CHAPTER XXXVI.

DISCONTENT AND INSURRECTION.

An undeveloped discontent always pervaded the black population of the

South, bond and free. Human bondage is ever fruitful of insurrection,

wherever it exists, and under whatever circumstances it may be found.

The laws forbidding either free people of color or slaves to assemble

in any considerable numbers for religious, or any other purpose,

without two or more whites being present, and the rigorous enforcement

of such laws, show how fearful the slave-masters were of their injured

victims.

Everything was done to make the Negro feel that he was not a man, but

a thing; his inferiority was impressed upon him in all possible ways.

In the great cities of the South, free colored ladies were not allowed

to wear a veil in the streets, or in any public places. A violation of

this law was visited with thirty-nine lashes upon the bare back. The

same was inflicted upon the free colored man who should be seen upon

the streets with a cigar in his mouth, or a walking-stick in his hand.

Both, when walking the streets, were forbidden to take the inside of

the pavement. Punishment of fine and imprisonment was laid upon any

found out of their houses after nine o’clock at night.

An extra tax was placed upon every member of a free colored family.

While all these odious edicts were silently borne by the free colored

people of Charleston, South Carolina, in 1822, there was a suppressed

feeling of indignation, mortification, and discontent, that was only

appreciated by a few. Among the most dissatisfied of the free blacks

was Denmark Vesey, a man who had purchased his freedom in the year

1800, and since that time had earned his living by his trade, being a

carpenter and joiner.

In person, Vesey was tall and of spare make; in color, a dark mulatto;

high forehead; eyes, dark brown; nose, long and with a Roman cast. His

education was superior to that of his associates, and he had read much,

especially of the condition of his own race, and felt deeply for them

in their degraded condition.

Vesey was a native of the West Indies. Having been employed on

shipboard by his master, Captain Vesey, Denmark had seen a great

deal of the world, and had acquired a large fund of information, and

was regarded as a leading man among the blacks. He had studied the

Scriptures, and never lost an opportunity of showing that they were

opposed to chattel-slavery. He spoke freely with the slaves upon the

subject, and often with the whites, where he found he could do so

without risk to his own liberty.

After resolving to incite the slaves to rebellion, he began taking

into his confidence such persons as he could trust, and instructing

them to gain adherents from among the more reliable of both bond and

free. Peter Poyas, a slave of more than ordinary foresight and ability,

was selected by Vesey as his lieutenant; and to him was committed the

arduous duty of arranging the mode of attack, and of acting as the

military leader.

His plans showed some natural generalship; he arranged the night

attack; he planned the enrollment of a mounted troop to scour the

streets; and he had a list of all the shops where arms and ammunition

were kept for sale. He voluntarily undertook the management of the

most difficult part of the enterprise,--the capture of the main

guard-house,--and had pledged himself to advance alone, and surprise

the sentinel. He was said to have a magnetism in his eye, of which his

confederates stood in great awe; if he once got his eye upon a man,

there was no resisting it.

Gullah Jack, Tom Russell, and Ned Bennett. The last two were not less

valuable than Peter Poyas; for Tom was an ingenious mechanic, and made

battle-axes, pikes, and other instruments of death, with which to carry

on the war. All of the above were to be generals of brigades, and were

let into all the secrets of the intended rising. It has long been

the custom in Charleston for the country slaves to visit the city in

great numbers on Sunday, and return to their homes in time to commence

work on the following morning. It was therefore determined by Denmark

to have the rising take place on Sunday. The slaves of nearly every

plantation in the vicinity were enlisted, and were to take part.

The details of the plan, however, were not rashly committed to the

mass of the confederates; they were known only to a few, and were

finally to have been announced after the evening prayer-meeting on

the appointed Sunday. But each leader had his own company enlisted,

and his own work marked out. When the clock struck twelve, all were

to move. Peter Poyas was to lead a party ordered to assemble at South

Bay, and to be joined by a force from James’ Island; he was then to

march up and seize the arsenal and guard-house opposite St. Michael’s

Church, and detach a sufficient number to cut off all white citizens

who should appear at the alarm posts. A second body of negroes, from

the country and the Neck, headed by Ned Bennett, was to assemble on

the Neck and seize the arsenal there. A third was to meet at Governor

Bennett’s Mills, under command of Rolla, another leader, and, after

putting the governor and intendant to death, to march through the

city, or be posted at Cannon’s Bridge, thus preventing the inhabitants

of Cannonsborough from entering the city. A fourth, partly from the

country and partly from the neighboring localities in the city, was to

rendezvous on Gadsden’s Wharf, and attack the upper guard-house.

A fifth, composed of country and Neck negroes, was to assemble at

Bulkley’s farm, two miles and a half from the city, seize the upper

powder magazine, and then march down; and a sixth was to assemble at

Denmark Vesey’s, and obey his orders. A seventh detachment, under

Gullah Jack, was to assemble in Boundary Street, at the head of King

Street, to capture the arms of the Neck company of militia, and to

take an additional supply from Mr. Duquercron’s shop. The naval stores

on Mey’s Wharf were also to be attacked. Meanwhile a horse company,

consisting of many draymen, hostlers, and butcher boys, was to meet at

Lightwood’s Alley, and then scour the streets to prevent the whites

from assembling. Every white man coming out of his own door was to

be killed, and, if necessary, the city was to be fired in several

places--slow match for this purpose having been purloined from the

public arsenal and placed in an accessible position.

The secret and plan of attack, however, were incautiously divulged

to a slave named Devany, belonging to Colonel Prioleau, and he at

once informed his master’s family. The mayor, on getting possession

of the facts, called the city council together for consultation. The

investigation elicited nothing new, for the slaves persisted in their

ignorance of the matter, and the authorities began to feel that they

had been imposed upon by Devany and his informant, when another of

the conspirators, being bribed, revealed what he knew. Arrests after

arrests were made, and the Mayor’s Court held daily examinations for

weeks. After several weeks of incarceration, the accused, one hundred

and twenty in number, were brought to trial: thirty-four were sentenced

to transportation, twenty-seven acquitted by the court, twenty-five

discharged without trial, and thirty-five condemned to death. With but

two or three exceptions, all of the conspirators went to the gallows

feeling that they had acted right, and died like men giving their lives

for the cause of freedom. A report of the trial, written soon after,

says of Denmark Vesey:--

“For several years before he disclosed his intentions to any one, he

appears to have been constantly and assiduously engaged in endeavoring

to embitter the minds of the colored population against the white.

He rendered himself perfectly familiar with all those parts of the

Scriptures which he thought he could pervert to his purpose, and would

readily quote them to prove that slavery was contrary to the laws of

God,--that slaves were bound to attempt their emancipation, however

shocking and bloody might be the consequences,--and that such efforts

would not only be pleasing to the Almighty, but were absolutely

enjoined, and their success predicted, in the Scriptures. His favorite

texts, when he addressed those of his own color, were Zachariah xiv:

1-3, and Joshua vi: 21; and in all his conversations he identified

their situation with that of the Israelites.

The number of inflammatory pamphlets on slavery brought into Charleston

from some of our sister states within the last four years (and once

from Sierra Leone), and distributed amongst the colored population of

the city, for which there was a great facility, in consequence of the

unrestricted intercourse allowed to the persons of color between the

different states in the Union, and the speeches in Congress of those

opposed to the admission of Missouri into the Union, perhaps garbled

and misrepresented, furnished him with ample means for inflaming the

minds of the colored population of this State; and by distorting

certain parts of those speeches, or selecting from them particular

passages, he persuaded but too many that Congress had actually declared

them free, and that they were held in bondage contrary to the laws of

the land.

Even whilst walking through the streets in company with another, he

was not idle; for if his companion bowed to a white person, he would

rebuke him, and observe that all men were born equal, and that he was

surprised that any one would degrade himself by such conduct,--that

he would never cringe to the whites, nor ought any one who had

the feelings of a man. When answered, ‘We are slaves,’ he would

sarcastically and indignantly reply, ‘You deserve to remain slaves;’

and if he were further asked, ‘What can we do?’ he would remark,

‘Go and buy a spelling-book and read the fable of Hercules and the

Wagoner,’ which he would then repeat, and apply it to their situation.

He also sought every opportunity of entering into conversation with

white persons, when they could be overheard by negroes near by,

especially in grog shops; during which conversation, he would artfully

introduce some bold remark on slavery; and sometimes, when, from the

character he was conversing with, he found he might be still bolder, he

would go so far, that, had not his declarations in such situations been

clearly proved, they would scarcely have been credited. He continued

this course until some time after the commencement of the last winter;

by which time he had not only obtained incredible influence amongst

persons of color, but many feared him more than their owners, and, one

of them declared, even more than his God.”

The excitement which the revelations of the trial occasioned, and

the continual fanning of the flame by the newspapers, were beyond

description. Double guard in the city, the country patrol on

horseback and on foot, the watchfulness that was observed on all

plantations, showed the deep feeling of fear pervading the hearts of

the slaveholders, not only in South Carolina, but the fever extended

to the other Southern states, and all seemed to feel that a great

crisis had been passed. And indeed, their fears seem not to have been

without ground, for a more complicated plan for an insurrection could

scarcely have been conceived. And many were of opinion that the rising

once begun, they would have taken the city and held it, and might have

sealed the fate of slavery in the South.[51] But a more successful

effort in rebellion was made in Southampton, Virginia, in the year

1831, at the head of which was Nat Turner.

On one of the oldest and largest plantations in Southampton County,

Virginia, owned by Benjamin Turner, Esq., Nat was born a slave, on

the 2d of October, 1800. His parents were of unmixed African descent.

Surrounded as he was by the superstition of the slave quarters, and

being taught by his mother that he was born for a prophet, a preacher,

and a deliverer of his race, it is not strange that the child should

have imbibed the principles which were afterwards developed in his

career. Early impressed with the belief that he had seen visions, and

received communications direct from God, he, like Napoleon, regarded

himself as a being of destiny. In his childhood Nat was of an amiable

disposition; but circumstances in which he was placed as a slave,

brought out incidents that created a change in his disposition, and

turned his kind and docile feeling into the most intense hatred to the

white race.

Being absent one night from his master’s plantation without a pass,

he was caught by Whitlock and Mull, the two district patrolers, and

severely flogged. This act of cruelty inflamed the young slave, and he

resolved upon having revenge. Getting two of the boys of a neighboring

plantation to join him, Nat obtained a long rope, went out at night

on the road through which the officers had their beat, and stationing

his companions, one on each side of the road, he stretched the rope

across, fastening each end to a tree, and drawing it tight. His rope

thus fixed, and his accomplices instructed how to act their part, Nat

started off up the road. The night being dark, and the rope only six or

eight inches from the ground, the slave felt sure that he would give

his enemies a “high fall.”

Nat hearing them, he called out in a disguised voice, “Is dat you,

Jim?” To this Whitlock replied, “Yes, dis is me.” Waiting until the

white men were near him, Nat started off upon a run, followed by the

officers. The boy had placed a sheet of white paper in the road, so

that he might know at what point to jump the rope, so as not to be

caught in his own trap. Arriving at the signal he sprung over the

rope, and went down the road like an antelope. But not so with the

white men, for both were caught by the legs and thrown so hard upon

the ground that Mull had his shoulder put out of joint, and his face

terribly lacerated by the fall; while Whitlock’s left wrist was

broken, and his head bruised in a shocking manner. Nat hastened home,

while his companions did the same, not forgetting to take with them

the clothesline which had been so serviceable in the conflict. The

patrolers were left on the field of battle, crying, swearing, and

calling for help.

Snow seldom falls as far south as the southern part of Virginia; but

when it does, the boys usually have a good time snow-balling, and on

such occasions the slaves, old and young, women and men, are generally

pelted without mercy, and with no right to retaliate. It was only a

few months after his affair with the patrolers, that Nat was attacked

by a gang of boys, who chased him some distance, snow-balling with all

their power. The slave boy knew the lads, and determined upon revenge.

Waiting till night, he filled his pockets with rocks, and went into

the street. Very soon the same gang of boys were at his heels, and

pelting him. Concealing his face so as not to be known, Nat discharged

his rocks in every direction, until his enemies had all taken to their

heels.

The ill treatment he experienced at the hands of the whites, and the

visions he claimed to have seen, caused Nat to avoid, as far as he

could, all intercourse with his fellow-slaves, and threw around him a

gloom and melancholy that disappeared only with his life.

Both the young slave and his friends averred that a full knowledge of

the alphabet came to him in a single night. Impressed with the belief

that his mission was a religious one, and this impression strengthened

by the advice of his grandmother, a pious but ignorant woman, Nat

commenced preaching when about twenty-five years of age, but never

went beyond his own master’s locality. In stature he was under the

middle size, long-armed, round-shouldered, and strongly marked with

the African features. A gloomy fire burned in his looks, and he had a

melancholy expression of countenance. He never tasted a drop of ardent

spirits in his life, and was never known to smile. In the year 1828 new

visions appeared to Nat, and he claimed to have direct communication

with God. Unlike most of those born under the influence of slavery, he

had no faith in conjuring, fortune-telling, or dreams, and always spoke

with contempt of such things.

Being hired out to cruel masters, he ran away and remained in the woods

thirty days, and could have easily escaped to the free states, as

did his father some years before; but he received, as he says in his

confession a communication from the spirit, which said, “Return to your

earthly master, for he who knoweth his Master’s will, and doeth it not,

shall be beaten with many stripes.” It was not the will of his earthly,

but his heavenly Master that he felt bound to do, and therefore Nat

returned. His fellow-slaves were greatly incensed at him for coming

back, for they knew well his ability to reach Canada, or some other

land of freedom, if he was so inclined.

He says further: “About this time I had a vision, and saw white spirits

and black spirits engaged in battle, and the sun was darkened, the

thunder rolled in the heavens, and blood flowed in streams; and I heard

a voice saying, ‘Such is your luck; such are you called on to see; and

let it come, rough or smooth, you must surely bear it.’”

Some time after this, Nat had, as he says, another vision, in which

the spirit appeared and said, “The serpent is loosened, and Christ has

laid down the yoke he has borne for the sins of men, and you must take

it up, and fight against the serpent, for the time is fast approaching

when the first shall be last, and the last shall be first.” There is no

doubt but that this last sentence filled Nat with enthusiastic feeling

in favor of the liberty of his race, that he had so long dreamed of.

“The last shall be first, and the first shall be last,” seemed to him

to mean something. He saw in it the overthrow of the whites, and the

establishing of the blacks in their stead, and to this end he bent

the energies of his mind. In February, 1831, Nat received his last

communication, and beheld his last vision. He said, “I was told I

should arise and prepare myself, and slay my enemies with their own

weapons.”

The plan of an insurrection was now formed in his own mind, and the

time had arrived for him to take others into the secret; and he at once

communicated his ideas to four of his friends, in whom he had implicit

confidence. Hark Travis, Nelson Williams, Sam Edwards, and Henry Porter

were slaves like himself, and like him had taken their names from their

masters. A meeting must be held with these, and it must take place in

some secluded place, where the whites would not disturb them; and a

meeting was appointed. The spot where they assembled was as wild and

romantic as were the visions that had been impressed upon the mind of

their leader.

Three miles from where Nat lived was a dark swamp filled with reptiles,

in the middle of which was a dry spot, reached by a narrow, winding

path, and upon which human feet seldom trod, on account of its having

been the place where a slave had been tortured to death by a slow fire,

for the crime of having flogged his cruel and inhuman master. The

night for the meeting arrived, and they came together. Hark brought a

pig; Sam, bread; Nelson, sweet potatoes, and Henry, brandy; and the

gathering was turned into a feast. Others were taken in, and joined

the conspiracy. All partook heartily of the food and drank freely,

except Nat. He fasted and prayed. It was agreed that the revolt should

commence that night, and in their own master’s households, and that

each slave should give his oppressor the death-blow. Before they left

the swamp Nat made a speech, in which he said, “Friends and brothers:

We are to commence a great work to-night. Our race is to be delivered

from slavery, and God has appointed us as the men to do his bidding,

and let us be worthy of our calling. I am told to slay all the whites

we encounter, without regard to age or sex. We have no arms or

ammunition, but we will find these in the houses of our oppressors,

and as we go on, others can join us. Remember that we do not go forth

for the sake of blood and carnage, but it is necessary that in the

commencement of this revolution all the whites we meet should die,

until we shall have an army strong enough to carry on the war upon a

Christian basis. Remember that ours is not a war for robbery and to

satisfy our passions; it is a struggle for freedom. Ours must be deeds,

and not words. Then let’s away to the scene of action.”

Among those who had joined the conspirators was Will, a slave, who

scorned the idea of taking his master’s name. Though his soul longed

to be free, he evidently became one of the party, as much to satisfy

revenge, as for the liberty that he saw in the dim distance. Will had

seen a dear and beloved wife sold to the negro-trader and taken away,

never to be beheld by him again in this life. His own back was covered

with scars, from his shoulders to his feet. A large scar, running from

his right eye down to his chin, showed that he had lived with a cruel

master. Nearly six feet in height, and one of the strongest and most

athletic of his race, he proved to be the most unfeeling of all the

insurrectionists. His only weapon was a broad-axe, sharp and heavy.

Nat and his accomplices at once started for the plantation of Joseph

Travis, with whom the four lived, and there the first blow was struck.

In his confession, just before his execution, Nat said:--

“On returning to the house, Hark went to the door with an axe, for the

purpose of breaking it open, as we knew we were strong enough to murder

the family should they be awakened by the noise; but reflecting that

it might create an alarm in the neighborhood, we determined to enter

the house secretly, and murder them whilst sleeping. Hark got a ladder

and set it against the chimney, on which I ascended, and hoisting a

window, entered, and came down-stairs, unbarred the doors, and removed

the guns from their places. It was then observed that I must spill

the first blood. On which, armed with a hatchet, and accompanied by

Will, I entered my master’s chamber. It being dark, I could not give

a death-blow. The hatchet glanced from his head; he sprang from the

bed and called his wife. It was his last word; Will laid him dead with

a blow of his axe, and Mrs. Travis shared the same fate as she lay

in bed. The murder of this family, five in number, was the work of a

moment; not one of them awoke. There was a little infant sleeping in a

cradle, that was forgotten until we had left the house and gone some

distance, when Henry and Will returned and killed it. We got here four

guns that would shoot, and several old muskets, with a pound or two

of powder. We remained for some time at the barn, where we paraded;

I formed them in line as soldiers, and after carrying them through

all the manœuvres I was master of, marched them off to Mr. Salathiel

Francis’s, about six hundred yards distant.

“Sam and Will went to the door and knocked. Mr. Francis asked who was

there; Sam replied it was he and he had a letter for him; on this he

got up and came to the door; they immediately seized him, and dragging

him out a little from the door, he was despatched by repeated blows on

the head. There was no other white person in the family. We started

from there to Mrs. Reese’s, maintaining the most perfect silence on our

march, where, finding the door unlocked, we entered and murdered Mrs.

Reese in her bed while sleeping; her son awoke, but only to sleep the

sleep of death; he had only time to say, ‘Who is that?’ and he was no

more.

“From Mrs. Reese’s we went to Mrs. Turner’s, a mile distant, which we

reached about sunrise, on Monday morning. Henry, Austin, and Sam, went

to the still, where, finding Mr. Peebles, Austin shot him; the rest of

us went to the house. As we approached, the family discovered us and

shut the door. Vain hope! Will, with one stroke of his axe, opened it,

and we entered, and found Mrs. Turner and Mrs. Newsome in the middle

of the room, almost frightened to death. Will immediately killed Mrs.

Turner with one blow of his axe. I took Mrs. Newsome by the hand, and

with the sword I had when apprehended, I struck her several blows over

the head, but was not able to kill her, as the sword was dull. Will,

turning round and discovering it, despatched her also. A general

destruction of property, and search for money and ammunition, always

succeeded the murders.

“By this time, my company amounted to fifteen, nine men mounted, who

started for Mrs. Whitehead’s, (the other six were to go through a

by-way to Mr. Bryant’s, and rejoin us at Mrs. Whitehead’s).

“As we approached the house, we discovered Mr. Richard Whitehead

standing in the cotton patch, near the lane fence; we called him over

into the lane, and Will, the executioner, was near at hand, with his

fatal axe, to send him to an untimely grave. As we pushed on to the

house, I discovered some one running around the garden, and thinking it

was some of the white family, I pursued; but finding it was a servant

girl belonging to the house, I returned to commence the work of death;

but they whom I left had not been idle; all the family were already

murdered but Mrs. Whitehead and her daughter Margaret. As I came round

to the door, I saw Will pulling Mrs. Whitehead out of the house, and at

the step he nearly severed her head from her body with his broadaxe.

Miss Margaret, when I discovered her, had concealed herself in the

corner formed by the projection of the cellar cap from the house; on

my approach she fled, but was soon overtaken, and after repeated blows

with a sword, I killed her with a blow over the head with a fence rail.

By this time the six who had gone by Mr. Bryant’s rejoined us, and

informed me they had done the work of death assigned them.

“We again divided, part going to Mr. Richard Porter’s, and from thence

to Nathaniel Francis’s, the others to Mr. Howell Harris’s and Mr.

T. Doyles’s. On my reaching Mr. Porter’s, he had escaped with his

family. I understood there that the alarm had already spread, and I

immediately returned to bring up those sent to Mr. Doyles’s and Mr.

Howell Harris’s; the party I left going on to Mr. Francis’s, having

told them I would join them in that neighborhood. I met those sent to

Mr. Doyles’s and Mr. Howell Harris’s returning, having met Mr. Doyles

on the road and killed him.

“Learning from some who joined them that Mr. Harris was from home, I

immediately pursued the course taken by the party gone on before; but

knowing that they would complete the work of death and pillage at Mr.

Francis’s before I could get there, I went to Mr. Peter Edwards’s,

expecting to find them there; but they had been there already. I then

went to Mr. John T. Barrows’s; they had been there and murdered him. I

pursued on their track to Captain Newitt Harris’s. I found the greater

part mounted and ready to start; the men, now amounting to about forty,

shouted and hurrahed as I rode up; some were in the yard loading their

guns, others drinking. They said Captain Harris and his family had

escaped; the property in the house they destroyed, robbing him of money

and other valuables.

“I ordered them to mount and march instantly; this was about nine or

ten o’clock, Monday morning. I proceeded to Mr. Levi Waller’s, two

or three miles distant. I took my station in the rear, and as it was

my object to carry terror and devastation wherever we went, I placed

fifteen or twenty of the best mounted and most to be relied on in

front, who generally approached the houses as fast as their horses

could run. This was for two purposes; to prevent their escape, and

strike terror to the inhabitants. On this account I never got to

the houses, after leaving Mrs. Whitehead’s, until the murders were

committed, except in one case. I sometimes got in sight in time to see

the work of death completed, view the mangled bodies as they lay, in

silent satisfaction, and immediately start in quest of other victims.

Having murdered Mrs. Waller and ten children, we started for Mr.

William Williams’s. We killed him and two little boys that were there:

while engaged in this, Mrs. Williams fled, and got some distance from

the house; but she was pursued, overtaken, and compelled to get up

behind one of the company, who brought her back, and after showing her

the mangled body of her lifeless husband, she was told to get down and

lie by his side, where she was shot dead.

“I then started for Mr. Jacob Williams’s, where the family were

murdered. Here we found a young man named Drury, who had come on

business with Mr. Williams; he was pursued, overtaken, and shot. Mrs.

Vaughan’s was the next place we visited; and after murdering the family

here, I determined on starting for Jerusalem. Our number amounted now

to fifty or sixty, all mounted and armed with guns, axes, swords, and

clubs. On reaching Mr. James W. Parker’s gate, immediately on the road

leading to Jerusalem, and about three miles distant, it was proposed to

me to call there; but I objected, as I knew he was gone to Jerusalem,

and my object was to reach there as soon as possible; but some of the

men having relations at Mr. Parker’s, it was agreed that they might

call and get his people.

“I remained at the gate on the road, with seven or eight, the others

going across the field to the house, about half a mile off. After

waiting some time for them, I became impatient, and started to the

house for them, and on our return we were met by a party of white men,

who had pursued our blood-stained track, and who had fired on those

at the gate, and dispersed them, which I knew nothing of, not having

been at that time rejoined by any of them. Immediately on discovering

the whites, I ordered my men to halt and form, as they appeared to be

alarmed. The white men, eighteen in number, approached us within about

one hundred yards, when one of them fired, and I discovered about half

of them retreating. I then ordered my men to fire and rush on them;

the few remaining stood their ground until we approached within fifty

yards, when they fired and retreated.

“We pursued and overtook some of them, whom we thought we left dead;

after pursuing them about two hundred yards, and rising a little hill,

I discovered they were met by another party, and had halted, and were

reloading their guns, thinking that those who retreated first, and the

party who fired on us at fifty or sixty yards distant, had only fallen

back to meet others with ammunition. As I saw them reloading their

guns, and more coming up than I saw at first, and several of my bravest

men being wounded, the others became panic-stricken, and scattered

over the field; the white men pursued and fired on us several times.

Hark had his horse shot under him, and I caught another for him that

was running by me; five or six of my men were wounded, but none left

on the field. Finding myself defeated here, I instantly determined to

go through a private way, and cross the Nottoway River at the Cypress

Bridge, three miles below Jerusalem, and attack that place in the rear,

as I expected they would look for me on the other road, and I had a

great desire to get there to procure arms and ammunition.”

Reënforcements came to the whites, and the blacks were overpowered and

defeated by the superior numbers of their enemy. In this battle many

were slain on both sides. Will, the bloodthirsty and revengeful slave,

fell with his broad-axe uplifted, after having laid three of the whites

dead at his feet with his own strong arm and his terrible weapon. His

last words were, “Bury my axe with me;” for he religiously believed

that in the next world the blacks would have a contest with the whites,

and that he would need his axe. Nat Turner, after fighting to the last

with his short-sword, escaped with some others to the woods near by,

and was not captured for nearly two months. He had aroused the entire

country by his deeds, and for sixty days had eluded a thousand armed

men on his track. When taken, although half starved, and exhausted by

fatigue, like a fox after a weary chase, he stood erect and dignified,

proud and haughty, amid his captors, his sturdy, compact form, marked

features, and flashing eye, declaring him to be every inch a man.

When brought to trial, he pleaded “not guilty;” feeling, as he said,

that it was always right for one to strike for his own liberty. After

going through a mere form of trial, he was convicted and executed at

Jerusalem, the county seat for Southampton County, Virginia. Not a

limb trembled nor a muscle was observed to move. Thus died Nat Turner,

at the early age of thirty-one years--a martyr to the freedom of

his race, and a victim to his own fanaticism. He meditated upon the

wrongs of his oppressed and injured people, till the idea of their

deliverance excluded all other ideas from his mind, and he devoted his

life to its realization. Everything appeared to him a vision, and all

favorable omens were signs from God. That he was sincere in all that he

professed, there is not the slightest doubt. After being defeated, he

might have escaped to the free states, but the hope of raising a new

band kept him from doing so.

He impressed his image upon the minds of those who once beheld him.

His looks, his sermons, his acts, and his heroism live in the hearts

of his race, on every cotton, sugar, and rice plantation at the South.

The present generation of slaves have a superstitious veneration for

his name. He foretold that at his death the sun would refuse to shine,

and that there would be signs of disapprobation given from Heaven.

And it is true that the sun was darkened, a storm gathered, and more

boisterous weather had never appeared in Southampton County than on the

day of Nat’s execution. The sheriff, warned by the prisoner, refused to

cut the cord that held the trap. No black man would touch the rope. A

poor old white man, long besotted by drink, was brought forty miles to

be the executioner. And even the planters, with all their prejudice and

hatred, believed him honest and sincere; for Mr. Gray, who had known

Nat from boyhood, and to whom he made his confession, says of him:--

“It has been said that he was ignorant and cowardly, and that his

object was to murder and rob, for the purpose of obtaining money to

make his escape. It is notorious that he was never known to have a

dollar in his life, to swear an oath, or drink a drop of spirits. As to

his ignorance, he certainly never had the advantages of education; but

he can read and write, and for natural intelligence and quickness of

apprehension, is surpassed by few men I have ever seen. As to his being

a coward, his reason, as given, for not resisting Mr. Phipps, shows

the decision of his character. When he saw Mr. Phipps present his gun,

he said he knew it was impossible for him to escape, as the woods were

full of men; he therefore thought it was better for him to surrender,

and trust to fortune for his escape.

“He is a complete fanatic, or plays his part most admirably. On other

subjects he possesses an uncommon share of intelligence, with a

mind capable of attaining anything, but warped and perverted by the

influence of early impressions. He is below the ordinary stature,

though strong and active, having the true negro face, every feature of

which is strongly marked. I shall not attempt to describe the effect of

his narrative, as told and commented on by himself, in the condemned

hole of the prison; the calm, deliberate composure with which he spoke

of his late deeds and intentions; the expression of his fiend-like

face, when excited by enthusiasm--still bearing the stains of the blood

of helpless innocence about him, clothed with rags and covered with

chains, yet daring to raise his manacled hands to Heaven, with a spirit

soaring above the attributes of man; I looked on him, and the blood

curdled in my veins.”

Fifty-five whites and seventy-three blacks lost their lives in the

Southampton rebellion. On the fatal night when Nat and his companions

were dealing death to all they found, Captain Harris, a wealthy

planter had his life saved by the devotion and timely warning of his

slave Jim, said to have been half-brother to his master. After the

revolt had been put down, and parties of whites were out hunting the

suspected blacks, Captain Harris, with his faithful slave, went into

the woods in search of the negroes. In saving his master’s life, Jim

felt that he had done his duty, and could not consent to become a

betrayer of his race; and on reaching the woods, he handed his pistol

to his master, and said, “I cannot help you hunt down these men; they,

like myself, want to be free. Sir, I am tired of the life of a slave;

please give me my freedom, or shoot me on the spot.” Captain Harris

took the weapon and pointed it at the slave. Jim, putting his right

hand upon his heart, said, “This is the spot; aim here.” The captain

fired, and the slave fell dead at his feet.

FOOTNOTE:

[51] T. W. Higginson, in Atlantic Monthly, June, 1861.

The Rising Son; or, the Antecedents and Advancement of the Colored Race · 第 36 / 51 章