We will not have it so, we who are Americans by birth or adoption. We
reject these impudent pretensions. Changes the American people will
make as their need becomes apparent, improvements they welcome, the
greatest attainable well-being for all those under our national
roof-tree is their aim; but they will do all that in the American way
of sane and orderly progress--and in none other.
Against foes within no less than against enemies without they will
know how to preserve and protect the splendid structure of light and
order which is the great and treasured inheritance of all those who
rightly bear the name Americans, of which the stewardship is entrusted
to them and which, God willing, they will hand on to their children
sound and wholesome, unshaken and undefiled.
The time is ripe and over-ripe to call a halt upon these spreaders of
outlandish and pernicious doctrines. The American is indulgent to a
fault and slow to wrath. But he is now passing through a time of
tension and strain. His teeth are set and his nerves on edge. He sees
more closely approaching every day the dark valley through which his
sons and brothers must pass and from which too many, alas, will not
return. It is an evil time to cross him. He is not in the temper to be
trifled with. He is apt very suddenly to bring down the indignant fist
of his might upon those who would presume on his habitual mood of
easy-going good nature.
When I speak of the militant Bolsheviki in our midst as foes of
national unity I mean to include those of American stock who are their
allies, comrades or followers--those who put a narrow class interest
and a sloppy internationalism above patriotism, with whom class hatred
and envy have become a consuming passion, whom visionary obsessions
and a false conception of equality have inflamed to the point of
irresponsibility. But I am far from meaning to reflect upon those who,
while determined Socialists, are patriotic Americans.
I believe the Socialistic state to be an impracticable conception, a
utopian dream, human nature being what it is, and the immutable laws
of nature being what they are. But there is not a little in
Socialistic doctrine and aspirations that is high and noble; there are
things, too, that are achievable and desirable.
And to the extent that Socialism is an antidote to and a check upon
excessive individualism and holds up to a busy and self-centred and
far from perfect world, grievances to be remedied, wrongs to be
righted, ideals to be striven for, it is a force distinctly for good.
Still less do I mean to reflect upon the labour union movement, which
I regard as an absolutely necessary element in the scheme of our
economic life. Its leaders have acted with admirable patriotism in
this crisis of the Nation, and on the whole have been a factor against
extreme tendencies and irrational aspirations.
Trades unions have not only come to stay, but they are bound, I think,
to become an increasingly potent factor in our industrial life. I
believe that the most effective preventive against extreme State
Socialism is frank, free and far-reaching co-operation between
business and trades unions sobered and broadened increasingly by
enhanced opportunities, rights and responsibilities.
And I believe that a further and highly important element which can be
counted upon in this country to stand against extreme and destructive
tendencies is the bulk of the men and women who are engaged in the
nation's greatest and most vital interest, agriculture, provided that
the persistent agitation of the demagogue among the farming population
is adequately met and that due and timely heed and satisfaction are
given to their just requirements and aspirations.
V
Business must not deal grudgingly with labour. We business men must
not look upon labour unrest and aspirations as temporary "troubles,"
as a passing phase, but we must give to labour willing and liberal
recognition as partner with capital. We must under all circumstances
pay as a minimum a decent living wage to everyone who works for a
living. We must devise means to cope with the problem of unemployment
and to meet the dread advent of sickness, incapacity and old age in
the case of those whose means do not permit them to provide for a
rainy day.
We must bridge the gulf which now separates the employer and the
employee, the business man and the farmer, if the existing order of
civilization is to persist. We must welcome progress and seek to
further social justice. We must translate into effective action our
sympathy for and our recognition of the rights of those whose life, in
too many cases, is now a hard and weary struggle to make both ends
meet, and who too often are oppressed by the gnawing care of how to
find the wherewithal to provide for themselves and their families. We
must, by deeds, demonstrate convincingly the genuineness of our desire
to see their burden lightened.
We must all join in a sincere and sustained effort towards procuring
for the masses of the people more of ease and comfort, more of the
rewards and joys of life than they now possess. I believe this is not
only our duty but our interest, because if we wish to preserve the
fundamental lines of our present social system we must leave nothing
practicable undone to make it more satisfactory and more inviting than
it is now to the vast majority of those who toil. And I do not mean
those only who toil with their hands, but also the professional men,
the men and women in modest salaried positions, in short, the workers
in every occupation.
Even before the war, a great stirring and ferment was going on in the
land. The people were groping, seeking for a new and better condition
of things. The war has intensified that movement. It has torn great
fissures in the ancient structure of our civilization. To restore it
will require the co-operation of all patriotic men of sane and
temperate views, whatever may be their occupation or calling or
political affiliations.
It cannot be restored just as it was before. The building must be
rendered more habitable and attractive to those whose claim for
adequate house-room cannot be left unheeded, either justly or safely.
Some changes, essential changes, must be made.
I have no fear of the outcome and of the readjustment which must come.
I have no fear of the forces of freedom unless they be ignored,
repressed, or falsely and selfishly led.
But this is not the time for settling complex social questions. When
your house is being invaded by burglars you do not discuss family
questions. Let us win the war first. Nothing else must now be
permitted to occupy our thoughts and divert our aims.
When we shall have attained victory and peace, then will be the time
for us to sit down and reason together and make such changes in
political and social conditions as, after full and fair discussion,
free from heat and passion, the enlightened public opinion of the
country deems requisite.