RENOMINATED.
Lieut. Gen. Grant--His Military Record--Continued Movements--
Correspondence with the President--Across the Rapidan--Richmond
Invested--President’s Letter to a Grant Meeting--Meeting of
Republican National Convention--The Platform--The Nomination--
Mr. Lincoln’s Reply to the Committee of Notification--Remarks to
Union League Committee--Speech at a Serenade--Speech to Ohio
Troops.
In 1864, those grand military combinations were planned and had their
commencement which were to give the quietus to that gigantic rebellion,
which, as we had been gravely and repeatedly assured by patronizing
foreigners and ill-wishers of the Republic here at home, could never
be subdued--to which, they being judges, the United States would
eventually be forced to succumb.
On the 2nd of March, the President approved a bill, passed by Congress
on the 26th of February, reviving the grade of Lieutenant-General
in the Army, to which position he at once nominated, and the Senate
unanimously confirmed, Ulysses S. Grant, then Major-General.
Like the President, Gen. Grant sprang from “plain people;” arose from
humble circumstances, and had none of those advantages of birth, or
family connections, or large estate, which have so often furnished
such material leverage for men who have attained distinction. Entering
the army as Colonel of an Illinois regiment, on the point of being
disbanded, which within a month he had made noticeable for its
discipline and character, even when compared with those noteworthy
regiments which Illinois has furnished; promoted to the grade of
Brigadier-General; preventing, by the battle of Belmont--criticised
at the time, but, like many other engagements, little understood--the
reinforcement of the rebels in Southern Missouri by troops from
Columbus; seizing, with a strong force, which he had quietly gathered
near Smithland, almost at one fell swoop, Forts Henry and Donelson--a
rebel army, with artillery, and material, being captured in each;
starting the till then defiant rebels on a run from Kentucky and
Tennessee, which did not end until they reached Corinth; next fighting
the battle of Shiloh, a critical point of the war, with Sherman as
Chief Lieutenant--Shiloh, of which he said, at the close of the first
day’s fight, when every thing seemed against us, “Tough work to-day,
but we’ll beat them to-morrow;” superseded by Buell, patiently sitting
at the long, unprofitable siege of Corinth, until he was transferred
to Vicksburg, which in due time greeted him with the surrender of
another rebel army, reopening the Father of Waters to navigation; then
Chattanooga, which he ordered Thomas to hold fast, and not to give up,
if he starved--and it was not given up, and East Tennessee was freed
from rebels; these had been the prominent points of Grant’s military
career during the rebellion up to the time when he was summoned to the
command of all the armies then engaged in its suppression.
On the 9th of March, being upon official business at Washington, the
General was invited to the White House, and addressed as follows by the
President, who handed him his commission:
“GENERAL GRANT:--The expression of the nation’s approbation of what
you have already done, and its reliance on you for what remains
to do in the existing great struggle, is now presented with this
commission, constituting you Lieutenant-General of the Army of the
United States.
“With this high honor devolves on you an additional responsibility.
As the country herein trusts you, so, under God, it will sustain
you. I scarcely need add, that with what I here speak for the
country, goes my own hearty personal concurrence.”
Sherman having been left in command in the south-west, with
instructions to capture Atlanta, the vital point in Georgia, commenced
that grand series of flanking movements, which, for a time, seemed to
occasion intense satisfaction to the rebels, whose commander, Johnston,
upon all occasions had Sherman exactly where he wished him; while
Grant--taciturn, cool, and collected, with no set speeches, no flourish
of reviews--proceeded with the difficult task which he had taken in
hand--the annihilation or capture of Lee’s army, the mainstay of the
rebels’ military resources, and the occupation of Richmond.
On the 30th of April, the President addressed the following letter to
the new Commander:
“LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:--Not expecting to see you before the
spring campaign opens, I wish to express in this way my entire
satisfaction with what you have done up to this time, so far as I
understand it. The particulars of your plan I neither know, nor
seek to know. You are vigilant and self-reliant; and pleased with
this, I wish not to obtrude any restraints or constraints upon you.
While I am very anxious that any great disaster or capture of our
men in great numbers shall be avoided, I know that these points are
less likely to escape your attention than they would be mine.
“If there be any thing wanting which is in my power to give, do
not fail to let me know it. And now, with a brave army and a just
cause, may God sustain you!
“Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN.”
To which the General, from Culpepper Court House, Va., on the 1st of
May, thus replied:
“TO THE PRESIDENT:--Your very kind letter is just received. The
confidence you express for the future and satisfaction for the
past, in my military administration, is acknowledged with pride. It
shall be my earnest endeavor that you and the country shall not be
disappointed.
“From my first entrance into the volunteer service of the country
to the present day, I have never had cause of complaint, have never
expressed or implied a complaint against the Administration, or the
Secretary of War, for throwing any embarrassment in the way of my
vigorously prosecuting what appeared to be my duty.
“Indeed, since the promotion which placed me in command of all the
armies, and in view of the great responsibility and importance of
success, I have been astonished at the readiness with which every
thing asked for has been yielded, without even an explanation being
asked. Should my success be less than I desire and expect, the
least I can say is, the fault is not with you.
“Very truly, your obedient servant,
“U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.”
Beginning at the right end--profiting by the experience of
others--wasting no time nor strength in mere display--promptly
breaking up, as an essential preliminary, the cliques and cabals which
had so long hindered the usefulness of the Army of the Potomac--when
the Lieutenant-General was at last ready, he moved across the Rapidan,
was attacked impetuously by Lee with his whole army before he had
fairly posted his own--“Any other man,” said Mr. Lincoln, “would
have been on this side of the Rapidan after the first three days’
fighting”--still fought--moved by the left flank--fought on--prepared,
after six days very heavy work, as he telegraphed the President, “to
fight it out on that line, if it took all summer”--outgeneralled Lee
at Spottsylvania Court House--secured his position--and held it till
the contemplated movements in other quarters should place the prize he
aimed at within his grasp.
Holding his ground, undeterred by an attempted diversion, in July,
in the shape of a rebel raid toward Washington and an invasion
of Maryland--a favorite summer pastime, in those days, for the
Confederates--he bided his time, his teeth fixed, and the utmost
efforts of his wily opponent could not induce him to relax that grim
hold. Richmond papers sneered and scolded and abused--proved that he
ought to have acted entirely otherwise--asseverated that he was no
strategist, but simply a lucky blunderer, a butcher on a vast scale;
and rebel sympathizers in the North served up, in talk and print,
approved re-hashes of the same staple, and were in the highest dudgeon
that General McClellan was not recalled instanter to save the Capital
at least, if not to take Richmond. But Grant still held on--the teeth
still set--and could not be moved.
While this campaign was progressing, the President addressed the
following letter to the Committee of Arrangements of a mass meeting
in New York, which had been called as a testimonial of confidence in
General Grant, and of satisfaction that his efforts had been crowned
with so large a measure of success:
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, June 3d, 1864.
“GENTLEMEN:--Your letter inviting me to be present at a mass
meeting of the loyal citizens to be held at New York on the
4th instant, for the purpose of expressing gratitude to
Lieutenant-General Grant for his signal services, was received
yesterday. It is impossible for me to attend. I approve,
nevertheless, whatever may tend to strengthen and sustain General
Grant and the noble armies now under his direction. My previous
high estimate of General Grant has been maintained and heightened
by what has occurred in the remarkable campaign he is now
conducting; while the magnitude and difficulty of the task before
him do not prove less than I expected. He and his brave soldiers
are now in the midst of their great trial, and I trust that at your
meeting you will so shape your good words that they may turn to men
and guns moving to his and their support.
“Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.”
On the 7th of June, the Republican National Convention met at Baltimore
for the purpose of nominating candidates for the Presidency and
Vice-Presidency.
For some time prior to the assembling of this body, the popular
voice had pronounced decidedly in favor of the renomination of Mr.
Lincoln. State Legislatures, mass meetings, State Conventions, the
large majority of the loyal press demanded that the man, to whose
election, constitutionally effected, the rebels had refused to submit
and who, during three years of the most arduous labors, had evinced
his patriotism, his ability, and his integrity, should have the
satisfaction of seeing the work commenced by himself as President
brought to a successful completion while an incumbent of the same high
office.
A few, however, in the ranks of the loyal and patriotic, were not
satisfied that the good work, whose consummation they so ardently and
perhaps, impatiently, desired, had been pushed forward as vigorously
and earnestly as it might have been under other auspices. A portion
of these favored the postponement of the Convention till a later day,
after the fourth of July ensuing, in the expectation that the country
would be in a better condition to judge whether, indeed, Mr. Lincoln
was the best man for the place. Another portion had already assembled
at Chicago and put in nomination, upon a platform devoted mainly to
criticisms of Mr. Lincoln’s Administration without any practical or
pertinent suggestion as to the points wherein improvement was to be
made, General Fremont for the Presidency and General Cochrane as
Vice-President. The former had therefore resigned his commission in the
army, not having been in active service for some time, and accepted the
nomination conditionally that the Baltimore Convention nominated no
other candidate than Mr. Lincoln.
This opposition, however, was more apparent than real. The general
feeling throughout the country was to support that man heartily who
should secure the nomination of the Republican Convention, waiving all
minor questions for the sake of the common weal.
On the second day, the convention adopted by acclamation the following
platform:
“_Resolved_, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen
to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union
and the paramount authority of the Constitution and laws of the
United States; and that, laying aside all differences of political
opinion, we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common
sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do every thing in
our power to aid the Government in quelling by force of arms the
rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the
punishment due to their crimes, the rebels and traitors arrayed
against it.
“_Resolved_, That we approve the determination of the Government of
the United States not to compromise with rebels, nor to offer any
terms of peace except such as may be based upon an ‘unconditional
surrender’ of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance
to the Constitution and laws of the United States, and that we call
upon the Government to maintain this position and to prosecute the
war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression
of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrifice, the
patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the
American people to their country and its free institutions.
“_Resolved_, That, as Slavery was the cause, and now constitutes
the strength, of this rebellion, and as it must be always and
everywhere hostile to the principles of republican government,
justice and the national safety demand its utter and complete
extirpation from the soil of the Republic; and that we uphold and
maintain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its
own defence, has aimed a death-blow at this gigantic evil. We are
in favor, furthermore, of such an amendment to the Constitution, to
be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall
terminate and forever prohibit the existence of Slavery within the
limits of the jurisdiction of the United States.
“_Resolved_, That the thanks of the American people are due to the
soldiers and sailors of the army and of the navy, who have perilled
their lives in defence of their country, and in vindication of the
honor of the flag; that the Nation owes to them some permanent
recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and ample and
permanent provision for those of their survivors who have received
disabling and honorable wounds in the service of the country; and
that the memories of those who have fallen in its defence shall be
held in grateful and everlasting remembrance.
“_Resolved_, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the
unselfish patriotism, and unswerving fidelity to the Constitution
and the principles of American liberty, with which Abraham Lincoln
has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty, the
great duties and responsibilities of the presidential office; that
we approve and indorse, as demanded by the emergency, and essential
to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the Constitution,
the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the Nation
against its open and secret foes; that we approve especially the
Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers
of men heretofore held in Slavery; and that we have full confidence
in his determination to carry these and all other constitutional
measures essential to the salvation of the country into full and
complete effect.
“_Resolved_, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that
harmony should prevail in the National councils, and we regard
as worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who
cordially indorse the principles contained in those resolutions,
and which should characterize the administration of the Government.
“_Resolved_, That the Government owes to all men employed in its
armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection
of the laws of war; and that any violation of these laws or of the
usages of civilized nations in the time of war by the Rebels now in
arms, should be made the subject of full and prompt redress.
“_Resolved_, That the foreign immigration, which in the past has
added so much to the wealth and development of resources and
increase of power to this Nation, the asylum of the oppressed of
all nations, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and
just policy.
“_Resolved_, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the
railroad to the Pacific.
“_Resolved_, That the national faith pledged for the redemption of
the public debt must be kept inviolate, and that for this purpose
we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public
expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation; that it
is the duty of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote
the use of the national currency.
“_Resolved_, That we approve the position taken by the Government
that the people of the United States can never regard with
indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by
force, or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any republican
government on the Western Continent; and that they will view with
extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of this
our country the efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds
for monarchical governments, sustained by a foreign military force
in near proximity to the United States.”
Upon the first ballot for a candidate for President, ABRAHAM LINCOLN
received the vote of every State, except Missouri, whose delegates
voted for Gen. Grant. The nomination having, on motion of a Missourian,
been made unanimous, a scene of the wildest enthusiasm followed, the
whole convention being on their feet shouting, and the band playing
“Hail Columbia.”
For Vice-President, the following names were presented: Andrew Johnson,
of Tennessee; Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine; Gen. L. H. Rousseau, of
Kentucky; and Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York.
As the vote proceeded, it was soon apparent that ANDREW JOHNSON was to
be the nominee; and before the result was announced the various States
whose delegations had been divided, commenced changing their votes, and
went unanimously for Mr. Johnson, amid the greatest enthusiasm.
On the 9th of June, Mr. Lincoln was waited on by a committee of the
convention, and notified of his nomination by the chairman, ex-Governor
Dennison, of Ohio, who, in the course of his address, said:
“I need not say to you, sir, that the Convention, in thus
unanimously nominating you for re-election, but gave utterance to
the almost universal voice of the loyal people of the country.
To doubt of your triumphant election would be little short of
abandoning the hope of a final suppression of the rebellion and the
restoration of the Government over the insurgent States. Neither
the Convention nor those represented by that body entertained any
doubt as to the final result, under your administration, sustained
by the loyal people, and by our noble army and gallant navy.
Neither did the Convention, nor do this Committee doubt the speedy
suppression of this most wicked and unprovoked rebellion.”
In reply the President said:
“MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I will neither
conceal my gratification nor restrain the expression of my
gratitude that the Union people, through their Convention, in the
continued effort to save and advance the nation, have deemed me
not unworthy to remain in my present position. I know no reason
to doubt that I shall accept the nomination tendered; and yet,
perhaps, I should not declare definitely before reading and
considering what is called the platform.
“I will say now, however, that I approve the declaration in favor
of so amending the Constitution as to prohibit slavery throughout
the nation. When the people in revolt, with the hundred days
explicit notice that they could within those days resume their
allegiance without the overthrow of their institutions, and that
they could not resume it afterward, elected to stand out, such an
amendment of the Constitution as is now proposed became a fitting
and necessary conclusion to the final success of the Union cause.
“Such alone can meet and cover all cavils. I now perceive its
importance, and embrace it. In the joint name of Liberty and Union
let us labor to give it legal form and practical effect.”
On the following day, in reply to a congratulatory address from a
deputation of the National Union League, the President said:
“GENTLEMEN:--I can only say in response to the remarks of your
Chairman, I suppose, that I am very grateful for the renewed
confidence which has been accorded to me, both by the Convention
and by the National League. I am not insensible at all to the
personal compliment there is in this; yet I do not allow myself to
believe that any but a small portion of it is to be appropriated as
a personal compliment to me.
“The Convention and the Nation, I am assured, are alike animated
by a higher view of the interests of the country for the present
and the great future, and that part I am entitled to appropriate
as a compliment is only that which I may lay hold of, as being the
opinion of the Convention and the League, that I am not entirely
unworthy to be entrusted with the place I have occupied for the
last three years.
“I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to conclude that I am the
best man in the country; but I am reminded in this connection, of
the story of an old Dutch farmer, who remarked to a companion once,
that ‘it was not best to swop horses when crossing streams.’”
Prolonged and tumultuous laughter followed this last characteristic
remark, given with that telling force which only those who had the
privilege of meeting Mr. Lincoln in his moments of relaxation and
semi-_abandon_ can appreciate.
Having been serenaded, on the 9th, by the delegation from Ohio, he
addressed the assemblage as follows:
“GENTLEMEN:--I am very much obliged to you for this compliment. I
have just been saying, and will repeat it, that the hardest of all
speeches I have to answer is a serenade. I never knew what to say
on such occasions.
“I suppose you have done me this kindness in connection with the
action of the Baltimore Convention, which has recently taken place,
and with which, of course, I am very well satisfied. What we want
still more than Baltimore Conventions or Presidential elections, is
success under General Grant.
“I propose that you constantly bear in mind that the support you
owe to the brave officers and soldiers in the field is of the very
first importance, and we should therefore lend all our energies to
that point.
“Now, without detaining you any longer, I propose that you help
me to close up what I am now saying with three rousing cheers for
General Grant and the officers and soldiers under his command.”
And the cheers were given with a will, the President leading off and
waving his hat with as much earnestness as the most enthusiastic
individual present.
To a regiment of Ohio troops, one hundred days men, volunteers for the
emergency then upon the country, who called, on the 11th, upon Mr.
Lincoln, he spoke as follows:
“SOLDIERS:--I understand you have just come from Ohio--come to help
us in this the nation’s day of trial, and also of its hopes. I
thank you for your promptness in responding to the call for troops.
Your services were never needed more than now. I know not where you
are going. You may stay here and take the places of those who will
be sent to the front; or you may go there yourselves. Wherever you
go, I know you will do your best. Again I thank you. Good-bye.”