CHAPTER XVI.

DESSALINES AS EMPEROR OF HAYTI.

Rochambeau, with the remnant of his defeated army, had scarcely

retired from St. Domingo before the news of the death of Toussaint

reached the Island. The announcement of this, together with the fact

that their great general had died by starvation, assured the natives

of the essential goodness of their cause, and the genuine vigor of

their strength. They had measured swords with the whites, and were

conscious of their own superiority. Slavery in St. Domingo was dead,

and dead forever. The common enemy was gone, and the victory had

been gained by the union of the blacks and mulattoes, and these put

forth a Declaration of Rights, in which they said: “The independence

of St. Domingo is proclaimed. Restored to our primitive dignity, we

have secured our rights; we swear never to cede them to any power in

the world. The frightful veil of prejudice is torn in pieces; let it

remain so forever. Woe to him who may wish to collect the blood-stained

tatters. We have sworn to show no mercy to those who may dare to speak

to us of slavery.” This document was signed by Dessalines, Christophe,

and Clervaux, the three chiefs who had conducted the war after the

capture of Toussaint.

The first of these were black, and represented that class of his race

who held sentiments of the most extreme hatred to the whites. The

second was also black, but of a feeling more inclined to moderation.

The third represented the mulattoes, although he had none of the

prejudice against the blacks, so prevalent in those days. Clervaux was

a brave man, and had fought under Toussaint before the landing of Le

Clerc and Rochambeau.

By the daring manifested on the field of battle, his fierce and

sanguinary look, his thirst for blood, Dessalines had become the leader

of the blacks in the war for liberty; and now that victory was perched

upon their banners, and the civil government of the Island was to fall

into their hands, he set his associates aside, and took the State into

his own charge. Jean Jacques Dessalines was appointed governor-general

for life. He was not only a life officer, but he had the power to

establish laws, to declare war, to make peace, and even to appoint his

successor.

Having by a show of mildness gained the advantage which he sought,--the

acquisition of power,--Dessalines, a few weeks after his appointment as

governor for life, threw aside the mask, and raised the cry of “Hayti

for the Haytians,” thinking by proscribing foreigners, he should most

effectually consolidate his own authority.

From that moment the career of this ferocious man was stained with

innocent blood, and with crimes that find no parallel, unless in

the dark deeds of Rochambeau, whom he seemed anxious to imitate.

The blacks, maddened by the recollection of slavery, and crimes

perpetrated under its influence; maddened by the oft-repeated stories

of murders committed by the French, and the presence of many of their

old masters still on the Island, and whose bloody deeds Dessalines

continually kept before them in his proclamations, were easily led into

the worst of crimes by this man.

On the 8th of October, 1804, Dessalines was proclaimed Emperor of

Hayti, with the title of Jean Jacques the First. A census taken in 1805

showed the population of that part of the Island ruled by Dessalines,

to be only four hundred thousand.

The title of majesty was conferred on the new Emperor, as well as

on his august consort, the empress; their persons were declared

inviolable, and the crown elective; but the Emperor had the right to

nominate his successor among a chosen number of candidates. The sons of

the sovereign were to pass through all the ranks of the army.

Every emperor who should attach to himself a privileged body, under the

name of guard of honor, or any other designation, was, by the fact,

to be regarded as at war with the nation, and should be driven from

the throne, which then was to be occupied by one of the councillors of

state, chosen by the majority of the members of that body.

The emperor had the right to make, and approve and publish the laws;

to make peace and war; to conclude treaties; to distribute the armed

force at his pleasure; he also possessed the exclusive prerogative

of pardon. The generals of brigade and of division were to form part

of the council of state. Besides a secretary of state, there was to

be a minister of finances, and a minister of war. All persons were

encouraged to settle their differences by arbitration.

No dominant religion was admitted; the liberty of worship was

proclaimed; the State was not to take on itself the support of any

religious institution. Marriage was declared a purely civil act, and in

some cases divorce was permitted. State offences were to be tried by

a council to be named by the Emperor. All property belonging to white

Frenchmen was confiscated to the State. The houses of the citizens were

pronounced inviolable.

The Constitution was placed under the safeguard of the magistrates, of

fathers, of mothers, of citizens, of soldiers, and recommended to their

descendants, to all the friends of liberty, to the philanthropists of

all countries, as a striking token of the goodness of God, who, in the

order of his immortal decrees, had given the Haytians power to break

their bonds, and make themselves a free, civilized, and independent

people. This Constitution, which, considering its origin, contains so

much that is excellent, and which even the long civilized States of

Europe might advantageously study, was accepted by the emperor, and

ordered to be forthwith carried into execution.

The condition of the farm-laborer was the same as under the system

of Toussaint L’Ouverture; he labored for wages which were fixed at

one-fourth of the produce, and that produce was abundant. The whip and

all corporal punishments were abolished.

Idleness was regarded as a crime, but was punished only by

imprisonment. Two-thirds of the labor extracted under slavery was

the amount required under the new system. Thus the laborers gained

a diminution of one-third of their toil, while their wants were

amply supplied. The mulattoes, or quaterons, children of whites and

mulattoes, who were very numerous, if they could show any relationship,

whether legitimate or not, with the old white proprietors, were allowed

to inherit their property.

Education was not neglected in the midst of these outward and material

arrangements. In nearly all the districts, schools were established;

and the people, seeing what advantage was to be derived from learning,

entered them, and plied themselves vigorously to gain in freedom what

they had lost in slavery.

A praiseworthy effort was made by the framers of the constitution,

under which Dessalines was inaugurated emperor, to extinguish all

distinctions of color among the colored people themselves.

They decreed that the people should be denominated _blacks_; but such

distinctions are far stronger than words on paper. Unfortunately,

the distinctions in question, which was deeply rooted, and rested

on prejudices and antipathies which will never be erased from human

nature, had been aggravated by long and sanguinary contests between the

blacks and mulattoes.

Aware of that individual superiority which springs from a share in

the influences of civilization, the mulattoes of Hayti despised the

uneducated black laborers by whom they were surrounded, and felt that

by submitting to their sway, they put themselves under the domination

of a majority whose sole authority lay exclusively in their numbers.

The mulattoes really believed that their natural position was to fill

the places in the government once held by the whites.

They would no doubt have forgotten their party interests, and labored

for the diffusion through the great body of the people of the higher

influence of civilization, if they could have secured those positions.

The mutual hatred between the mulattoes and the blacks was so deeply

rooted, that neither party could see anything good in the other;

and therefore, whatever was put forth by one party, no matter how

meritorious in itself, was regarded with suspicion by the other.

The regular army of Dessalines was composed of fifteen thousand men,

in which there was included a corps of fifteen hundred cavalry. They

were a motley assemblage of ragged blacks, kept in the ranks, and

performing their limited routine of duty through the awe inspired among

them by the rigid severity of the imperial discipline. The uniform

of the troops had not been changed when the Island was erected into

an independent power, and the red and blue of the French army still

continued to distinguish the soldiers of the Haytian army, even when

the French were execrated as a race of monsters, with whom the blacks

of St. Domingo should have nothing in common. Together with the regular

army of the empire, there existed a numerous corps of national guard,

composed of all who were capable of bearing arms; though the services

of these were not required but in some dangerous emergency of the

State. The national guard and regular army were called into the field

four times every year; and during these seasons of military movement,

the government of Dessalines was over a nation of soldiers in arms, as

they remained in their encampment for some days, to be instructed in

military knowledge, and to be reviewed by the great officers of the

empire.

Dessalines now put forth a proclamation filled with accusations against

the white French still on the Island.

This ferocious manifesto was intended as a preliminary measure in the

train of horrible events to follow. In the month of February, 1805,

orders were issued for the pursuit and arrest of all those Frenchmen

who had been accused of being accomplices in the executions ordered by

Rochambeau.

Dessalines pretended that more than sixty thousand of his compatriots

had been drowned, suffocated, hung, or shot in these massacres. “We

adopt this measure,” said he, “to teach the nations of the world that,

notwithstanding the protection which we grant to those who are loyal

towards us, nothing shall prevent us from punishing the murderers who

have taken pleasure in bathing their hands in the blood of the sons of

Hayti.”

These instigations were not long in producing their appropriate

consequences among a population for so many years trained to cruelty,

and that hated the French in their absence in the same degree that

they feared them when present. On the 28th of April it was ordered by

proclamation that all the French residents in the Island should be put

to death; and this inhuman command of Dessalines was eagerly obeyed by

his followers, particularly by the mulattoes, who had to manifest a

flaming zeal for their new sovereign, in order to save themselves from

falling victims to his sanguinary vengeance. Acting under the dread

surveillance of Dessalines, all the black chiefs were forced to show

themselves equally cruel; and if any French were saved from death, it

was due to the mercy of the inferior blacks, who dared not to avoid

their generosity. Dessalines made a progress through all the towns

where there were any French citizens remaining, and while his soldiers

were murdering the unfortunate victims of his ferocity, the monster

gloated with secret complacency over the scene of carnage, like some

malignant fiend glorying in the pangs of misery suffered by those who

had fallen a sacrifice to his wickedness.

The massacre was executed with an attention to order, which proves how

minutely it had been prepared. All proper precautions were taken, that

no other whites than the French should be included in the proscription.

In the town of Cape François, where the massacre took place, on the

night of the 20th of April, the precaution was first taken of sending

detachments of soldiers to the houses of the American and English

merchants, with strict orders to permit no person, not even the black

generals, to enter them, without the permission of the master of

the house, who had been previously informed of all that was about

to happen. This command was obeyed so punctually, that one of these

privileged individuals had the good fortune to preserve the lives of

a number of Frenchmen whom he had concealed in his house, and who

remained in their asylum until the guilty tragedy was over.

The priests, surgeons, and some necessary artisans were preserved from

destruction, consisting in all, of one-tenth of the French residents.

All the rest were massacred without regard to age or sex. The personal

security enjoyed by the foreign whites was no safeguard to the horror

inspired in them by the scenes of misery which were being enacted

without. At every moment of the night, the noise was heard of axes,

which were employed to burst open the doors of the neighboring houses;

of piercing cries, followed by a deathlike silence, soon, however, to

be changed to a renewal of the same sounds of grief and terror, as the

soldiers proceeded from house to house.

When this night of horror and massacre was over, the treacherous

cruelty of Dessalines was not yet appeased. An imperial proclamation

was issued in the morning, alleging that the blacks were sufficiently

avenged upon the French, and inviting all who had escaped the

assassination of the previous night to make their appearance upon

the Place d’Armes of the town, in order to receive certificates of

protection; and it was declared to them that in doing this they might

count upon perfect safety to themselves.

Many hundreds of the French had been forewarned of the massacre, and by

timely concealment had succeeded in preserving their lives. Completely

circumvented by the fiendish cunning of Dessalines, this little remnant

of survivors came out of their places of concealment, and formed

themselves in a body upon the Place d’Armes. But at the moment when

they were anxiously expecting their promised certificates of safety,

the order was given for their execution. The stream of water which

flowed through the town of Cape François was fairly tinged with their

blood.[38]

Many of the great chiefs in the black army were struck with horror

and disgust at this fiendish cruelty of their emperor. Christophe

was shocked at the atrocity of the measure, though he dared not

display any open opposition to the will of the monarch. Dessalines

had no troublesome sensibilities of soul to harass his repose for a

transaction almost without a parallel in history. He sought not to

share the infamy of the action with the subordinate chiefs of his army,

but without a pang of remorse he claimed to himself the whole honor of

the measure.

In another proclamation, given to the world within a few days after

the massacre, he boasts of having shown more than ordinary firmness,

and affects to put his system of policy in opposition to the lenity

of Toussaint, whom he accuses, if not of want of patriotism, at least

of want of firmness in his public conduct. Dessalines was prompted to

the share he took in this transaction by an inborn ferociousness of

character; but a spirit of personal vengeance doubtless had its effect

upon the subordinate agents in the massacre. They hated the French for

the cruelties of Rochambeau.

Although the complete evacuation of the Island by the forces of the

French, and the ceaseless employment of the armies of Napoleon in

the wars of Europe, had left the blacks of St. Domingo in the full

possession of that Island, Dessalines lived in continual dread that the

first moment of leisure would be seized by the conqueror of Europe to

attempt the subjugation of his new empire. The black chief even alleged

in excuse for the massacre which he had just accomplished, that the

French residents in the Island had been engaged in machinations against

the dominion of the blacks, and that several French frigates then lying

at St. Jago de Cuba had committed hostilities upon the coast, and

seemed threatening a descent upon this land.

Influenced by this perpetual solicitude, Dessalines now turned his

attention to measures of defence, in case the French should again

undertake the reduction of the country. It was ordered that at the

first appearance of a foreign army ready to land upon the shores of the

Island, all the towns upon the coast should be burnt to the ground, and

the whole population be driven to the fastnesses of the interior.

He also built fortifications in the mountains as places of refuge in

the event of foreign invasion. Always violent and sanguinary, when

there remained no whites upon whom to employ his ferocity, his cruelty

was lavished upon his own subjects. For the slightest causes, both

blacks and mulattoes were put to death without mercy and without the

forms of trial. The sight of blood awakened within him his desire of

slaughter, and his government became at length a fearful despotism,

against the devouring vengeance of which none, not even those of his

own household, was safe. The generals Clervaux, Geffrard, and Gabart

died suddenly and mysteriously; and the aggressions of Dessalines,

directed particularly against the mulattoes, soon awakened the

vengeance of that jealous class, who were already displeased at their

insignificance in the State, and at the exaltation of the black dynasty

which seemed about to become permanent in the country. A secret

conspiracy was accordingly planned against the black monarch, and when,

on the 17th of October, 1806, he commenced a journey from St. Marks

to Port au Prince, the occasion was improved to destroy him. A party

of mulattoes lying in ambuscade at a place called Pont Rouge, made an

attack upon him, and he was killed at the first fire.

Thus closed the career of Dessalines, a man who had commenced life as a

slave, and ended as an emperor; a man whose untiring energy, headlong

bravery, unsurpassed audacity, and native genius made him to be feared

by both blacks and whites, and whose misdeeds have furnished to the

moralists more room for criticism than any other man whose life was

passed in the West Indies.

Yet this “monster,” with all his faults, did much for the redemption

of his race from slavery. Had Dessalines been in the position of

Toussaint, he would never have been captured and transported to

Europe. He who reads the history of the St. Domingo struggle without

prejudice, and will carefully examine the condition of parties, see

the efforts made by the expatriated planters to regain possession of

the Island, and view impartially the cruel and exterminating war upon

the blacks, as carried on by Le Clerc and Rochambeau, cannot feel like

throwing the mantle of charity over some of the acts of Jean Jacques

Dessalines. After the death of the emperor, the victorious mulattoes

followed up their success by attacking the partisans of Dessalines,

and four days were expended in destroying them. Upon the 21st there

appeared a proclamation, portraying the crimes of the fallen emperor,

and announcing that the country had been delivered of a tyrant. A

provisional government was then constituted, to continue until time

could be afforded for the formation of a new constitution, and General

Christophe was proclaimed the provisional head of the State.

FOOTNOTE:

[38] Malo.

The Rising Son; or, the Antecedents and Advancement of the Colored Race · 第 16 / 51 章