alive into hell,

like Dathan and Abiram?"--A kind and charitable prayer!--"I thank

you for it, Welled Amlac, said I; first, for carrying us to that

charitable ford, where, with one of the strongest and ablest horses in

the world, I had nearly perished:--and, secondly, for your pious wish,

to dispose of us out of the regions of rain and cold into so warm

quarters in company with Dathan and Abiram!"

"I did not know you was there, says he; I heard you had staid at

Gondar in order to bring up the black horse. I saw a white person[3]

with the Ras, indeed, who had a good hanjar and gun, but his mule

was weak, and he himself seemed sick. As I returned I could have

carried him off in the night, but I said, perhaps it is the brother

of Yagoube, my friend and physician; he is white like him, and for

your sake I left him. I was much with you white people in the time of

Kasmati Eshté."--"And pray, said I, what did you after we passed the

Abay?"--"After I saw that devil Ras Michael over, said Welled Amlac,

I returned under pretence of assisting Kefla Yasous there, and,

being joined by all my people, we fell upon the stragglers wherever

we found them. You know what a day of rain it was; we took 17 guns,

12 horses, and about 200 mules and asses laden, and so returned home,

leaving the rest to Fasil, who, if he had been a man, should have cut

you all to pieces the day after."--"And what did you, said I, with

these stragglers whom you met and robbed; did you kill them?"--"We

always kill them, answered Amlac; we spare none; we never do a man

an injury, and leave him alive to revenge it upon us after; but it

was really the same; they were all sick and weak, and the hyæna would

have finished them in the morning, so it was just saving them so much

suffering to kill them outright the night before; and I assure you,

Yagoube, whatever you may think, I did not do it out of malice."--From

this conversation one may sufficiently guess what sort of a man Welled

Amlac was, and what were his ideas of mercy.

We passed the church of Kedus Michael at half after nine, on the road

to our right. At nine and three quarters our course was N. by W. and,

at a quarter after ten, we passed the Coga, a large river. At three

quarters past ten our course was north. We passed the church of Abbo a

quarter of a mile on our right. The country, after we had crossed the

Jemma, was much less beautiful than before. At twelve our course was

N. by W. and at half past twelve the church of Mariam Net, 200 yards

to the left; and here we forded the small river Amlac-Ohha. Every

step of this ground put us in mind of our disastrous campaign in May;

and we were now passing directly in the tract of the ever-memorable

retreat of Kefla Yasous and the rear of the army. At a quarter after

one we halted at a small village of low houses, as it were in bent

grass, where, for the first time, we saw flocks of goats lying on the

tops of the houses for fear of wild beasts.

"You shall see, says Welled Amlac, whether I am telling truth or not;

this is the house of Welled Aragawi; if he is here at home, then I

have deceived you." We saw a number of women laden with jars of bouza

and hydromel, and asked where they were going. They said to their

master at Delakus, who waited there to prevent Welleta Michael of

Degwassa from passing the river. Our Greeks on this began to relapse

into their panic, and to wish we were again at Welled Abea Abbo. At

three quarters past one we continued our journey to the north, and

passed a river, called Amlac-Ohha, larger than the former: it comes

from the east, and, half a mile further, receives the other stream

already mentioned. The sun was now burning hot. At three o'clock we

halted a quarter of an hour; and, beginning to descend gently, an

hour after this we came to the banks of the Abay. Here we saw the two

combatants, Welleta Michael and Welled Aragawi, exactly opposite to

each other, the first on the west the other on the east side; they had

settled all their differences, and each had killed several kine for

themselves and friends, which was all the blood shed that day.

The Nile is here a considerable river; its breadth at this time full

three quarters of an English mile; the current is very gentle; where

deep you scarce can perceive it flow; it comes from W. by S. and W.

S. W. and at the ford runs east and west. The banks on the east side

were very high and steep; and on the west, at the first entrance, the

bottom is soft and bad, the water four feet and a half deep, but

above another foot, which we sink in clay. I cried to Welled Amlac,

while he was leading my mule across, that he should not pray to his

saint that never eats, as at the passage of the Jemma in May. He only

answered lowly to me, Do you think these thieves would have let you

pass if I was not with you? My answer was, Welleta Michael would not

have seen me wronged; I saved his life, he and every body knows it.

We gained with difficulty the middle of the river, where the bottom

was firm, and there we rested a little. Whilst we were wading near the

other side, we found foul ground, but the water was shallow, and the

banks low and easy to ascend. The river side, as far as we could see,

is bare and destitute of wood of any kind, only bordered with thistles

and high grass, and the water tinged deep with red earth, of which its

banks are composed. This passage is called Delakus, and is passable

from the end of October to the middle of May. Immediately on the top

of the hill ascending from the river is the small town of Delakus,

which gives this ford its name; it extends from N. E. to N. N. E. and

is more considerable in appearance than is the generality of these

small towns or villages in Abyssinia, because inhabited by Mahometans

only, a trading, frugal, intelligent, and industrious people.

Our conductor, Welled Amlac, again put us in mind of the service

he had rendered us, and we were not unmindful of him. He had been

received with very great respect by the eastern body of combatants,

and it is incredible with what expedition he swallowed near a pound

of raw flesh cut from the buttocks of the animal yet alive. After

some horns of hydromel, he had passed to the other side, where he was

received with still more affection, if possible, by Welleta Michael,

and there he began again to eat the raw meat with an appetite as keen

as if he had fasted for whole days; he then consigned us to Ayto

Welleta Michael, his friend and mine, who furnished us with a servant

to conduct us on our way, while he himself remained that night at

the ford among the combatants. He advised us to advance as far as

possible, for all that country was destroyed by a malignant fever

which laid all waste beyond Delakus.

We left the ford at a quarter past five in the evening, and, pursuing

our journey north, we passed the small town of Delakus, continuing

along the hill among little spots of brush-wood and small fields of

corn intermixed. At half past six passed the river Avola. At half past

seven crossed another swift-running stream, clear and shallow, but

full of slippery stones. At three quarters after seven we alighted at

Googue, a considerable village, and, as it was now night, we could go

no farther; we had already several times mistaken our way, and lost

each other in the dark, being often also mired in a small plain before

we passed the last river; but our guide had heard the orders of his

master, and pushed on briskly.

We found the people of Googue the most savage and unhospitable we had

yet met with. Upon no account would they suffer us to enter their

houses, and we were obliged to remain without, the greatest part of

the night. At last they carried us to a house of good appearance, but

refused absolutely to give us meat for ourselves or horses; and,

as we had not force, we were obliged to be content. It had rained

violently in the evening, and we were all wet. We contented ourselves

with lighting a large fire in the middle of the house, which we kept

burning all night, as well for guard, as for drying ourselves, though

we little knew at the time that it was probably the only means of

saving our lives; for in the morning we found the whole village sick

of the fever, and two families had died out of the house where these

people had put us: for my own part, upon hearing this I was more

affrighted than for Welled Aragawi and all his robbers. Though weary

and wet, I had slept on the ground near the fire six whole hours; and,

tho' really well, I could not during the day persuade myself there was

not some symptom of fever upon me. My first precaution was to infuse

a dose of bark into a glass of aquavitæ, a large horn of which we

had with us; we then burnt frankincense and myrrh in abundance, and

fumigated ourselves, as practised at Masuah and in Arabia. Early in

the morning we repeated our dose of bark and fumigation. Whether the

bark prevented the disease or not, the aquavitæ certainly strengthened

the spirits, and was a medicine to the imagination.

The people, who saw the eagerness and confidence with which we

swallowed this medicine, flocked about us demanding assistance.

I confess I was so exasperated with their treatment of us, and

especially that of lodging us in the infected house, that I constantly

refused them their request, leaving them a prey to their distemper, to

teach them another time more hospitality to strangers.

This fever prevailed in Abyssinia in all low grounds and plains, in

the neighbourhood of all rivers which run in valleys; it is really

a malignant tertian, which, however, has so many forms and modes of

intermission that it is impossible for one not of the Faculty to

describe it. It is not in all places equally dangerous, but on the

banks and neighbourhood of the Tacazzé it is particularly fatal. The

valley where that river runs is very low and sultry, being full of

large trees. In Kuara, too, it is very mortal; in Belessen and Dembea

less so; in Walkayt it is dangerous; but not so much in Tzegadè,

Kolla, Woggora, and Waldubba. It does not prevail in high grounds or

mountains, or in places much exposed to the air. This fever is called

Nedad, or burning; it begins always with a shivering and headache,

a heavy eye, and inclination to vomit; a violent heat follows, which

leaves little intermission, and ends generally in death the third or

fifth day. In the last stage of the distemper the belly swells to an

enormous size, or sometimes immediately after death, and the body

within an instant smells most insupportably; to prevent which they

bury the corpse immediately after the breath is out, and often within

the hour. The face has a remarkable yellow appearance, with a blackish

cast, as in the last stage of a dropsy or the atrophy. This fever

begins immediately with the sun-shine, after the first rains, that is,

while there are intervals of rain and sun-shine: it ceases upon the

earth being thoroughly soaked in July and August, and begins again in

September; but now, at the beginning of November, it finally ceases

everywhere.

The country about Googue is both fertile and pleasant, all laid out

in wheat, and the grain good. They were now in the midst of their

harvest, but there were some places, to which the water could be

conducted, where the corn was just appearing out of the ground.

From Googue we have an extensive view of the lake Tzana, whilst the

mountains of Begemder and Karoota, that is, all the ridge along

Foggora, appear distinctly enough, but they are sunk low, and near the

horizon.

On the 14th, at three quarters past seven in the morning, we left

the inhospitable village Googue; our road lay N. by W. up a small

hill. At half past eight we crossed the village of Azzadari, in which

runs a small river, then almost stagnant, of the same name. At three

quarters after eight, the church of Turcon Abbo, being a quarter of a

mile to our right. At three quarters after nine we passed the river

Avolai, coming from N. W. and which, with all the other streams above

mentioned, fall into the lake: from this begins Degwassa. At half

past ten we rested half an hour. At eleven continued our journey N.

by W. and, at half after eleven, entered again into the great road

of Buré, by Kelti. All the country from Googue is bare, unpleasant,

unwholesome, and ill watered. Those few streams it has are now

standing in pools, and are probably stagnant in January and February.

The people, too, are more miserable than in any other part of Maitsha

and Goutto.

As we are now leaving Maitsha, it will be the place to say something

concerning it in particular. Maitsha is either proper, or what is

called so by extension. Maitsha Proper is bounded on the west by

the Nile, on the south by the river Jemma, dividing it from Goutto;

and, on the other side of Amid Amid, by the province of Damot; on

the south by Gojam; on the east and north by the Abay or Nile, and

the lake: this is Maitsha proper; but by extension it comprehends a

large tract on the west side of the Nile, which begins by Sankraber

on the north, and is bounded by the Agows on the west, comprehending

Atcheffer and Aroossi to the banks of the Nile. This is the Maitsha of

the books, but is not properly so.

Maitsha is governed by ninety-nine Shums, and is an appendage of the

office of Betwudet, to whom it pays two thousand ounces of gold. The

people are originally of those Galla west of the Abay. Yasous the

Great, when at war with that people, who, in many preceding reigns,

had laid waste the provinces of Gojam and Damot, and especially

Agow, when he passed the Abay found these people at variance among

themselves; and the king, who was everywhere victorious, being joined

by the weakest, advanced to Narea, and, on his return, transplanted

these Galla into Maitsha, placing part of them along the Nile to guard

the passes. His successors at different times followed his example;

part they settled in Maitsha, and part along the banks of the Nile in

Damot and Gojam, where being converted to Christianity, at least to

such Christianity as is professed in Abyssinia, they have increased

exceedingly, and amounted, at least before the war in 1768, to 15,000

men, of whom about 4000 are horsemen.

The capital of Maitsha is Ibaba. There is here a house or small

castle belonging to the king. The town is one of the largest in

Abyssinia, little inferior to Gondar in size or riches, and has a

market every day; this is governed by an officer called Ibaba Azage,

whose employment is worth 600 ounces of gold, and is generally

conferred upon the principal person of Maitsha, to keep him firm in

his allegiance, as there is a very considerable territory depends upon

this office. The country round Ibaba is the most pleasant and fertile,

not of Maitsha only, but of all Abyssinia, especially that part called

Kollela, between Ibaba and Gojam, where the principal Ozoros have

all houses and possessions, called Goult or Fiefs, which they have

received from their respective ancestors when kings.

Though Maitsha be peculiarly the appendage of Betwudet, and governed

by him, yet it has a particular political government of its own.

The ninety-nine Shums, who are each a distinct family of Galla,

chuse a king, like the Pagan Galla, every seventh year, with all

the ceremonies anciently observed while they were Pagans; and

these governors have much more influence over them than the King

or Betwudet; so have they (in my time at least) been in a constant

rebellion, and that has much lessened their numbers, which will

not now amount to above 10,000 men, Ras Michael having every where

destroyed their houses, and carried into slavery their wives and

children, who have been sold to the Mahometan merchants, and

transported to Masuah, and from thence to Arabia.

At twelve o'clock, Guesgué was to the right, three or four, perhaps

more miles; and the very rugged mountain Cafercla, broken and full of

precipices, on our right, at about 12 miles distance; they rise from

Kolla. Guesgué, which, though the language and race be Agow, is not

comprehended in the government of that country, but generally goes

with Kuara. At a quarter past one we arrived at the house of Ayto

Welleta Michael, at Degwassa, after entering into a country something

more pleasant and cultivated than the former. The village of Degwassa

is but small; it had also been burnt in the late war; it is pleasantly

situated on a hill south of the lake, about 3 miles distance, and

is surrounded with large wanzey-trees; we were but ill-received at

this village, notwithstanding the promises of the master of it at

the passage of the Abay, and we found these people scarcely more

hospitable than at Googue. This village is a little out of the road,

to the right. We had travelled this day five hours and a half, or

little more than ten miles.

On the 15th of November, from Degwassa we entered Gonzala, immediately

bordering upon it: heavy rain prevented our setting out till noon.

Gonzala is full of villages, and belongs to the queen-mother. At a

quarter after one we passed a large marsh, in the midst of which runs

a small river which here falls into the lake. We rested here half an

hour; and, at three quarters past one, we entered the great road which

we had passed to the left in going to Degwassa. At two o'clock we came

still to a distincter view of the lake, as also where the river enters

and goes out; it appears here to enter at S. W. and go out at N. E.

and is distant about eight or nine miles. At three quarters past two,

we arrived at Dingleber, having this day travelled only two hours and

a half, or five miles.

On the 16th we left Dingleber at seven o'clock in the morning; it was

very hot; and, a little before we came to Mescalaxos, in a stripe of

land, or peninsula, which runs out into the lake, we halted a short

time under the shade of some acacia-trees. Here we saw plenty of

water-fowl, and several gomaris. A small river crosses the road here,

and falls into the lake: and, at one o'clock in the afternoon, we

continued our journey, and overtook a troop of Agows, who were going

to Gondar, laden with honey, butter, and untanned hides. They had with

them also about 800 head of cattle. These people accustomed to the

road (though heavily laden) go long journies: they had at this time 50

miles to make by nine o'clock in the morning of the 18th, and it was

now the 16th, past one o'clock.

A Shower overtook us soon after passing Mescalaxos, and forced us to

take refuge in some small huts near the lake, called Goja, where we

remained. The inhabitants of this and the neighbouring villages speak

Falasha, the language anciently of all Dembea, which, as has been

already observed, in most of the plain country, has now given place

to Amharic. Here we saw two gomari come out of the lake and enter the

corn, but speedily, upon the dogs of the villages attacking them, they

ran and plunged into the water; we could not have a distinct view of

them, nor time enough to design them, but they were very different

from any draught we had ever seen of them. The head seemed to me to

resemble that of a hog more than of a horse. We had this day travelled

six hours and a half, or about thirteen miles.

On the 17th, at a quarter past seven, we left Goja. At one o'clock

we halted at Sar Ohha, after a journey of five hours and a half, or

about eleven miles; and on the 18th, at half past six, left Sar Ohha.

At three quarters past seven we passed the river Talti, and at half

past eleven halted at Abba Abram, near the church, under a large

sassa-tree. At one, continued our journey, and at a quarter past two

arrived at Kemona.

On the 19th of November, at seven in the morning, we left Kemona, and

going constantly without stopping by Chergué and Azazo, I sent my

servants and baggage on to Abba Samuel at Gondar, where they arrived

at one o'clock afternoon, and finished our long-projected expedition,

or journey, to the fountains of the Nile, having, in our return home,

made as it were the chord of the arch of our former journey, or about

ninety-three miles, with which we found our points, as settled by

observation, did very nearly agree.

Two things chiefly occupied my mind, and prevented me from

accompanying my servants and baggage into Gondar. The first was my

desire of instantly knowing the state of Ozoro Esther's health: the

second was, to avoid Fasil, till I knew a little more about Ras

Michael and the king. Taking one servant along with me, I left my

people at Azazo, and turning to the left, up a very craggy, steep

mountain, I made the utmost diligence I could till I arrived at the

gate of Koscam, near two o'clock, without having met any one from

Fasil, who was encamped opposite to Gondar, on the Kahha, on the

side of the hill, so that I had passed obliquely behind him. He had,

however, seen or heard of the arrival of my servants at Gondar,

and had sent for me to wait upon him in his camp; and, when he was

informed I had gone forward to Koscam, it was said he had uttered some

words of discontent.

I went straight to the Iteghé's apartment, but was not admitted, as

she was at her devotions. In crossing one of the courts, however, I

met a slave of Ozoro Esther, who, instead of answering the question

I put to her, gave a loud shriek, and went to inform her mistress. I

found that princess greatly recovered, as her anxiety about Fasil had

ceased. She had admitted him to an audience, and he had communicated

to her the engagement he was under to her husband, as also the conduct

he intended to pursue in order to keep Gusho and Powussen from taking

any effectual measures which might frustrate, or at least delay, the

restoration of the king and arrival of Ras Michael.

CHAP. II.

_Fasil's insidious Behaviour--Arrival at Gondar--King passes the

Taccazzé--Iteghé and Socinios fly from Gondar._

I shall now resume the history of Abyssinia itself, so far as I was

concerned in it, or had an opportunity of knowing, and this I shall

follow as closely as possible, till I begin my return home through

those dreary and hitherto-unknown deserts of Sennaar, though not the

most entertaining, yet by far the most dangerous and most difficult

part of the voyage.

It was about the 20th of October that Woodage Asahel came with a

strong body of horse into the neighbourhood of Gondar, and cut off all

communication between the capital and those provinces to the southward

of it. This occasioned a temporary famine, as his troops plundered all

those they met on the road carrying provisions to the market. At first

he refused to tell what his real errand was; but, a few days after,

having passed the low country of Dembea, he took post at Dingleber, on

the road to Maitsha and the country of the Agows, and then he declared

his only intention in coming was to join Fasil, then marching to

Gondar at the head of a large army; nor was the cause of that great

army, nor the reason of Fasil's coming, so sufficiently known as to

free any party entirely from their apprehensions.

Sanuda, who filled the office of Ras, and the rest of that party,

endeavoured to determine Asahel to enter Gondar, and pay his homage

to Socinios, now king; not doubting but his example would have the

effect of making others do the like, and that so by degrees they might

collect troops enough to make Michael respect them, so far at least as

to defer for a season his march from Tigrè. They prevailed, indeed, so

far as to engage Asahel to enter Gondar on the 28th of October, the

day that we left it; so, by a few hours, and his taking a low road

that he might plunder the villages in Dembea, we missed a meeting of

the most dangerous and most disagreeable kind. After having made his

usual parade, and passed his cavalry in review before Socinios, he had

his public audience, where he said he came charged by Fasil to declare

that he was ready to set out for Gondar, and bring with him that

part of the revenue due to the king from the provinces he commanded,

provided he had a man of sufficient trust to leave in his stead at

home; that therefore he prayed the king to appoint him Woodage Asahel

to command in the provinces of Damot, Maitsha, and Agow, in his

absence.

After the many promises and engagements Fasil had made and broken,

without ever assigning the smallest reason, it may be doubted whether

Socinios believed this fair tale implicitly; but his present intention

being to gain Woodage, it little signified whether it was strictly

true or not; he therefore received it as true. Fasil's request was

granted to the full; and this robber, twenty times a rebel, bred

up in woods and deserts, in exercise of every crime, was appointed

to a command the third in the kingdom for rank, power, and riches;

and, what was never before seen, the king went out of his palace to

Deppabye, the public market-place, to see the circle of gold, called

the Ras Werk, put upon his head; this, with the white and blue mantle,

invests him with the dignity of Kasmati, or lieutenant-general of the

king, in the province given him.

A low man, such as Asahel was, could not resist the caresses of his

sovereign; he was entirely gained; and, in return, made privately to

Socinios, and a few confidants, a communication of all he knew, which

their natural imprudence, and private previous engagements, afterwards

made public. The substance of this confidence was, that peace had been

made and sworn to, in the most solemn manner, both by Michael and

Fasil; that they were to restore the king, Tecla Haimanout; that they

were, by their joint means, to effect, if possible, the ruin of Gusho

and Powussen, governors of Begemder and Amhara; Fasil was to enjoy the

post of Ras and Betwuder, and to dispose of the government of Begemder

and Amhara to his friends; Ras Michael was to content himself with

the province of Tigrè, as he then enjoyed it, and advance no further

than the river Tacazzé, where he was to deliver the king to Fasil,

and return to his province. Sanuda was, in the mean time, to appear

as Ras by the connivance of Fasil and Michael; and, if he saw the

people of the Iteghé's party resolved upon electing a king, he was to

take care to choose such a one as would soon prove himself incapable

of reigning, but fill the vacancy in the mean time, and prevent the

election from falling upon a worthier candidate from the mountain of

Wechné. Fasil, on his part, undertook by promises and proposals, and

occasionally by the approach of his army, to frighten and confuse the

Iteghé, and prevent a good understanding taking place between her,

Gusho, and Powussen. The last article of this treaty was, that no

more should be said of Joas the late king's murderer, but all that

transaction was to be buried in eternal oblivion. This peace, Asahel

had said, was made by the mediation of Welleta Selassé, nephew of Ras

Michael, whom we have often mentioned as having been taken prisoner by

Fasil at the battle of Limjour.

This discovery, dangerous as it might have been in other times and

circumstances, from the weakness of the present government, had no

consequences hurtful to any concerned in it. Sanuda, who was not

present when Asahel revealed the secret, affected to laugh at it as

an improbable fiction; and though this whole scheme of treachery

was confirmed part by part, yet it was so deeply laid, and so well

supported, that, even when discovered, it could not be prevented,

till, step by step, it was carried into execution.

Fasil was encamped at Bamba, as we have already mentioned; he had

discharged all those savage Galla that he had brought from the other

side of the Nile. As soon as he had heard in how favourable a manner

Woodage Asahel had been received, he decamped, taking with him 400

horse and 600 foot, all chosen men, from Maitsha and Damot, and with

these he advanced, by forced marches, to Gondar, where he arrived

the 2d of November, to the surprise of the whole town and court, for

he had already so often promised, and so often broken his word, that

nobody pretended to guess more about him till they actually saw him

arrived. That same evening he waited on the queen, where he made a

short visit; he paid a still shorter to the king, and no business

passed at either of these meetings.

The king, Socinios, was now more than ever confirmed in the belief

of Asahel's information, because, notwithstanding that Fasil knew

perfectly his necessities, and that for seven years he had not paid

a farthing to the revenue, he still had not brought either payment,

or present of any sort; and, instead of coming with a large army to

give battle to Ras Michael, he arrived as in peace with scarce a body

guard; and, what seemed to put the matter beyond all doubt, the very

night of his arrival, upon coming from his audience, he set Welleta

Selassé at liberty, and sent him to Tigrè to his uncle Ras Michael,

loaded with many presents, and with every mark of respect. There were,

however, about Socinios some people of wisdom enough to counsel him

to take no notice of this behaviour of Fasil, which seemed to favour

strongly of defiance; and he was wise enough for a short time to

follow their advice. As he had, by fair means, gained Woodage Asahel,

he thought he might, by pursuing the same conduct, succeed with Fasil

also.

In the morning, therefore, of the 3d of November, without attempting

further discussion, proclamation was made that Fasil was Ras and

Betwudet, governor of Damot, Maitsha, and Agow, and had the disposal

of all places under the king throughout the empire; declaring also,

that all appointments that had been made by the Iteghé or himself, in

Fasil's absence, were null and void, to be again filled up by Fasil

only. Socinios, however, soon found that he had a different spirit

to manage than that of Woodage Asahel. Fasil took him at his word,

accepted of the appointment, began immediately to exercise his power,

and the very first day he gave the post of Cantiba, that is, governor

of Dembea, to Ayto Engedan, nephew to the queen-mother, and son to

Kasmati Eshté, whom he himself had deposed, murdered, and succeeded

in the government of Damot and Maitsha; and Selassé Barea, brother to

Ayto Aylo, he made Palambaras. These appointments just planted the

king in the difficulty that was intended; for the places had been

given to Kasmati Sanuda, as a recompence for resigning the posts of

Ras and Betwudet, which were now conferred upon Fasil; and Sanuda,

whom Socinios believed his only friend, and the person that raised him

to the throne, was now left destitute of all employment whatever, by

an act of seeming ingratitude flowing from the king alone.

The next day Fasil, pursuing the same line of conduct, appointed

Adera Tacca Georgis, a creature of his own, Fit-Auraris to the king.

None of these preferments Socinios could be brought to comply with;

so that when these noblemen came to do homage for their respective

places, Socinios absolutely refused to receive them, or displace

Kasmati Sanuda. This involved the king in still greater difficulties,

for he thereby broke his word with Fasil, who had done nothing more

than Socinios gave him authority to do. On the other hand, Selassé

Barea was brother to Ayto Aylo, the queen's greatest counsellor and

confident; equal to his brother both in wisdom, integrity, and riches,

and in the favour of the people, but much more ambitious and desirous

of governing, consequently more dangerous when disobliged.

Socinios, who did not believe that Sanuda was treacherously urging him

to his ruin, continued obstinate in rejecting Fasil's appointment,

and all fell immediately into confusion. Troops flocked in from every

quarter, as upon a signal given. Ayto Engedan, in discontent, with a

thousand men sat down near Gondar on the river Mogetch; his brother

Aylo, at Emfras, about 15 miles further, with double that number;

Ayto Confu, his cousin-german, with about 600 horse, lay above Koscam

for the protection of Ozoro Esther, his mother, and the Iteghé his

grandmother--all were in arms, though upon the defensive.

In this situation of things I arrived at Gondar on the 19th of

November, but could not see the queen, who had retired into her

apartment under pretence of devotion, but rather from disgust and

melancholy, at seeing that every thing, however the contrary might

be intended, seemed to conspire to bring about the return of Ras

Michael, the event in the world she dreaded most. I found with Ozoro

Esther the Acab Saat, Abba Salama, who, as we have already observed,

had excommunicated her uncle Kasmati Eshté, and afterwards contrived

his murder, and had also had a very principal share in that of Joas

himself. It was he that Fasil said had sent to him to desire that I

might not be allowed to proceed to the head of the Nile, and that from

no other reason but a hatred to me as a Frank. We bowed to each other

as two not very great friends, and he immediately began a very dry,

ill-natured, admonitory discourse, addressed, for the greatest part,

to Ozoro Esther, explaining to her the mischief of suffering Franks to

remain at liberty in the country and meddle in affairs. I interrupted

him by a laugh, and by saying, If it is me, father, you mean by the

word Frank, I have, without your advice, gone where I intended, and

returned in safety; and as for your country, I will give you a very

handsome present to put me safely out of it, in any direction you

please, to-morrow--the sooner the better.

At this instant Ayto Confu came into his mother's apartment, caught

the last words which I had said, and asked of me, in a very angry

tone of voice, Who is he that wishes you out of the country?--"I do,

sincerely and heartily, said I, for one; but what you last heard was

in consequence of a friendly piece of advice that Abba Salama here has

been giving me."--"Father, father, says Confu, turning to him very

sternly, do you not think the measure of your good deeds is yet near

full? Do you not see this place, Kasmati Eshté's house, surrounded

by the troops of my father Michael, and do you still think yourself

in safety, when you have so lately excommunicated both the King and

Ras? Look you, says he, turning to his mother, what dogs the people

of this country are; that Pagan there, who calls himself a Christian,

did charitably recommend it to Fasil to rob or murder Yagoube, a

stranger offending nobody, when he got him among his Galla in Damot:

this did not succeed. He then persuaded Woodage Asahel to send a

party of robbers from Samseen to intercept him in Maitsha. Coque Abou

Barea himself told me it was at that infidel's desire that he sent

Welleta Selassè of Guesgué with a party to cut him off, who missed him

narrowly at Degwassa; and all this for what? I shall swear they should

not have found ten ounces of gold upon him, except Fasil's present,

and that they dared not touch."--"But God, said Ozoro Esther, saw

the integrity of his heart, and that his hands were clean; and that

is not the case with the men in this country."--"And therefore, said

Confu, he made Fasil his friend and protector. Woodage Asahel's party

fell in with an officer of Welleta Yasous, who cut them all to pieces

while robbing some Agows." Then rising up from the place where he was

sitting at his mother's feet, with a raised voice, and countenance

full of fury, turning to Abba Salama, he said, "And I, too, am now

nobody; a boy! a child! a mockery to three such Pagan infidels as

you, Fasil, and Abou Barea, because Ras Michael is away!"--Says the

Acab Saat, with great composure, or without any seeming anger, "You

are excommunicated, Confu; you are excommunicated if you say I am

Infidel or Pagan: I am a Christian priest."--"A priest of the devil,

says Confu, in a great passion--wine and women, gluttony, lying, and

drunkenness--these are your gods! Away! says he, putting his hand to

his knife: by Saint Michael I swear, ten days shall not pass before

I teach both Coque Abou Barea and you your duty. Come, Yagoube, come

and see my horses; when I have put a good man upon each of them we

shall together hunt your enemies to Sennaar." He swang hastily out of

the door, and I after him, and left Abba Salama dying with fear, as

Ozoro Esther told me afterwards, saying only to her, as he went out,

Remember I did not excommunicate him.

I left Confu with his horses and men; and, though it was now late, I

went to the camp to pay my compliments to Fasil. Having no arms, I was

very much molested both in going and coming, under various pretences;

I was afterwards kept waiting about half an hour in the camp without

seeing him; he only sent me a message that he would see me on the

morrow. However, we met several friends we had seen at Bamba, and from

them we learned at length what we shortly had heard from Ayto Confu,

that Woodage Asahel had sent a party to intercept and rob us; and it

was that party which was called the five Agows, who had passed Fasil's

army the night after we left Kelti[4]. They told us that the Lamb said

they were Agows, not to alarm us, but that he knew very well who they

were, and what was their errand; and that, the night after he left us,

he got upon their track by information from three country men whom

they had robbed of some honey, surrounded them, and, in the morning,

had attacked them west of Geesh, and, though inferior in number, had

slain and wounded the whole party as dexterously as he had promised to

us at our last interview.

I sent a small present to our friend the Lamb, in token of gratitude

to him, and delivered it to three people, that I might be sure one

of them would not steal it, and took Fasil's guarantee to see it

delivered; but this was upon a following day. I resolved to remain

at Koscam in the house the Iteghé had given me, as it was easy to see

things were drawing to a crisis, which would inevitably end in blood.

It was not till the 23d of November I first saw the Iteghé. She sent

for me early in the morning, and had a large breakfast prepared: Ayto

Confu and Ayto Engedan were there; she looked very much worn out and

indisposed. When I came first into her presence, I kneeled, with my

forehead to the ground. She put on a very serious countenance, and,

without desiring me to rise, said gravely to her people about her,

"There, says she, see that madman, who in times like these, when we

the natives of the country are not safe in our own houses, rashly,

against all advice, runs out into the fields to be hunted like a wild

beast by every robber, of which this country is full."

She then made me a sign to rise, which I did, and kissed her hand.

"Madam, said I, if I did this, it was in consequence of the good

lessons your majesty deigned to give me."--"Me! says she, with

surprise, was it I that advised you, at such a time as this, to

put yourself in the way of men like Coque Abou Barea, and Woodage

Asahel, to be ill-used, robbed, and probably murdered?"--"No, said

I, Madam, you certainly never did give me such advice; but you must

own that every day I have heard you say, when you was threatened by

a multitude of powerful enemies, that you was not afraid, you was in

God's hands, and not in theirs. Now, Madam, Providence has hitherto

protected you: I have, in humble imitation of you, had the same

Christian confidence, and I have succeeded. I knew I was in God's

hands, and therefore valued not the bad intentions of all the robbers

in Abyssinia."--"Madam, says Ayto Confu, is not Guesgué yours? does it

pay you any thing?"

"It was mine, says the queen, while any thing was mine; but Michael

took it and gave it to Coque Abou Barea, and since, it has paid me

nothing. Fasil has sent for him about the affair of Yagoube, as he

says, and has ordered him to come in the same manner that he himself

is come in private; but forbid him to bring his army with him,

in order that no means of relief may be possible to this devoted

country." Large tears flowed down her venerable face at saying these

words, and shewed the deep-rooted fear in her heart, that Michael's

coming was decreed without possibility of prevention. "I wonder, says

Ayto Engedan, laughing, to divert her, if Coque Abou Barea is the

same good Christian that you and Yagoube are; if he is not, nothing

else will save him from the hands of Confu and me; for we both want

horses and mules for our men, and he has good ones, and arms too, that

belonged to my father."--"And both of you, says the queen, are as bad

men as either Woodage Asahel or Coque Abou Barea." At this moment the

arrival of Fasil was announced, and we were all turned out, and went

to breakfast. I saw him afterwards going out of the palace. He saluted

me slightly, and seemed much pre-occupied in mind. He only desired me

to come to Gondar next morning, and he would speak to me about Coque

Abou Barea; but this the Iteghé refused to permit me to do, so I

remained at Koscam.

Fasil, although he did not deny that he had made peace with Ras

Michael, yet, to quiet the minds of the people, always solemnly

protested, that, so far from coming to Gondar, he never would consent

to his crossing the Tacazzé; and this had, with most people, the

desired effect; for all Gondar loved Tecla Haimanout as much as they

detested Socinios; but the bloodshed, and cruelty that would certainly

attend Michael's coming, made them wish for any government that would

free them from the terror of that event. On the other hand, Socinios,

though now perfectly persuaded of Fasil's motives, had not deserted

his own cause; he had sent Woodage Asahel, fortified with all his

authority, into Maitsha, in order to raise a commotion there; ordered

it to be proclaimed to the whole body of Galla in that province, that

if they would come to Gondar, and prevent the arrival of Ras Michael,

and bring their Bouco (or sceptre) along with them, they should have

the election of their own governor, and not pay any thing to the king

for seven years to come; and, besides, he had ordered Powussen of

Begemder to endeavour, by a forced march, to surprise Fasil, then at

Gondar, attended by a few troops. Mean time, he dissembled the best

he could; but, as he had very shrewd people to deal with, it was more

than probable his secret was early discovered.

Every hand being now armed, and all measures taken, as far as human

foresight could reach, it was impossible to defer any longer the

coming to blows in some part or other. On the 23d, at night, advice

was received from Adera Tacca Georgis, an officer of Fasil in Maitsha,

that he had attacked Woodage Asahel, who had collected a number of

troops, and was endeavouring to raise commotions; and, after an

obstinate combat, he had defeated him, and slain or wounded most

of his followers: that Asahel himself, wounded twice with a lance,

had, by the goodness of his horse, escaped, and joined Powussen in

Begemder.

These news occasioned Fasil to throw off the mask: he now publicly

avowed it was his intention to restore Tecla Haimanout to the throne,

and that, rather than fail in it, he would replace Ras Michael in all

his posts and dignities. He said that Socinios was created for mockery

only; and publicly asserted, that he was not son of Yasous, but of one

Mercurius, a private man at Degwassa; and indeed he bore not, in his

features or carriage, any resemblance to the royal family from which

he pretended to be descended.

Socinios now saw that he was from henceforward to look upon Fasil

as an enemy. Orders were accordingly given to shut the gates of the

palace, and to station a number of troops in the different courts and

avenues leading to the king's apartment. No person was to be admitted

to the king without examination. The drums were beat, and constant

guard kept; and three hundred Mahometans taken into his service as

musketeers; a measure that gave great offence.

Fasil had taken up his residence in the house which belonged to

the office of Ras, at the other end of the town; and, to shew his

contempt for the king, was very slightly guarded, his army remaining

encamped under the palace. One thing at this time seemed particularly

remarkable; a drum was heard to beat in the house where Fasil was;

whereas it is an invariable rule, that no drum is suffered to beat in

the capital any where but in the house where the king resides. It was

said that king Yasous, second son to the Iteghé, or queen-mother, and

father to Joas, had left two sons by a slave of the queen; indeed he

had so many by low people, that very little care was taken of them,

not even that of sending them to the mountain Wechné. One of these,

after the murder of Joas, had appeared in Gojam, resolved to try his

fortune; but he was apprehended by the governor of that province, sent

to Gondar, and then to Wechnè. It was said the other was with Fasil,

in Gondar; that the drum that then beat in Fasil's house announced

his speedy intention of making him king: all was confusion within the

palace, but the Ras kept up a strict police in the town.

It was then towards the end of November, when, by mediation of the

Abuna, the Queen, and the Itcheguè, peace was unexpectedly made

between Socinios and Fasil; the latter swearing allegiance to Socinios

as to his only sovereign, and the Abuna pronouncing excommunication

upon either of them which should become the enemy of the other. What

was the intention of this farce I never yet could learn; for the very

next day Fasil deprived Gusho and Powussen of their governments of

Amhara and Begemder, which was an express proof that his intention

still was to restore Tecla Haimanout. The doors of the king's palace

were again immediately shut, and signs of hostilities commenced as

before.

I was dining with Ozoro Esther, when a messenger arrived from Coque

Abou Barea, with a complaint to the queen that he was on his march to

Gondar, to pay his allegiance to Socinios, and bring him the tribute

of his province, when he received a message from Fasil to return the

greatest part of his troops; but that, desiring to be as useful as

possible in preventing the coming of Michael, he so far disobeyed that

order as to bring with him a considerable body of the best of his

soldiers, sending the rest home under the conduct of Welleta Selassé;

but that on the 26th, early in the morning, he had been surprised

by Confu and Engedan, who, without any cause alledged, had killed

and dispersed all his troops, and taken from them all the horses

and mules they could lay their hands on: that they after followed

Welleta Selassé, and had come up with him unawares, just as he entered

Guesgué, had defeated him, and that Ayto Engedan, in the beginning of

the fight, had slain him with his own hand, by wounding him in the

throat with a lance when stretching out his hand to parley; after

which, they had set fire to nine villages in Guesgué, and given the

plunder to their soldiers.

In the mean time Powussen had not disregarded the request of Socinios.

He had attempted to surprise Fasil, but could not pass Aylo, who was

at Emfras, without falling upon him first, which he did, dispersing

his troops with little resistance. Upon the first intelligence of

this, Fasil proclaimed Tecla Haimanout king; and, striking his tents,

sat down at Abba Samuel, a collection of villages about two miles

from Gondar, inviting all people, that would escape the vengeance of

Ras Michael, to come and join him, and leave Gondar. From this he

retreated near to Dingleber, on the side of the lake, and intercepted

all provisions coming to Gondar, which occasioned a very great famine,

and many poor people died.

Hitherto I had no intercourse with Socinios, never having been in his

presence, but when the Galla, the murderer of Joas, was tried; nor had

I any reason to think he knew me, or cared for me more than any Greek

that was in Gondar; but I had a good friend at court, who waked when I

slept, and did not suffer me to pass unknown; this was the Acab Saat,

Salama, who had instigated the king, on the 5th of December, in one of

his drunken fits, to set out from the palace in the night, attended

by a number of banditti, mostly Mahometans, to plunder several

houses; he slew one man, as it was said, with his own hand: among

these devoted houses mine happened to be one, but I was then happily

at Koscam. The next was Metical Aga's, one of whose servants escaped

into a church-yard, the other being slain. The leader of this unworthy

mob was Confu, brother to Guebra Mehedin. Every thing that could

be carried away was stolen or broken; among which was a reflecting

telescope, a barometer, and thermometer; a great many papers and

sketches of drawings, first torn, then burnt by Confu's own hand, with

many curses and threats against me.

The next day, about nine o'clock, I had a message to come to the

palace, where I went, and was immediately admitted. Socinios was

sitting, his eyes half closed, red as scarlet with last night's

debauch; he was apparently at that moment much in liquor; his mouth

full of tobacco, squirting his spittle out of his mouth to a very

great distance; with this he had so covered the floor, that it was

with very great difficulty I could chuse a clean place to kneel

and make my obeisance. He was dressed like the late king, but, in

every thing else, how unlike! my mind was filled with horror and

detestation, to see the throne on which he sat so unworthily occupied.

I regarded him as I advanced with the most perfect contempt: Hamlet's

lines described him exactly:--

A murtherer and a villain:

A slave, that is not twentieth part the tithe

Of your preceding lord; a vice of kings;

A cutpurse of the empire, and the rule,

That from a shelf the precious diadem stole

And put it in his pocket;

A king of shreds and patches.

SHAKESPEARE.

It requires something of innate royalty to personate a king.

When I got up and stood before him, he seemed to be rather

disconcerted, and not prepared to say any thing to me. There were

few people there besides servants, most men of consideration having

left Gondar, and gone with Fasil. After two or three squirts through

his teeth, and a whisper from his brother Chremation, whom I had

never before seen--"Wherefore is it, says he, that you who are a

_great man_, do not attend the palace? you were constantly with Tecla

Haimanout, the exile, or usurper, in peace and war: you used to

ride with him, and divert him with your tricks on horseback, and, I

believe, ate and drank with him. Where is all that money you got from

Ras el Feel, of which province, I am told, you are still governor,

though you conceal it? How dare you keep Yasine in that government,

and not allow Abd el Jelleel, who is my slave, appointed to enter and

govern that province?" I waited patiently till he had said all he

had to say, and made a slight inclination of the head. I answered,

"I am no great man, even in my own country; one proof of this is my

being here in yours. I arrived in the time of the late king, and I

was recommended to him by his friends in Arabia. You are perfectly

well-informed as to the great kindness he did all along shew me, but

this was entirely from his goodness, and no merit of mine. I never

did eat or drink with him; it was an honour I could not have been

capable of aspiring to. Custom has established the contrary; and

for me, I saw no pleasure or temptation to transgress this custom,

though it had been in my option, as it was not. I have, for the most

part, seen him eat and drink; an honour I enjoyed in common with his

confidential servants, as being an officer of his household. The gold

you mention, which I have several times got from the late King and Ras

el Feel, I constantly spent for his service, and for my own honour.

But at present I am neither governor of Ras el Feel, nor have I any

post under heaven, nor do I desire it. Yasine, I suppose, holds his

from Ayto Confu his superior, who holds it from the king by order of

Ras Michael, but of this I know nothing. As for tricks on horseback,

I know not what you mean. I have for many years been in constant

practice of horsemanship among the Arabs. Mine, too, is a country of

horsemen; and I profess to have attained to a degree not common, the

management both of the lance and of fire-arms; but I am no buffoon,

to shew tricks. The profession of arms is my birth-right derived from

my ancestors, and with these, at his desire, I have often diverted the

king, as an amusement worthy of him, and by no means below me."--"The

king! says he in a violent passion, and who then am I? a slave! Do you

know, with a stamp of my foot I can order you to be hewn to pieces in

an instant. You are a Frank, a dog, a liar, and a slave! Why did you

tell the Iteghé that your house was robbed of 50 ounces of gold? Any

other king but myself would order your eyes to be pulled out in a

moment, and your carcase to be thrown to the dogs."

What he said was true; bad kings have most executioners. I was not,

however, dismayed; I was in my own mind, stranger and alone, superior

to such a beast upon a throne. "The Iteghé, said I, is at present

at Koscam, and will inform you if I told her of any gold that was

stolen from me, except a gold-mounted knife which the late king gave

me at Dingleber the day after the battle of Limjour, and which was

accidentally left in my house, as I had not worn it since he went to

Tigrè." He squirted at this moment an arch of tobacco-spittle towards

me, whether on purpose or not I do not know. I felt myself very much

moved; it narrowly missed me. At this instant an old man, of a noble

appearance, who sat in a corner of the room next him, got up, and,

in a firm tone of voice, said, "I can bear this no longer; we shall

become a proverb, and the hatred of all mankind. What have you to do

with Yagoube, or why did you send for him? he was favoured by the late

king, but not more than I have seen Greeks or Armenians in all the

late reigns; and yet these very people confess, in their own country,

they are not worthy of being his servants. He is a friend, not only

to the king, but to us all: the whole people love him. As for myself,

I never spoke to him twice before; when he might have gone to Tigrè

with Michael his friend, he staid at Gondar with us: so you, of all

others, have least reason to complain of him, since he has preferred

you to the Ras, tho' you have given him nothing. As for riding, I

wish Yagoube had just rode with you as much as with Tecla Haimanout,

and you spent as much time with him as your predecessor did; last

night's disgrace would not then have fallen upon us, at least would

have been confined to the limits of your own kingdom; you would have

neither disobliged Fasil nor the Iteghé; and, when the day of trial is

at hand, you would have been better able to answer it, than, by going

on at this rate, there is any appearance you will be." This person,

I understood afterwards, was Ras Sanuda, nephew to the Iteghé, and

son of Ras Welled de l'Oul; he had been banished to Kuara in the late

king's time, so I had no opportunity of knowing him.

All the time of this harangue Socinios's eyes were mostly shut, and

his mouth open, and slavering tobacco; he was rolling from side to

side scarcely preserving his equilibrium. When Sanuda stopt, he began

with an air of drollery, "You are very angry to-day, Baba." And

turning to me, said, "Tomorrow, see you bring me that horse which

Yasine sent you to Koscam; and bring me Yasine himself, or you will

hear of it; slave and Frank as you are, enemy to Mary the virgin,

bring me the horse!" Sanuda took me by the hand, saying in a whisper,

"Don't fear him, I am here; but go home; next time you come here you

will have horses enough along with you." He, too, seemed in liquor;

and, making me a sign to withdraw, I left the king and his minister

together with great willingness, and returned to Koscam to the Iteghé,

to whom I told what had passed, and who ordered me to stay near Ozoro

Esther, as in her service, and go no more to the palace.

At this time certain intelligence was received that Ras Michael was

arrived in Lasta with Guigarr, Shum, or chief of the clan called Waag,

once a mortal enemy to Michael, though now at peace with him, and

serving him as his conductor. Through his country is the only passage

from Tigrè to Begemder and Belessen, and many armies have perished by

endeavouring to force it. Michael and the king now passed under the

protection of Guigarr, notwithstanding Powussen had many parties among

the other clans that wished to prevent him. On the 15th of December he

forded the Tacazzè, and turned a little to the left, as if he intended

to pass through the middle of Begemder, though he had really no such

design, but only to bring Powussen to an engagement. Seeing this was

not likely, and only tended to waste time, he pursued his journey

straight towards Gondar, not in his usual way, burning and destroying,

but quietly, correcting abuses, and regulating the police of the

country through which he passed, for he was yet in fear.

The news of his having passed the Tacazzé determined Socinios and

the Iteghé to fly; and they set out accordingly. Socinios directed

his flight, first towards Begemder, but, the next day, turned to

the right, through Dembea, and joined the queen at Azazo, where

great altercations and disputes followed between them. The queen had

engaged the Abuna to attend her, and that prelate had consented, upon

receiving fifteen mules and thirty ounces of gold, which were paid

accordingly: But when the queen sent, the morning of her departure, to

put the Abuna in mind of his promise, his servants stoned the Iteghé's

messenger, without suffering him to approach the house, but they kept

the mules and the gold. The queen continued her flight to Degwassa,

near the lake Tzana, and sent all that was valuable that she had

brought with her, into the island of Dek.

Ayto Engedan and Confu were at hand at the head of large parties

scouring the country, at once protecting the Iteghé, and securing

as many of those of Socinios's people as were thought worthy of

punishment. Sanuda, too, was in arms; and, throwing off the mask,

was now acting under the immediate direction of Ras Michael, and

had apprehended many of those noblemen of Tigrè who had revolted

against the Ras, particularly Guebra Denghel, married to Ras

Michael's granddaughter, descended from one of the noblest houses in

the province, and a man particularly distinguished for generosity,

openness, and affability of manners; and Sebaat Laab and Kefla Mariam,

men of great consideration in Michael's province. Confu and Sanuda

having joined, entered Gondar, and took possession of the king's

house, and put a stop to these excesses and robberies which had become

very frequent since the Iteghé's flight.

One day, while I was sitting at Koscam, Yasine entered the court

before the house, and, coming into the room, fell down and kissed the

ground before me, after the manner they salute their superior. He

told me he came from Ayto Confu, who ordered him to do homage to me

as usual for the province of Ras el Feel, and that I was to come to

him directly, and go out to meet the king, for several of his people

were already arrived at Gondar. I sent him back to Ayto Confu with my

respectful thanks, declined accepting of any office till I should see

the king; and, as he himself had named the place to be Mariam Ohha, I

thought it was my duty to stay till he came there.

In the mean time the unfortunate Socinios continued his flight, in

company with the queen, till they came to the borders of Kuara, her

native country. Those who made Socinios a king had never made him a

friend. It was here suggested, that his presence would infallibly

occasion a pursuit which might endanger the queen, her country, and

all her friends. Upon this it was resolved to abandon the unworthy

Socinios to the soldiers, who stript him naked, giving him only a rag

to cover him, and a good horse, and with these they dismissed him to

seek his fortune.

After a short stay in Kuara, the queen turned to the left towards

Burè. All Maitsha assembled to escort her to Fasil, while he led her

through Damot to the frontiers of Gojam, where she was received in

triumph by her daughter Ozoro Welleta Israel, and Ayto her grandson,

to whom half of that province belonged, and with them she rested at

last in safety, after a long and anxious journey.

On the 21st of December a message came to me from Ozoro Esther,

desiring I would attend her son Confu to meet the king, as his

Fit-Auraris had marked out the camp at Mariam-Ohha; observing, that I

had a very indifferent knife or dagger in my girdle, (that which I had

received from the king being stolen, when my house was plundered) with

her own hands she made me a present of a magnificent one, mounted with

gold which she had chosen with that intention, and laid upon the seat

beside her. She told me she had already sent to acquaint her husband,

Ras Michael, how much she had been obliged to me in his absence, both

for my attention to her and her eldest son, who had been several times

sick since his departure, and that I might expect to receive a kind

reception.

CHAP. III.

_The Author joins the Army at Mariam-Ohha--Reception

there--Universal Terror on the Approach of the Army--Several

great Men of the Rebels apprehended and executed--Great Hardness

of the King's Heart._

Having still some doubt about the propriety of going to Mariam-Ohha,

till the king had taken post there, I appointed with Ayto Confu to

meet him next morning, the 22d, in the plain below the church of

Abbo, where is the pass called Semma Confu, the dangerous path, from

its being always a place where banditti resort to rob passengers in

unsettled times.

In my way through the town, though the day had scarce dawned, numbers

of the king's servants, that had come from Tigrè, flocked about me

with great demonstrations of joy; and, by the time I got into the

plain below Abbo, I had already collected a strong party both of

horse and foot. This was not my intention; I had set out unarmed,

attended only by two Abyssinian servants on horseback, but without

lance or shield, and in this manner I intended to present myself to

the king as one of the suite of Ayto Confu: but all my endeavours were

in vain; and I saw that, making the best of my way, and profiting

of the early time of the morning, was the only method left to avoid

increasing my retinue. I must own the good disposition of these people

to me, and the degree of favour they reported me to be in, and, above

all, Ozoro Esther's assurances had given me great comfort; for several

people of no authority, indeed, had prophesied that Ras Michael would

be much offended at my having thrown a carpet over the body of Joas,

and at my not having gone to Tigrè with him.

I passed the three heaps of stones under which lie the three monks

who were stoned to death in the time of David IV.; and at the bottom

of the hill whereon stands the church of Abbo, I was met by Yasine,

and about 20 horsemen, having on their coats of mail, their helmets

upon their heads, and their viziers down; their pikes perpendicular,

with their points in the air, so that by one motion more, placing them

horizontally in their rests, they were prepared to charge at a word.

I asked Yasine what was the meaning of his being in that equipage in

such hot weather, when there was no enemy? He replied, It was given

him in orders from Ayto Confu last night; and that, with regard to

an enemy, there was one that had seized the pass of Semma Confu, and

obstinately refused to let us through, unless we forced them. Sure,

said I, Ayto Confu knows, that heavy armed-men on horseback are not

fit to force passes through craggy mountains, where they may be all

killed by rolling stones upon them, without their even seeing their

enemy. Strange, strange, said I, (speaking to myself) that any party

should be so audacious as to take post in the king's front, at six

miles distance, and put themselves between him and the capital: I am

sure they heartily deserve to be cut in pieces, and so they certainly

will. Where is Ayto Confu? It was answered by Yasine, That he was gone

forward to the mouth of the pass to reconnoitre it, and would meet us

there. We marched on accordingly, across the plain, about half a mile;

but I was surprised to see all my attendants, that I had picked up by

the way, laughing, excepting Yasine's men, and that none of the rest

made horse, mule, or gun ready as if they were in danger; so that I

began now strongly to suspect some trick on the part of Confu, as he

was much given to jest and sport, being a very young man.

A little before we came to the mouth of the pass, a soldier came

to us and asked who we were? and was answered, it was Yasine, Ayto

Confu's servant at Ras el Feel. To which it was replied, he knew no

such person. He was scarcely gone when another arrived with the same

question. I began to be impatient, as the sun was then growing very

hot; and answered, It was Yagoube, the white man, the king's friend

and servant. I was again answered, No such person could pass there.

The third time, being interrogated by one whom I knew to be Ayto

Confu's servant, Yasine answered, it is Yagoube, the king's governor

of Ras el Feel, with the slave Yasine, the moor, come to do the king

homage, and to die for him, if he commands, in the midst of his

enemies. We were answered, He is welcome: upon which the servant,

going back, brought a drum, and beat it upon the rock, crying, as in

a proclamation, "Yagoube is Governor of Ras el Feel, Commander of

the king's black horse, Lord of Geesh, and Gentleman of the king's

bed-chamber." Here this farce, the contrivance of Ayto Confu, ended.

With him were many more of the king's servants, my old acquaintances,

and we all sat down by a spring-well, under the shade of the rock, to

a hearty breakfast prepared for us by Ozoro Esther.

After this was finished with a great deal of chearfulness, and being

ready to get on horseback, we saw a man running towards us in great

speed, who, upon his arrival, asked us where the king was, and if

we were his Fit-Auraris? To this we made him no answer; but, laying

hold of him, obliged him to declare his errand. He said that he was

a servant of Negadé Ras Mahomet, of Dara, who had apprehended Ayto

Confu, brother of Guebra Mehedin, of whom I have spoken at large,

(never for any good) and that he had brought him along with him.

This miscreant, whom we had found out to be the principal actor and

persuader of the robbery of my house, while in a drunken frolic with

the wretched Socinios, was now in his way before the king, where,

if all his delinquency had been known, he would infallibly have

lost his eyes, his life, or both. He was nephew to the Iteghé, as

has been already mentioned, son to her brother Basha Eusebius, and

consequently cousin-german to Ayto Confu himself, who, with great

diffidence, asked me if I could pardon his cousin, and allow him to

be delivered out of Mahomet's hands, which, ill as he deserved of me,

I very readily complied with; for I would not for the world have had

it thought that I was the occasion of his death, after it had been so

often said, though falsely, that I had been the cause of that of his

brother. Mahomet delivered him to Confu and me, without hesitation,

and promised not to complain to Ras Michael; but he threatened, if

ever again he fell into his hands, that he would certainly put him to

death, which he well saw would not be very disagreeable to any of his

relations, provided it happened in the field, or any other way than by

the hands of a public executioner. Ayto Confu, however, insisted upon

bringing him out, and correcting him publicly, though he was by ten

years the younger of the two; and the wretch was accordingly severely

whipt with wands, and delivered after to a servant of Ozoro Esther's

to conduct him to some safe place, where he might be out of the reach

of Ras Michael, at least for a time.

We now got on horseback, and having ordered Yasine and his soldiers to

disarm, we all went in the habit of peace, with joyful hearts, to meet

the king, who was already arrived at Mariam-Ohha, and was encamped

there since about eleven o'clock that forenoon.

My first business was to wait on Ras Michael, who, tho' very busy,

admitted me immediately upon being announced. This was a compliment

I was under no necessity of paying him, as the king's servant; but I

was resolved to take nothing upon me, but appear in all the humility

of a private stranger. This he quickly perceived, so that, when he saw

me approaching near him to kiss the ground, he made an effort as if

to rise, which he never did, being lame, nor could do without help;

stretching out his hand as if to prevent me, repeated the words in a

hurry, _be gzeir, be gzeir_, or, for God's sake don't, for God's sake

don't. However, the compliment was paid. As soon as I arose, without

desiring me to sit down, he asked aloud, Have you seen the king? I

said, Not yet. Have you any complaint to make against any one, or

grace to ask? I answered, None, but the continuance of your favour. He

answered, That I am sure I owe you; go to the king. I took my leave. I

had been jostled and almost squeezed to death attempting to enter, but

large room was made me for retiring.

The reception I had met with was the infallible rule according to

which the courtiers were to speak to me from that time forward. Man

is the same creature everywhere, although different in colour: the

court of London and that of Abyssinia are, in their principles, one. I

then went immediately to the king in the presence-chamber. His largest

tent was crowded to a degree of suffocation; I resolved, therefore, to

wait till this throng was over, and was going to my own tent, which

my servants pitched near that of Kefla Yasous, by that general's own

desire, but before I could reach it I was called by a servant from the

king. Though the throng had greatly decreased, there was still a very

crowded circle.

The king was sitting upon an ivory stool, such as are represented

upon ancient medals; he had got this as a present from Arabia since

he went to Tigrè; he was plainly, but very neatly dressed, and his

hair combed and perfumed. When I kissed the ground before him, "There,

says he, is an arch rebel, what punishment shall we inflict upon him?"

"Your majesty's justice, said I, will not suffer you to inflict any

punishment upon me that can possibly equal the pleasure I feel this

day at seeing you sitting there." He smiled with great good nature,

giving me first the back, and then the palm of his hand to kiss. He

then made me a sign to stand in my place, which I immediately did for

a moment; and, seeing he was then upon business, which I knew nothing

of, I took leave of him, and could not help reflecting, as I went,

that, of all the vast multitude then in my sight, I was, perhaps, the

only one destitute either of hope or fear.

All Gondar, and the neighbouring towns and villages, had poured out

their inhabitants to meet the king upon his return. The fear of Ras

Michael was the cause of all this; and every one trembled, lest, by

being absent, he should be thought a favourer of Socinios.

The side of the hill, which slopes gently from Belessen, is here

very beautiful; it is covered thick with herbage down to near the

foot, where it ends in broken rocks. The face of this hill is of

great extent, exposed to the W. and S. W.; a small, but clear-running

stream, rising in Belessen, runs through the middle of it, and falls

into the Mogetch. It is not considerable, being but a brook, called

Mariam-Ohha, (_i. e._ the water of Mariam) from a church dedicated

to the Virgin, near where it rises in Belessen; an infinite number

of people spread themselves all over the hill, covered with cotton

garments as white as snow. The number could not be less than 50 or

60,000 men and women, all strewed upon the grass promiscuously. Most

of these had brought their victuals with them, others trusted to

their friends and acquaintances in the army; the soldiers had plenty

of meat; as soon as the king had crossed the Tacazzé all was lawful

prize; and though they did not murder or burn, as was Michael's custom

in his former marches, yet they drove away all the cattle they could

seize, either in Begemder or Belessen. Besides this, a great quantity

of provisions of every sort poured in from the neighbourhood of

Gondar, in presents to the king and great men, though there was really

famine in that capital, by the roads being every way obstructed; there

was plenty, however, in the camp.

It was then the month of December, the fairest time of the year, when

the sun was in the southern tropic, and no danger from rain in the

day, nor in the night from dew; so that, if the remembrance of the

past had not hung heavy on some hearts, it was a party of pleasure,

of the most agreeable kind, to convoy the king to his capital. The

priests from all the convents for many miles round, in dresses of

yellow and white cotton, came, with their crosses and drums, in

procession, and greatly added to the variety of the scene. Among

these were 300 of the monks of Koscam, with their large crosses, and

kettle-drums of silver, the gift of the Iteghé in the days of her

splendour; at present it was very doubtful what their future fate was

to be, after their patroness had fled from Koscam. But what most drew

the attention of all ranks of people, was the appearance of the Abuna

and Itchegué, whose character, rank, and dignity exempted them from

leaving Gondar to meet the king himself; but they were then in great

fear, and in the form of criminals, and were treated with very little

respect or ceremony by the soldiers, who considered them as enemies.

It will be remembered, upon a report being spread just after the

election of Socinios, that Ras Michael's affairs were taking an

adverse turn while besieging the mountain Haramat; that the Abuna,

Itchegué, and Acab Saat, had solemnly excommunicated the king, Ras

Michael, and all their adherents, declaring them accursed, and

absolving all people from their allegiance to Tecla Haimanout. But as

soon as the king began his march from Tigrè, application for pardon

was made through every channel possible, and it was not without great

difficulty that Ras Michael could be brought to pardon them, chiefly

by the entreaty of Ozoro Esther. But this mortification was prescribed

to them as a condition of forgiveness, that they should meet the king

at Mariam-Ohha, not with drums and crosses, or a retinue, but in the

habit and appearance of supplicants. Accordingly they both came by the

time the king had alighted, but they brought no tent with them, nor

was any pitched for them, nor any honour shewn them.

The Abuna had with him a priest, or monk, on a mule, and two

beggarly-looking servants on foot; the Itchegué two monks, that looked

like servants, distinguished by a cowl only on their heads; they were

both kept waiting till past three o'clock, and then were admitted, and

sharply rebuked by the Ras: they after went to the king, who presently

dismissed them without saying a word to either, or without allowing

them to be seated in his presence, which both of them, by their rank,

were entitled to be. I asked the Abuna to make use of my tent to avoid

the sun: this he willingly accepted of, was crest-fallen a little,

spoke very lowly and familiarly; said he had always a regard for me,

which I had no reason to believe; desired me to speak favourable of

him before the King and the Ras, which I promised faithfully to do. I

ordered coffee, which he drank with great pleasure, during which he

gave me several hints, as if he thought his pardon was not compleated;

and at last asked me directly what were my sentiments, and what I had

heard? I said, I believed every thing was favourable as to him and the

Itchegué, but I did not know how much farther the king's forgiveness

would extend. I know, says he, what you mean; that Abba Salama, (curse

upon him) he is the author of it all: What do I know of these black

people, who am a stranger, so lately come into the country? and,

indeed, he seemed to know very little; for, besides his native Arabic,

which he spoke like a peasant, he had not learned one word of any of

the various languages used in the country in which he was to live and

die. Having finished coffee, I left him speaking to some of his own

people; about half an hour afterwards, he went away.

Ras Michael had brought with him from Tigrè about 20,000 men, the

best soldiers of the empire; about 6000 of these were musqueteers,

about 12,000 armed with lances and shields, and about 6000 men had

joined them from Gondar; a large proportion of these were horsemen,

who were scouring the country in all directions, bringing with them

such unhappy people as deserved to be, and were therefore destined for

public example.

The short way from Tigrè to Gondar was by Lamalmon, (that is the

mountain of Samen) and by Woggora. Ayto Tesfos had maintained

himself in the government of Samen since Joas's time, by whom he was

appointed; he had continued constantly in enmity with Ras Michael,

and had now taken possession of the passes near the Tacazzé, so as to

cut off all communication between Gondar and Tigrè. On the side of

Belessen, between Lasta and Begemder, was Ras Michael and his army.

Powussen and the Begemder troops cut off the road to Gojam by Foggora

and Dara. Ayto Engedan, who was to be considered as an advanced post

of Fasil, was at Tshemmera, in the way of the Agow and Maitsha, and

Coque Abou Barea on the N. W. side, towards Kuara; so that Gondar was

so completely invested, that several of the people died with hunger.

Ras Michael had ordered his own nephew, Tecla and Welleta Michael,

the king's master of the household, to endeavour to force their way

from Tigrè to Woggora, and open that communication, if possible, with

Gondar; and for that purpose had left him 4000 men in the province of

Siré, on the other side of the Tacazzé; and now scarce was his tent

pitched at Mariam-Ohha, when he detached Kefla Yasous with 6000 men to

force a junction with Michael and Tecla from the Woggora side. Their

orders were, if possible, to draw Tesfos to an engagement, but not to

venture to storm him in the mountain; for Tesfos's principal post, the

Jews Rock, was inaccessible, where he had plowed and sowed plentifully

for his subsistence, and had a quantity of the purest running-water

at all seasons of the year: to irritate Tesfos more, Kefla Yasous

was then named governor of Samen in his place. This brave and active

officer had set out immediately for his command, and it was to me the

greatest disappointment possible, that I did not see him.

Although Ras Michael had been in council all night, the signal was

made to strike the tents at the first dawn of day, and soon after,

the whole army was in motion; the council had been in the Ras's tent,

not in presence of the king, with whom I had staid the most part of

the evening, indeed, till late in the night; he seemed to have lost

all his former gaiety, and to be greatly troubled in mind; inquired

much about the Iteghé, and Fasil; told me he had sent his assurance

of peace to the Iteghé, and desired her not to leave Koscam: but she

had returned for answer, that she could not trust Michael, after the

threatenings he had sent against her from Tigrè. It was observed also,

in this day's march, that, contrary to his custom before crossing

the Tacazzé, he received all that came out to meet him with a sullen

countenance, and scarce ever answered or spake to them. Michael also,

every day since the same date, had put on a behaviour more and more

severe and brutal. He had enough of this at all times.

It was the 23d of December when we encamped on the Mogetch, just below

Gondar. This behaviour was so conspicuous to the whole people, that no

sooner were the tents pitched, (it being about eleven o'clock) than

they all stole home to Gondar in small parties without their dinner,

and presently a report was spread that the king and Ras Michael came

determined to burn the town, and put the inhabitants all to the sword.

This occasioned the utmost consternation, and caused many to fly to

Fasil.

As for me, the king's behaviour shewed me plainly all was not right,

and an accident in the way confirmed it. He had desired me to ride

before him, and shew him the horse I had got from Fasil, which was

then in great beauty and order, and which I had kept purposely for

him. It happened that, crossing the deep bed of a brook, a plant of

the kantuffa hung across it. I had upon my shoulders a white goat

skin, of which it did not take hold; but the king, who was dressed

in the habit of peace, his long hair floating all around his face,

wrapt up in his mantle, or thin cotton cloak, so that nothing but his

eyes could be seen, was paying more attention to the horse than to

the branch of kantuffa beside him; it took first hold of his hair,

and the fold of the cloak that covered his head, then spread itself

over his whole shoulder in such a manner, that, notwithstanding all

the help that could be given him, and that I had, at first seeing it,

cut the principal bough asunder with my knife, no remedy remained but

he must throw off the upper garment, and appear in the under one, or

waistcoat, with his head and face bare before all the spectators.

This is accounted great disgrace to a king, who always appears covered

in public. However, he did not seem to be ruffled, nor was there any

thing particular in his countenance more than before, but with great

composure, and in rather a low voice, he called twice, Who is the Shum

of this district? Unhappily he was not far off. A thin old man of

sixty, and his son about thirty, came trotting, as their custom is,

naked to their girdle, and stood before the king, who was, by this

time, quite cloathed again. What had struck the old man's fancy, I

know not, but he passed my horse laughing, and seemingly wonderfully

content with himself. I could not help considering him as a type of

mankind in general, never more confident and careless than when on the

brink of destruction; the king asked if he was Shum of that place? he

answered in the affirmative, and added, which was not asked of him,

that the other was his son.

There is always near the king, when he marches, an officer called

Kanitz Kitzera, the executioner of the camp; he has upon the tore of

his saddle a quantity of thongs made of bull hide, rolled up very

artificially, this is called the _tarade_. The king made a sign with

his head, and another with his hand, without speaking, and two loops

of the tarade were instantly thrown round the Shum and his son's neck,

and they were both hoisted upon the same tree, the tarade cut, and the

end made fast to a branch. They were both left hanging, but I thought

so aukwardly, that they should not die for some minutes, and might

surely have been saved had any one dared to cut them down; but fear

had fallen upon every person who had not attended the king to Tigrè.

This cruel beginning seemed to me an omen that violent resolutions

had been taken, the execution of which was immediately to follow;

for though the king had certainly a delight in the shedding of human

blood in the field, yet till that time I never saw him order an

execution by the hands of the hangman; on the contrary, I have often

seen him shudder and express disgust, lowly and in half words, at

such executions ordered every day by Ras Michael. In this instance he

seemed to have lost that feeling; and rode on, sometimes conversing

about Fasil's horse, or other indifferent subjects, to those who were

around him, without once reflecting upon the horrid execution he had

then so recently occasioned.

In the evening of the 23d, when encamped upon the Mogetch, came

Sanuda, the person who had made Socinios king, and who had been Ras

under him; he was received with great marks of favour, in reward of

the treacherous part he had acted. He brought with him prisoners,

Guebra Denghel, the Ras's son-in-law, one of the best and most amiable

men in Abyssinia, but who had unfortunately embraced the wrong side

of the question; and with him Sebaat Laab and Kefla Mariam, both men

of great families in Tigrè. These were, one after the other, thrown

violently on their faces before the king. I was exceedingly distressed

for Guebra Denghel; he prayed the king with the greatest earnestness

to order him to be put to death before the door of his tent, and not

delivered to his cruel father-in-law. To this the king made no answer,

nor did he shew any signs of pity, but waved his hand, as a sign to

carry them to Ras Michael, where they were put in custody and loaded

with irons.

About two hours later came Ayto Aylo, son of Kasmati Eshtè, whom

the king had named governor of Begemder; he brought with him

Chremation brother to Socinios, and Abba Salama the Acab Saat, who

had excommunicated his father, and been instrumental in his murder by

Fasil. I had a great curiosity to see how they would treat the Acab

Saat, for my head was full of what I had read in the European books of

exemption that churchmen had in this country from the jurisdiction of

the civil power.

Aylo had made his legs to be tied under the mule's belly, his hands

behind his back, and a rope made fast to them, which a man held in his

hand on one side, while another led the halter of the mule on the

other, both of them with lances in their hands. Chremation had his

hands bound, but his legs were not tied, nor was there any rope made

fast to his hands by which he was held. While they were untying Abba

Salama, I went into the presence-chamber, and stood behind the king's

chair. Very soon after Aylo's men brought in their prisoners, and, as

is usual, threw them down violently with their faces to the ground;

their hands being bound behind them, they had a very rude fall upon

their faces.