CHAPTER I.

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[Illustration: _Very truly your friend, W^m. Wells Brown._]

THE

RISING SON;

OR,

THE ANTECEDENTS AND ADVANCEMENT

OF THE COLORED RACE.

BY

WM. WELLS BROWN, M. D.

AUTHOR OF “SKETCHES OF PLACES AND PEOPLE ABROAD,” “THE

BLACK MAN,” “THE NEGRO IN THE REBELLION,”

“CLOTELLE,” ETC.

_Thirteenth Thousand._

BOSTON:

A. G. BROWN & CO., PUBLISHERS.

1882.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1873,

BY A. G. BROWN

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

PREFACE.

After availing himself of all the reliable information obtainable, the

author is compelled to acknowledge the scantiness of materials for a

history of the African race. He has throughout endeavored to give a

faithful account of the people and their customs, without concealing

their faults.

Several of the biographical sketches are necessarily brief, owing to

the difficulty in getting correct information in regard to the subjects

treated upon. Some have been omitted on account of the same cause.

WM. WELLS BROWN.

Cambridgeport, Mass.

PUBLISHERS’ NOTE TO THE 13TH EDITION.

Few works written upon the colored race have equaled in circulation

“The Rising Son.”

In the past two years the sales have more than doubled in the Southern

States, and the demand for the book is greatly on the increase. Twelve

thousand copies have already been sold; and if this can be taken as an

index to the future, we may look forward with hope that the colored

citizens are beginning to appreciate their own authors.

WELCOME TO “THE RISING SON.”

BY ELIJAH W. SMITH.

Come forth, historian of our race,

And with the pen of Truth

Bring to our claim to Manhood’s rights,

The strength of written proof;

Draw back the curtain of the past,

And lift the ages’ pall,

That we may view the portraits grand

That hang on History’s wall!

Tell of a race whose onward tide

Was often swelled with tears;

In whose hearts bondage has not quenched

The fire of former years

When Hannibal’s resistless hosts

Wrought his imperial will,

And brave Toussaint to freedom called,

From Hayti’s vine-clad hill.

Write when, in these, our later days,

Earth’s noble ones are named,

We have a roll of honor, too,

Of which we’re not ashamed;

If, for the errors of the past,

In chains did we atone,

God, from our race’s sepulchre,

Hath rolled away the stone.

And our dear land, that long hath slept

Beneath oppression’s spell,

Welcomes the manly fortitude

That stood the test so well;

Bearing the record, blazoned o’er

With deeds of valor done,

Up to the Future’s golden door

He comes, the “Rising Son.”

The battle’s din hath passed away,

And o’er the furrowed plain

Spring, fresh and green, the tender blades

Of Freedom’s golden grain;

But eagle eyes must watch the field,

Lest the fell foe should dare

To scatter, while the sowers sleep,

Proscription’s noxious snare.

Lo! shadowy ’mid the forest-trees

Their demon forms are seen,

And lurid light of baleful eyes

Flash through the foliage green;

And till completed is the work

So gloriously begun,

A sentry true on Freedom’s walls

Stand thou, O “Rising Son!”

Go forth! the harbinger of days

More glorious than the past;

Hushed is the clash of hostile steel,

The bugle’s battle-blast;

Go, herald of the promised time,

When men of every land

Shall hasten joyfully to grasp

The Ethiope’s outstretched hand!

CONTENTS.

PAGE

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR 9

CHAPTER I.

THE ETHIOPIANS AND EGYPTIANS 36

CHAPTER II.

THE CARTHAGINIANS 49

CHAPTER III.

EASTERN AFRICA 65

CHAPTER IV.

CAUSES OF COLOR 78

CHAPTER V.

CAUSES OF THE DIFFERENCE IN FEATURES 84

CHAPTER VI.

CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES 90

CHAPTER VII.

THE ABYSSINIANS 97

CHAPTER VIII.

WESTERN AND CENTRAL AFRICA 101

CHAPTER IX.

THE SLAVE-TRADE 118

CHAPTER X.

THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA 129

CHAPTER XI.

PROGRESS IN CIVILIZATION 135

CHAPTER XII.

HAYTI 140

CHAPTER XIII.

SUCCESS OF TOUSSAINT 150

CHAPTER XIV.

CAPTURE OF TOUSSAINT 159

CHAPTER XV.

TOUSSAINT A PRISONER IN FRANCE 168

CHAPTER XVI.

DESSALINES AS EMPEROR OF HAYTI 173

CHAPTER XVII.

WAR BETWEEN THE BLACKS AND MULATTOES OF HAYTI 185

CHAPTER XVIII.

CHRISTOPHE AS KING, AND PÉTION AS PRESIDENT OF

HAYTI 201

CHAPTER XIX.

PEACE IN HAYTI, AND DEATH OF PÉTION 209

CHAPTER XX.

BOYER THE SUCCESSOR OF PÉTION IN HAYTI 218

CHAPTER XXI.

INSURRECTION, AND DEATH OF CHRISTOPHE 222

CHAPTER XXII.

UNION OF HAYTI AND SANTO DOMINGO 229

CHAPTER XXIII.

SOULOUQUE AS EMPEROR OF HAYTI 234

CHAPTER XXIV.

GEFFRARD AS PRESIDENT OF HAYTI 236

CHAPTER XXV.

SALNAVE AS PRESIDENT OF HAYTI 241

CHAPTER XXVI.

JAMAICA 243

CHAPTER XXVII.

SOUTH AMERICA 255

CHAPTER XXVIII.

CUBA AND PORTO RICO 258

CHAPTER XXIX.

SANTO DOMINGO 262

CHAPTER XXX.

INTRODUCTION OF BLACKS INTO AMERICAN COLONIES 265

CHAPTER XXXI.

SLAVES IN THE NORTHERN COLONIES 270

CHAPTER XXXII.

COLORED INSURRECTIONS IN THE COLONIES 276

CHAPTER XXXIII.

BLACK MEN IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 282

CHAPTER XXXIV.

BLACKS IN THE WAR OF 1812 286

CHAPTER XXXV.

THE CURSE OF SLAVERY 291

CHAPTER XXXVI.

DISCONTENT AND INSURRECTION 296

CHAPTER XXXVII.

GROWING OPPOSITION TO SLAVERY 319

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

MOB LAW TRIUMPHANT 322

CHAPTER XXXIX.

HEROISM AT SEA 325

CHAPTER XL.

THE IRON AGE 329

CHAPTER XLI.

RELIGIOUS STRUGGLES 336

CHAPTER XLII.

JOHN BROWN’S RAID ON HARPER’S FERRY 340

CHAPTER XLIII.

LOYALTY AND BRAVERY OF THE BLACKS 342

CHAPTER XLIV.

THE PROCLAMATION OF FREEDOM 347

CHAPTER XLV.

BLACKS ENLISTED, AND IN BATTLE 352

CHAPTER XLVI.

NEGRO HATRED AT THE NORTH 382

CHAPTER XLVII.

CASTE AND PROGRESS 387

CHAPTER XLVIII.

THE ABOLITIONISTS 393

CHAPTER XLIX.

THE NEW ERA 413

CHAPTER L.

RACE REPRESENTATIVES.

Attucks, C. 418

Aldridge, Ira 489

Banneker, B. 425

Brown, I. M. 449

Bell, P. A. 470

Butler, W. F. 525

Banister, E. M. 483

Bassett, E. D. 497

Bell, J. M. 504

Campbell, J. P. 446

Clark, P. H. 520

Chester, T. M. 526

Clinton, J. J. 528

Carey, M. S. 539

Cardozo, T. W. 495

Cain, R. H. 544

Douglass, F. 435

Delany, M. R. 460

Downing, G. T. 474

Dunn, O. J. 491

Douglass, L. H. 543

Day, W. H. 499

Elliott, R. B. 403

Forten, C. L. 475

Freeman, J. J. 551

Gaines, J. I. 450

Grimes, L. A. 534

Garnett, H. H. 457

Greener, R. T. 542

Harper, F. E. 524

Hayden, L. 547

Jackson, F. M. 508

Jones, S. T. 531

Jordan, E., Sir 481

Lewis, E. 465

Langston, J. M. 447

De Mortie, L. 496

Martin, J. S. 535

Nell, W. C. 485

Purvis, C. B. 549

Purvis, R. 468

Pinchback, P. B. S. 517

Pennington, J. W. C. 461

Payne, D. A. 454

Perry, R. L. 533

Quinn, W. P. 432

Reason, C. L. 442

Ray, C. B. 472

Remond, C. L. 459

Ruggles, D. 434

Reveles, H. R. 500

Rainey, J. H. 507

Ransier, A. H. 510

Ruffin, G. L. 540

Still, W. 520

Simpson, W. H. 478

Smith, M’Cune 453

Smith, S. 445

Smith, E. W. 552

Tanner, B. T. 530

Vashon, G. B. 476

Wheatley, P. 423

Wayman, ---- 440

Wilson, W. J. 444

Whipper, W. 493

Wears, I. C. 512

Zuille, J. J. 473

_MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR._

BY ALONZO D. MOORE.

Thirty years ago, a young colored man came to my father’s house at

Aurora, Erie County, New York, to deliver a lecture on the subject

of American Slavery, and the following morning I sat upon his knee

while he told me the story of his life and escape from the South.

Although a boy of eight years, I still remember the main features of

the narrative, and the impression it made upon my mind, and the talk

the lecture of the previous night created in our little quiet town.

That man was William Wells Brown, now so widely-known, both at home and

abroad. It is therefore with no little hesitancy that I consent to pen

this sketch of one whose name has for many years been a household word

in our land.

William Wells Brown was born in Lexington, Ky., in the year 1816. His

mother was a slave, his father a slaveholder. The boy was taken to

the State of Missouri in infancy, and spent his boyhood in St. Louis.

At the age of ten years he was hired out to a captain of a steamboat

running between St. Louis and New Orleans, where he remained a year or

two, and was then employed as office boy by Elijah P. Lovejoy, who was

at that time editor of the St. Louis Times. Here William first began

the groundwork of his education. After one year spent in the printing

office, the object of our sketch was again let out to a captain of one

of the steamboats plying on the river. In the year 1834 William made

his escape from the boat, and came North.

He at once obtained a situation on a steamer on Lake Erie, where, in

the position of steward, he was of great service to fugitive slaves

making their way to Canada. In a single year he gave a free passage

across the lake to sixty-five fugitives. Making his home in Buffalo,

Mr. Brown organized a vigilance committee whose duties were to protect

and aid slaves, while passing through that city on their way to the

“Land of the free,” or to the eastern States. As chairman of that

committee, Mr. Brown was of great assistance to the fleeing bondmen.

The Association kept a fund on hand to employ counsel in case of

capture of a fugitive, besides furnishing all with clothing, shoes,

and whatever was needed by those who were in want. Escaping from the

South without education, the subject of our sketch spent the winter

nights in an evening school and availed himself of private instructions

to gain what had been denied him in his younger days.

In the autumn of 1843, he accepted an agency to lecture for the

Anti-slavery Society, and continued his labors in connection with that

movement until 1849; when he accepted an invitation to visit England.

As soon as it was understood that the fugitive slave was going abroad,

the American Peace Society elected him as a delegate to represent them

at the Peace Congress at Paris.

Without any solicitation, the Executive Committee of the American

Anti-slavery Society strongly recommended Mr. Brown to the friends

of freedom in Great Britain. The President of the above Society gave

him private letters to some of the leading men and women in Europe.

In addition to these, the colored citizens of Boston held a meeting

the evening previous to his departure, and gave Mr. Brown a public

farewell, and passed resolutions commending him to the confidence and

hospitality of all lovers of liberty in the mother-land.

Such was the auspices under which this self-educated man sailed for

England on the 18th of July, 1849.

Mr. Brown arrived in Liverpool, and proceeded at once to Dublin, where

warm friends of the cause of freedom greeted him. The land of Burke,

Sheridan, and O’Connell would not permit the American to leave without

giving him a public welcome. A large and enthusiastic meeting held in

the Rotunda, and presided over by JAMES HAUGHTON, Esq., gave Mr. Brown

the first reception which he had in the Old World.

After a sojourn of twenty days in the Emerald Isle, the fugitive

started for the Peace Congress which was to assemble at Paris. The

Peace Congress, and especially the French who were in attendance at

the great meeting, most of whom had never seen a colored person,

were somewhat taken by surprise on the last day, when Mr. Brown made

a speech. “His reception,” said La Presse, “was most flattering. He

admirably sustained his reputation as a public speaker. His address

produced a profound sensation. At its conclusion, the speaker was

warmly greeted by Victor Hugo, President of the Congress, Richard

Cobden, Esq., and other distinguished men on the platform. At the

_soirée_ given by M. de Tocqueville, the Minister for Foreign Affairs,

the American slave was received with marked attention.”

Having spent a fortnight in Paris and vicinity, viewing the sights,

he returned to London. GEORGE THOMPSON, Esq., was among the first to

meet the fugitive on his arrival at the English metropolis. A few days

after, a very large meeting, held in the spacious Music Hall, Bedford

Square, and presided over by Sir Francis Knowles, Bart., welcomed Mr.

Brown to England. Many of Britain’s distinguished public speakers

spoke on the occasion. George Thompson made one of his most brilliant

efforts. This flattering reception gained for the fugitive pressing

invitations from nearly all parts of the United Kingdom.

He narrates in his “Three Years in Europe,” many humorous incidents

that occurred in his travels, and of which is the following:

“On a cold winter’s evening, I found myself seated before the fire,

and alone, in the principal hotel in the ancient and beautiful town

of Ludlow, and within a few minutes’ walk of the famous old castle

from which the place derives its name. A long ride by coach had so

completely chilled me, that I remained by the fire to a later hour than

I otherwise would have.

“‘Did you ring, sir?’ asked the waiter, as the clock struck twelve.

“‘No,’ I replied; ‘but you may give me a light, and I will retire.’

“I was shown to my chamber, and was soon in bed. From the weight of

the covering, I felt sure that the extra blanket which I had requested

to be put on was there; yet I was shivering with cold. As the sheets

began to get warm, I discovered, to my astonishment, that they were

damp--indeed, wet. My first thought was to ring the bell for the

servant, and have them changed; but, after a moment’s consideration,

I resolved to adopt a different course. I got out of bed, pulled the

sheets off, rolled them up, raised the window, and threw them into

the street. After disposing of the wet sheets, I returned to bed, and

got in between the blankets, and lay there trembling with cold till

Morpheus came to my relief.

“The next morning I said nothing about the sheets, feeling sure that

the discovery of their loss would be made by the chambermaid in due

time. Breakfast over, I visited the ruins of the old castle, and then

returned to the hotel, to await the coach for Hereford. As the hour

drew near for me to leave, I called the waiter, and ordered my bill.

‘Yes, sir, in a moment,’ he replied, and left in haste. Ten or fifteen

minutes passed away, and the servant once more came in, walked to the

window, pulled up the blinds, and then went out.

“I saw that something was afloat; and it occurred to me that they had

discovered the loss of the sheets, at which I was pleased; for the

London newspapers were, at that time, discussing the merits and the

demerits of the hotel accommodations of the kingdom, and no letters

found a more ready reception in their columns than one on that subject.

I had, therefore, made up my mind to have the wet sheets put in the

bill, pay for them, and send the bill to the Times.

“The waiter soon returned again, and, in rather an agitated manner,

said, ‘I beg your pardon, sir, but the landlady is in the hall, and

would like to speak to you.’ Out I went, and found the finest specimen

of an English landlady that I had seen for many a day. There she stood,

nearly as thick as she was tall, with a red face garnished around with

curls, that seemed to say, ‘I have just been oiled and brushed.’ A neat

apron covered a black alpaca dress that swept the floor with modesty,

and a bunch of keys hung at her side. O, that smile! such a smile as

none but an adept could put on. However, I had studied human nature

too successfully not to know that thunder and lightning were concealed

under that smile, and I nerved myself for the occasion.

“‘I am sorry to have to name it, sir,’ said she; ‘but the sheets are

missing off your bed.’

“‘O, yes,’ I replied; ‘I took them off last night.’

“‘Indeed!’ exclaimed she; ‘and what did you do with them?’

“‘I threw them out of the window,’ said I.

“‘What! into the street?’

“‘Yes; into the street,’ I said.

“‘What did you do that for?’

“‘They were wet; and I was afraid that if I left them in the room they

would be put on at night, and give somebody else a cold.’

“‘Then, sir,’ said she, ‘you’ll have to pay for them.’

“‘Make out your bill, madam,’ I replied, ‘and put the price of the wet

sheets in it, and I will send it to the Times, and let the public know

how much you charge for wet sheets.’

“I turned upon my heel, and went back to the sitting-room. A moment

more, and my bill was brought in; but nothing said about the sheets,

and no charge made for them. The coach came to the door; and as I

passed through the hall leaving the house, the landlady met me, but

with a different smile.

“‘I hope, sir,’ said she, ‘that you will never mention the little

incident about the sheets. I am very sorry for it. It would ruin my

house if it were known.’ Thinking that she was punished enough in the

loss of her property, I promised not to mention the name of the house,

if I ever did the incident.

“The following week I returned to the hotel, when I learned the fact

from the waiter that they had suspected that I had stolen the sheets,

and that a police officer was concealed behind the hall door, on

the day that I was talking with the landlady. When I retired to bed

that night, I found two jugs of hot water in the bed, and the sheets

thoroughly dried and aired.

“I visited the same hotel several times afterwards, and was invariably

treated with the greatest deference, which no doubt was the result of

my night with the wet sheets.”

In 1852, Mr. Brown gave to the public his “Three Years in Europe,” a

work which at once placed him high as an author, as will be seen by

the following extracts from some of the English journals. The Eclectic

Review, edited by the venerable Dr. Price, one of the best critics in

the realm, said,--“Mr. Brown has produced a literary work not unworthy

of a highly-cultivated gentleman.”

Rev. Dr. Campbell, in the British Banner, remarked: “We have read Mr.

Brown’s book with an unusual measure of interest. Seldom, indeed, have

we met with anything more captivating. A work more worthy of perusal

has not, for a considerable time, come into our hands.”

“Mr. Brown writes with ease and ability,” said the Times, “and his

intelligent observations upon the great question to which he has

devoted and is devoting his life will command influence and respect.”

The Literary Gazette, an excellent authority, says of it, “The

appearance of this book is too remarkable a literary event, to pass

without a notice. At the moment when attention in this country is

directed to the state of the colored people in America, the book

appears with additional advantage; if nothing else were attained by

its publication, it is well to have another proof of the capability of

the negro intellect. Altogether, Mr. Brown has written a pleasing and

amusing volume, and we are glad to bear this testimony to the literary

merit of a work by a negro author.”

The Glasgow Citizen, in its review, remarked,--“W. Wells Brown is no

ordinary man, or he could not have so remarkably surmounted the many

difficulties and impediments of his training as a slave. By dint of

resolution, self-culture, and force of character, he has rendered

himself a popular lecturer to a British audience, and a vigorous

expositor of the evils and atrocities of that system whose chains he

has shaken off so triumphantly and forever. We may safely pronounce

William Wells Brown a remarkable man, and a full refutation of the

doctrine of the inferiority of the negro.”

The Glasgow Examiner said,--“This is a thrilling book, independent of

adventitious circumstances, which will enhance its popularity. The

author of it is not a man, in America, but a chattel,--a thing to be

bought, and sold, and whipped; but in Europe, he is an author, and a

successful one, too. He gives in this book an interesting and graphic

description of a three years’ residence in Europe. The book will no

doubt obtain, as it well deserves, a rapid and wide popularity.”

In the spring of 1853, the fugitive brought out his work, “Clotelle;

or, the President’s Daughter,” a book of nearly three hundred pages,

being a narrative of slave life in the Southern States. This work

called forth new criticisms on the “Negro Author” and his literary

efforts. The London Daily News pronounced it a book that would make a

deep impression; while The Leader, edited by the son of Leigh Hunt,

thought many parts of it “equal to anything which had appeared on the

slavery question.”

The above are only a few of the many encomiums bestowed upon our

author. Besides writing his books, Mr. Brown was also a regular

contributor to the columns of The London Daily News, The Liberator,

Frederick Douglass’ Paper, and The National Anti-slavery Standard. When

we add, that in addition to his literary labors, Mr. Brown was busily

engaged in the study of the medical profession, it will be admitted

that he is one of the most industrious of men. After remaining abroad

nearly six years, and travelling extensively through Great Britain and

on the continent, he returned to the United States in 1854, landing at

Philadelphia, where he was welcomed in a large public meeting presided

over by Robert Purvis, Esq.

On reaching Boston, a welcome meeting was held in Tremont Temple, with

Francis Jackson, Esq., in the chair, and at which Wendell Phillips

said,--“I rejoice that our friend Brown went abroad; I rejoice still

more that he has returned. The years any thoughtful man spends abroad

must enlarge his mind and store it richly. But such a visit is to a

colored man more than merely intellectual education. He lives for the

first time free from the blighting chill of prejudice. He sees no

society, no institution, no place of resort or means of comfort from

which his color debars him.

“We have to thank our friend for the fidelity with which he has, amid

many temptations, stood by those whose good name religious prejudice

is trying to undermine in Great Britain. That land is not all Paradise

to the colored man. Too many of them allow themselves to be made

tools of the most subtle of their race. We recognize, to-night, the

clear-sightedness and fidelity of Mr. Brown’s course abroad, not only

to thank him, but to assure our friends there that this is what the

Abolitionists of Boston endorse.”

Mr. Phillips proceeded:--“I still more rejoice that Mr. Brown has

returned. Returned to what? Not to what he can call his ‘country.’ The

white man comes ‘home.’ When Milton heard, in Italy, the sound of arms

from England, he hastened back--young, enthusiastic, and bathed in

beautiful art as he was in Florence. ‘I would not be away,’ he said,

‘when a blow was struck for liberty.’ He came to a country where his

manhood was recognized, to fight on equal footing.

“The black man comes home to no liberty but the liberty of

suffering--to struggle in fetters for the welfare of his race. It is

a magnanimous sympathy with his blood that brings such a man back. I

honor it. We meet to do it honor. Franklin’s motto was, _Ubi Libertas,

ibi patria_--Where liberty is, there is my country. Had our friend

adopted that for his rule, he would have stayed in Europe. Liberty for

him is there. The colored man who returns, like our friend, to labor,

crushed and despised, for his race, sails under a higher flag. His

motto is,--‘Where my country is, there will I bring liberty!’”

Although Dr. Brown could have entered upon the practice of his

profession, for which he was so well qualified, he nevertheless, with

his accustomed zeal, continued with renewed vigor in the cause of the

freedom of his race.

In travelling through the country and facing the prejudice that met

the colored man at every step, he saw more plainly the vast difference

between this country and Europe.

In giving an account of his passage on the little steamer that plies

between Ithica and Cayuga Bridge, he says,--

“When the bell rang for breakfast, I went to the table, where I found

some twenty or thirty persons. I had scarcely taken my seat, when a

rather snobby-appearing man, of dark complexion, looking as if a South

Carolina or Georgia sun had tanned him, began rubbing his hands, and,

turning up his nose, called the steward, and said to him, ‘Is it the

custom on this boat to put niggers at the table with white people?’

“The servant stood for a moment, as if uncertain what reply to make,

when the passenger continued, ‘Go tell the captain that I want him.’

Away went the steward. I had been too often insulted on account of my

connection with the slave, not to know for what the captain was wanted.

However, as I was hungry, I commenced helping myself to what I saw

before me, yet keeping an eye to the door, through which the captain

was soon to make his appearance. As the steward returned, and I heard

the heavy boots of the commander on the stairs, a happy thought struck

me; and I eagerly watched for the coming-in of the officer.

“A moment more, and a strong voice called out, ‘Who wants me?’

“I answered at once, ‘I, sir.’

“‘What do you wish?’ asked the captain.

“‘I want you to take this man from the table,’ said I.

“At this unexpected turn of the affair, the whole cabin broke out

into roars of laughter; while my rival on the opposite side of the

table seemed bursting with rage. The captain, who had joined in the

merriment, said,--

“‘Why do you want him taken from the table?’

“‘Is it your custom, captain,’ said I, ‘to let niggers sit at table

with white folks on your boat?’

“This question, together with the fact that the other passenger had

sent for the officer, and that I had ‘stolen his thunder,’ appeared

to please the company very much, who gave themselves up to laughter;

while the Southern-looking man left the cabin with the exclamation,

‘Damn fools!’”

In the autumn of 1854, Dr. Brown published his “Sketches of Places and

People Abroad,” that met with a rapid sale, and which the New York

Tribune said, was “well-written and intensely interesting.”

His drama, entitled “The Dough Face,” written shortly after, and read

by him before lyceums, gave general satisfaction wherever it was heard.

Indeed, in this particular line the doctor seems to excel, and the

press was unanimous in its praise of his efforts. The Boston Journal

characterized the drama and its reading as “interesting in its

composition, and admirably rendered.”

“The Escape; or, Leap for Freedom,” followed the “Dough Face,” and

this drama gave an amusing picture of slave life, and was equally as

favorably received by the public.

In 1863, Dr. Brown brought out “The Black Man,” a work which ran

through ten editions in three years, and which was spoken of by the

press in terms of the highest commendation, and of which Frederick

Douglass wrote in his own paper,--

“Though Mr. Brown’s book may stand alone upon its own merits, and

stand strong, yet while reading its interesting pages,--abounding

in fact and argument, replete with eloquence, logic, and learning,

clothed with simple yet eloquent language,--it is hard to repress the

inquiry, Whence has this man this knowledge? He seems to have read and

remembered nearly everything which has been written and said respecting

the ability of the negro, and has condensed and arranged the whole into

an admirable argument, calculated both to interest and convince.”

William Lloyd Garrison said, in The Liberator, “This work has done

good service, and proves its author to be a man of superior mind and

cultivated ability.”

Hon. Gerritt Smith, in a letter to Dr. Brown, remarked,--“I thank you

for writing such a book. It will greatly benefit the colored race. Send

me five copies of it.”

Lewis Tappen, in his Cooper Institute speech, on the 5th of January,

1863, said,--“This is just the book for the hour; it will do more for

the colored man’s elevation than any work yet published.”

The space allowed me for this sketch will not admit the many

interesting extracts that might be given from the American press in

Dr. Brown’s favor as a writer and a polished reader. However, I cannot

here omit the valuable testimony of Professor Hollis Read, in his

ably-written work, “The Negro Problem Solved.” On page 183, in writing

of the intelligent colored men of the country, he says: “As a writer,

I should in justice give the first place to Dr. William Wells Brown,

author of ‘The Black Man.’”

“Clotelle,” written by Dr. Brown, a romance founded on fact, is one of

the most thrilling stories that we remember to have read, and shows the

great versatility of the cast of mind of our author.

The temperance cause in Massachusetts, and indeed, throughout New

England, finds in Dr. Brown an able advocate.

The Grand Division of the Sons of Temperance of Massachusetts did

itself the honor of electing him Grand Worthy Associate of that body,

and thereby giving him a seat in the National Division of the Sons of

Temperance of North America, where, at its meeting in Boston, 1871,

his speech in behalf of the admission of the colored delegates from

Maryland, will not soon be forgotten by those who were present.

The doctor is also a prominent member of the Good Templars of

Massachusetts. His efforts, in connection with his estimable wife, for

the spread of temperance among the colored people of Boston, deserve

the highest commendation.

Some five years ago, our author, in company with others, organized “The

National Association for the Spread of Temperance and Night-schools

among the Freed People at the South,” of which he is now president.

This society is accomplishing great good among the freedmen.

It was while in the discharge of his duties of visiting the South, in

1871, and during his travels through the State of Kentucky, he became

a victim of the Ku-Klux, and of which the following is the narrative:--

“I visited my native State in behalf of The National Association for

the Spread of Temperance and Night-schools among the Freedmen, and

had spoken to large numbers of them at Louisville, and other places,

and was on my way to speak at Pleasureville, a place half-way between

Louisville and Lexington. I arrived at Pleasureville dépôt a little

after six in the evening, and was met by a colored man, who informed me

that the meeting was to take place five miles in the country.

“After waiting some time for a team which was expected, we started

on foot, thinking we would meet the vehicle. We walked on until dark

overtook us, and seeing no team, I began to feel apprehensive that all

was not right. The man with me, however, assured me that there was no

danger, and went on. But we shortly after heard the trotting of horses,

both in front and in the rear, and before I could determine what to do,

we were surrounded by some eight or ten men, three of whom dismounted,

bound my arms behind me with a cord, remounted their horses, and

started on in the direction I had been travelling. The man who was with

me disappeared while I was being tied. The men were not disguised, and

talked freely among themselves.

“After going a mile or more they stopped, and consulted a moment

or two, the purport of which I could not hear, except one of them

saying,--‘Lawrence don’t want a nigger hung so near his place.’ They

started again; I was on foot, a rope had been attached to my arms, and

the other end to one of the horses. I had to hasten my steps to keep

from being dragged along by the animal. Soon they turned to the right,

and followed up what appeared to be a cow-path.

“While on this road my hat fell off, and I called out to the man behind

and said, ‘I’ve lost my hat.’

“‘You’ll need no hat in half an hour’s time,’ he replied. As we were

passing a log house on this road, a man came out and said, in a

trembling voice, ‘Jim’s dying!’ All the men now dismounted, and, with

the exception of two, they went into the building. I distinctly heard

the cries, groans, and ravings of the sick man, which satisfied me at

once that it was an extreme case of delirium tremens; and as I treated

the malady successfully by the hypodermic remedy, and having with me

the little instrument, the thought flashed upon my mind that I might

save my life by the trial. Consequently, I said to one of the men,--‘I

know what’s the matter with that man, and I can relieve him in ten

minutes.’

“One of the men went into the house, related what I had said, and the

company came out. The leader, whom they all addressed as ‘Cap,’ began

to question me with regard to my skill in such complaints. He soon

became satisfied, untied me, and we entered the sick man’s chamber. My

hands were so numb from the tightness of the cord which bound my arms,

that I walked up and down the room for some minutes, rubbing my hands,

and contemplating the situation. The man lay upon a bed of straw, his

arms and legs bound to the bedstead to keep him from injuring himself

and others. He had, in his agony, bitten his tongue and lips, and his

mouth was covered with bloody froth, while the glare of his eyes was

fearful. His wife, the only woman in the house, sat near the bed with

an infant upon her lap, her countenance pale and anxious, while the

company of men seemed to be the most desperate set I had ever seen.

“I determined from the first to try to impress them with the idea

that I had derived my power to relieve pain from some supernatural

source. While I was thus thinking the matter over, ‘Cap’ was limping

up and down the room, breathing an oath at nearly every step, and

finally said to me,--‘Come, come, old boy, take hold lively; I want

to get home, for this d--d old hip of mine is raising h--l with me.’

I said to them,--‘Now, gentlemen, I’ll give this man complete relief

in less than ten minutes from the time I lay my hands on him; but I

must be permitted to retire to a room alone, for I confess that I have

dealings with the devil, and I must consult with him.’ Nothing so

charms an ignorant people as something that has about it the appearance

of superstition, and I did not want these men to see the syringe, or

to know of its existence. The woman at once lighted a tallow candle,

handed it to ‘Cap,’ and pointed to a small room. The man led the way,

set the light down, and left me alone. I now took out my case, adjusted

the needle to the syringe, filled it with a solution of the acetate of

morphia, put the little instrument into my vest pocket, and returned to

the room.

“After waving my hands in the air, I said,--‘Gentlemen, I want your

aid; give it to me, and I’ll perform a cure that you’ll never forget.

All of you look upon that man till I say, “Hold!” Look him right in

the eye.’ All eyes were immediately turned upon the invalid. Having

already taken my stand at the foot of the bed, I took hold of the right

leg near the calf, pinched up the skin, inserted the needle, withdrew

it after discharging the contents, slipped the syringe into my pocket,

and cried at the top of my voice, ‘Hold!’ The men now turned to me,

alternately viewing me and the sick man. From the moment that the

injection took place, the ravings began to cease, and in less than ten

minutes he was in perfect ease. I continued to wave my hands, and to

tell the devils ‘to depart and leave this man in peace.’ ‘Cap’ was the

first to break the silence, and he did it in an emphatic manner, for he

gazed steadily at me, then at the sick man, and exclaimed,--‘Big thing!

big thing, boys, d--d if it ain’t!’

“Another said,--‘A conjurer, by h--ll! you heard him say he deals with

the devil.’ I now thought it time to try ‘Cap,’ for, from his limping,

groaning, and swearing about his hip, it seemed to me a clear case of

sciatica, and I thus informed him, giving him a description of its

manner of attack and progress, detailing to him the different stages of

suffering.

“I had early learned from the deference paid to the man by his

associates, that he was their leader, and I was anxious to get my

hands on him, for I had resolved that if ever I got him under the

influence of the drug, he should never have an opportunity of putting

a rope around my neck. ‘Cap’ was so pleased with my diagnosis of

his complaint, that he said,--‘Well, I’ll give you a trial, d--d if

I don’t!’ I informed him that I must be with him alone. The woman

remarked that we could go in the adjoining room. As we left the

company, one of them said: ‘You aint agoin’ to kill “Cap,” is you?’

‘Oh, no!’ I replied. I said, ‘Now, “Cap,” I’ll cure you, but I need

your aid.’ ‘Sir,’ returned he, ‘I’ll do anything you tell me.’ I told

him to lay on the bed, shut his eyes, and count one hundred. He obeyed

at once, and while he was counting, I was filling the syringe with the

morphia.

“When he had finished counting, I informed him that I would have to

pinch him on the lame leg, so as to get the devil out of it. ‘Oh!’

replied he, ‘you may pinch as much as you d--d please, for I’ve seen

and felt h--ll with this old hip!’ I injected the morphia as I had done

in the previous case, and began to sing a noted Methodist hymn as soon

as I had finished. As the medicine took effect, the man went rapidly

off into a slumber, from which he did not awake while I was there, for

I had given him a double dose.

“I will here remark, that while the morphia will give most instant

relief in sciatica, it seldom performs a perfect cure. But in both

cases I knew it would serve my purpose. As soon as ‘Cap’ was safe, I

called in his companions, who appeared still more amazed than at first.

They held their faces to his to see that he breathed, and would shake

their heads and go out. I told them that I should have to remain with

the man five or six hours. At this announcement one of the company got

furious, and said, ‘It’s all a trick to save his neck from the halter,’

and concluded by saying at the top of his voice, ‘Come to the tree, to

the tree!’ The men all left the room, assembled in the yard, and had a

consultation. It was now after eleven o’clock, and as they had a large

flask of brandy with them they appeared to keep themselves well-filled,

from the manner in which the room kept scented up. At this juncture

one of the company, a tall, red-haired man, whose face was completely

covered with beard, entered the room, took his seat at the table, drew

out of his pocket a revolver, laid it on the table, and began to

fill his mouth with tobacco. The men outside mounted their horses and

rode away, one of whom distinctly shouted, ‘Remember, four o’clock.’

I continued to visit one and then the other of the invalids, feeling

their pulse, and otherwise showing my interest in their recovery.

“The brandy appeared to have as salutary effect on the man at the

table as the morphia had on the sick, for he was fast asleep in a few

minutes. The only impediment in the way of my escape now was a large

dog, which it was difficult to keep from me when I first came to the

house, and was now barking, snapping, and growling, as if he had been

trained to it.

“Many modes of escape suggested themselves to me while the time was

thus passing, the most favored of which was to seize the revolver, rush

out of the house, and run my chance with the dog. However, before I

could put any of these suggestions into practice, the woman went out,

called ‘Lion, Lion,’ and returned, followed by the dog, which she made

lie down by her as she reseated herself. In a low whisper, this woman,

whose fate deserves to be a better one, said,--‘They are going to

hang you at four o’clock; now is your time to go.’ The clock was just

striking two when I arose, and with a grateful look, left the house.

Taking the road that I had come, and following it down, I found my hat,

and after walking some distance out of the way by mistake, I reached

the station, and took the morning train for Cincinnati.”

I cannot conclude this sketch of our author’s life without alluding to

an incident which occurred at Aurora, my native town, on a visit to

that place in the winter of 1844.

Dr. Brown was advertised to speak in the old church, which he found

filled to overflowing, with an audience made up mostly of men who had

previously determined that the meeting should not be held.

The time for opening the meeting had already arrived, and the speaker

was introduced by my father, who acted as chairman.

The coughing, whistling, stamping of feet, and other noises made by

the assemblage, showed the prejudice existing against the anti-slavery

cause, the doctrines of which the speaker was there to advocate. This

tumult lasted for half an hour or more, during which time unsalable

eggs, peas, and other missiles were liberally thrown at the speaker.

One of the eggs took effect on the doctor’s face, spattering over

his nicely-ironed shirt bosom, and giving him a somewhat ungainly

appearance, which kept the audience in roars of laughter at the expense

of our fugitive friend.

Becoming tired of this sort of fun, and getting his Southern blood

fairly aroused, Dr. Brown, who, driven from the pulpit, was standing in

front of the altar, nerved himself up, assumed a highly dramatic air,

and said: “I shall not attempt to address you; no, I would not speak to

you if you wanted me to. However, let me tell you one thing, and that

is, if you had been in the South a slave as I was, none of you would

ever have had the courage to escape; none but cowards would do as you

have done here to-night.”

Dr. Brown gradually proceeded into a narrative of his own life and

escape from the South. The intense interest connected with the various

incidents as he related them, chained the audience to their seats,

and for an hour and a half he spoke, making one of the most eloquent

appeals ever heard in that section in behalf of his race.

I have often heard my father speak of it as an effort worthy of our

greatest statesmen. Before the commencement of the meeting, the mob had

obtained a bag of flour, taking it up into the belfry of the church,

directly over the entrance door, with the intention of throwing it over

the speaker as he should pass out.

One of the mob had been sent in with orders to keep as close to the

doctor as he could, and who was to give the signal for the throwing of

the flour. So great was the influence of the speaker on this man, that

his opinions were changed, and instead of giving the word, he warned

the doctor of the impending danger, saying,--“When you hear the cry of

‘let it slide,’ look out for the flour.” The fugitive had no sooner

learned these facts than he determined to have a little fun at the

expense of others.

Pressing his way forward, and getting near a group of the most

respectable of the company, including two clergymen, a physician, and

a justice of the peace, he moved along with them, and as they passed

under the belfry, the doctor cried out at the top of his voice, “Let

it slide!” when down came the flour upon the heads of some of our best

citizens, which created the wildest excitement, and caused the arrest

of those engaged in the disturbance.

Everybody regarded Dr. Brown’s aptness in this matter as a splendid

joke; and for many days after, the watchword of the boys was, “Let it

Slide!”

Dr. Brown wrote “The Negro in the Rebellion,” in 1866, which had a

rapid sale.

THE RISING SON.

CHAPTER I.

THE ETHIOPIANS AND EGYPTIANS.

The origin of the African race has provoked more criticism than any

other of the various races of man on the globe. Speculation has

exhausted itself in trying to account for the Negro’s color, features,

and hair, that distinguish him in such a marked manner from the rest of

the human family.

All reliable history, and all the facts which I have been able to

gather upon this subject, show that the African race descended from the

country of the Nile, and principally from Ethiopia.

The early history of Ethiopia is involved in great obscurity. When

invaded by the Egyptians, it was found to contain a large population,

consisting of savages, hunting and fishing tribes, wandering herdsmen,

shepherds, and lastly, a civilized class, dwelling in houses and in

large cities, possessing a government and laws, acquainted with the

use of hieroglyphics, the fame of whose progress in knowledge and the

social arts had, in the remotest ages, spread over a considerable

portion of the earth. Even at that early period, when all the nations

were in their rude and savage state, Ethiopia was full of historical

monuments, erected chiefly on the banks of the Nile.

The earliest reliable information we have of Ethiopia, is (B. C. 971)

when the rulers of that country assisted Shishank in his war against

Judea, “with very many chariots and horsemen.” Sixteen years later, we

have an account of Judea being again invaded by an army of a million

Ethiopians, unaccompanied by any Egyptian force.[1] The Ethiopian power

gradually increased until its monarchs were enabled to conquer Egypt,

where three of them reigned in succession, Sabbackon, Sevechus, and

Tarakus, the Tirhakah of Scripture.[2]

Sevechus, called so in Scripture, was so powerful a monarch that

Hoshed, king of Israel, revolted against the Assyrians, relying on his

assistance,[3] but was not supported by his ally. This indeed, was the

immediate cause of the captivity of the Ten Tribes; for “in the ninth

year of Hoshed the king, the king of Assyria took Samaria, and carried

Israel away into Assyria,” as a punishment for unsuccessful rebellion.

Tirhakah was a more war-like prince; he led an army against

Sennacherib,[4] king of Assyria, then besieging Jerusalem; and the

Egyptian traditions, preserved in the age of Herodotus, give an

accurate account of the providential interposition by which the pride

of the Assyrians was humbled.

It is said that the kings of Ethiopia were always elected from the

priestly caste; and there was a strange custom for the electors, when

weary of their sovereign, to send him a courier with orders to die.

Ergamenes was the first monarch who ventured to resist this absurd

custom; he lived in the reign of the second Ptolemy, and was instructed

in Grecian philosophy. So far from yielding, he marched against the

fortress of the priests, massacred most of them, and instituted a new

religion.

Queens frequently ruled in Ethiopia; one named Candace made war on

Augustus Cæsar, about twenty years before the birth of Christ, and

though not successful, obtained peace on very favorable conditions.

The pyramids of Ethiopia, though inferior in size to those in Egypt,

are said to surpass them in architectural beauty, and the sepulchres

evince the greatest purity of taste.

But the most important and striking proof of the progress of the

Ethiopians in the art of building, is their knowledge and employment

of the arch. Hoskins has stated that their pyramids are of superior

antiquity to those of Egypt. The Ethiopian vases depicted on the

monuments, though not richly ornamented, display a taste and elegance

of form that has never been surpassed. In sculpture and coloring,

the edifices of Ethiopia, though not so profusely adorned, rival the

choicest specimens of Egyptian art.

Meroe was the _entrepot_ of trade between the North and the South,

between the East and the West, while its fertile soil enabled the

Ethiopians to purchase foreign luxuries with native productions. It

does not appear that fabrics were woven in Ethiopia so extensively

as in Egypt; but the manufacture of metal must have been at least as

flourishing.

But Ethiopia owed its greatness less to the produce of its soil or

its factories than to its position on the intersection of the leading

caravan routes of ancient commerce.

The Ethiopians were among the first nations that organized a regular

army, and thus laid the foundation of the whole system of ancient

warfare. A brief account of their military affairs will therefore

illustrate not only their history, but that of the great Asiatic

monarchies, and of the Greeks during the heroic ages. The most

important division of an Ethiopian army was the body of war-chariots,

used instead of cavalry. These chariots were mounted on two wheels and

made low; open behind, so that the warrior could easily step in and

out; and without a seat.

They were drawn by two horses and generally contained two warriors,

one of whom managed the steeds while the other fought. Nations were

distinguished from each other by the shape and color of their chariots.

Great care was taken in the manufacturing of the chariots and also of

the breeding of horses to draw them. Nothing in our time can equal

the attention paid by the ancients in the training of horses for the

battle-field.

The harness which these animals wore was richly decorated; and a quiver

and bow-case, decorated with extraordinary taste and skill, were

securely fixed to the side of each chariot. The bow was the national

weapon, employed by both cavalry and infantry. No nation of antiquity

paid more attention to archery than the Ethiopians; their arrows better

aimed than those of any other nation, the Egyptians perhaps excepted.

The children of the warrior caste were trained from early infancy to

the practice of archery.

The arms of the Ethiopians were a spear, a dagger, a short sword, a

helmet, and a shield. Pole-axes and battle-axes were occasionally

used. Coats of mail were used only by the principal officers, and some

remarkable warriors, like Goliath, the champion of the Philistines. The

light troops were armed with swords, battle-axes, maces, and clubs.

Some idea of the manly forms, great strength, and military training of

the Ethiopians, may be gathered from Herodotus, the father of ancient

history.

After describing Arabia as “a land exhaling the most delicious

fragrance,” he says,--“Ethiopia, which is the extremity of the

habitable world, is contiguous to this country on the south-west. Its

inhabitants are very remarkable for their size, their beauty, and their

length of life.”[5]

In his third book he has a detailed description of a single tribe

of this interesting people, called the Macrobian, or long-lived

Ethiopians. Cambyses, the Persian king, had made war upon Egypt,

and subdued it. He is then seized with an ambition of extending his

conquests still farther, and resolves to make war upon the Ethiopians.

But before undertaking his expedition, he sends spies into the country

disguised as friendly ambassadors, who carry costly presents from

Cambyses. They arrive at the court of the Ethiopian prince, “a man

superior to all others in the perfection of size and beauty,” who sees

through their disguise, and takes down a bow of such enormous size that

no Persian could bend it. “Give your king this bow, and in my name

speak to him thus:--

“‘The king of Ethiopia sends this counsel to the king of Persia.

When his subjects shall be able to bend this bow with the same ease

that I do, then let him venture to attack the long-lived Ethiopians.

Meanwhile, let him be thankful to the gods, that the Ethiopians have

not been inspired with the same love of conquest as himself.’”[6]

Homer wrote at least eight hundred years before Christ, and his poems

are well ascertained to be a most faithful mirror of the manners and

customs of his times, and the knowledge of his age.

In the first book of the Iliad, Achilles is represented as imploring

his goddess-mother to intercede with Jove in behalf of her aggrieved

son. She grants his request, but tells him the intercession must be

delayed for twelve days. The gods are absent. They have gone to the

distant climes of Ethiopia to join in its festal rites. “Yesterday

Jupiter went to the feast with the _blameless_ Ethiopians, away upon

the limits of the ocean, and all the gods followed together.”[7] Homer

never wastes an epithet. He often alludes to the Ethiopians elsewhere,

and always in terms of admiration and praise, as being the most just of

men; the favorites of the gods.[8]

The same allusion glimmers through the Greek mythology, and appears in

the verses of almost all the Greek poets ere the countries of Italy and

Sicily were even discovered. The Jewish Scripture and Jewish literature

abound in allusion to this distinct and mysterious people; the annals

of the Egyptian priests are full of them, uniformly the Ethiopians are

there lauded as among the best, most religious, and most civilized of

men.[9]

Let us pause here one moment, and follow the march of civilization

into Europe. Wherever its light has once burned clearly, it has been

diffused, but not extinguished. Every one knows that Rome got her

civilization from Greece; that Greece again borrowed hers from Egypt,

that thence she derived her earliest science and the forms of her

beautiful mythology.

The mythology of Homer is evidently hieroglyphical in its origin, and

has strong marks of family resemblance to the symbolical worship of

Egypt.

It descended the Nile; it spread over the delta of that river, as it

came down from Thebes, the wonderful city of a hundred gates. Thebes,

as every scholar knows, is more ancient than the cities of the

delta. The ruins of the colossal architecture are covered over with

hieroglyphics, and strewn with the monuments of Egyptian mythology. But

whence came Thebes? It was built and settled by colonies from Ethiopia,

or from cities which were themselves the settlements of that nation.

The higher we ascend the Nile, the more ancient are the ruins on which

we tread, till we come to the “hoary Meroe,” which Egypt acknowledged

to be the cradle of her institutions.

But Meroe was the queenly city of Ethiopia, into which all Africa

poured its caravans laden with ivory, frankincense, and gold. So it is

that we trace the light of Ethiopian civilization first into Egypt,

thence into Greece, and Rome, whence, gathering new splendor on its

way, it hath been diffusing itself all the world over.[10]

We now come to a consideration of the color of the Ethiopians, that

distinguish their descendants of the present time in such a marked

manner from the rest of the human race.

Adam, the father of the human family, took his name from the color of

the earth from which he was made.[11]

The Bible says but little with regard to the color of the various races

of man, and absolutely nothing as to the time when or the reasons why

these varieties were introduced. There are a few passages in which

color is descriptive of the person or the dress. Job said, “My skin is

black upon me.” Job had been sick for a long time, and no doubt this

brought about a change in his complexion. In Lamentations, it is said,

“Their visage is blacker than a coal;” also, “our skin was blacker than

an oven.” Both of these writers, in all probability, had reference to

the change of color produced by the famine. Another writer says, “I am

black, but comely.” This may have been a shepherd, and lying much in

the sun might have caused the change.

However, we now have the testimony of one whom we clearly understand,

and which is of the utmost importance in settling this question.

Jeremiah asks, “Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his

spots?” This refers to a people whose color is peculiar, fixed, and

unalterable. Indeed, Jeremiah seems to have been as well satisfied

that the Ethiopian was colored, as he was that the leopard had spots;

and that the one was as indelible as the other. The German translation

of Luther has “Negro-land,” for Ethiopia, _i. e._, the country of the

blacks.

All reliable history favors the belief that the Ethiopians descended

from Cush, the eldest son of Ham, who settled first in Shina in Asia.

Eusebius informs us that a colony of Asiatic Cushites settled in that

part of Africa which has since been known as Ethiopia proper. Josephus

asserts that these Ethiopians were descended from Cush, and that in

his time they were still called Cushites by themselves and by the

inhabitants of Asia. Homer divides the Ethiopians into two parts, and

Strabo, the geographer, asserts that the dividing line to which he

alluded was the Red Sea. The Cushites emigrated in part to the west

of the Red Sea; these, remaining unmixed with other races, engrossed

the general name of Cushite, or Ethiopian, while the Asiatic Cushites

became largely mingled with other nations, and are nearly or quite

absorbed, or, as a distinct people well-nigh extinct. Hence, from

the allusion of Jeremiah to the skin of the Ethiopian, confirmed and

explained by such authorities as Homer, Strabo, Herodotus, Josephus,

and Eusebius, we conclude that the Ethiopians were an African branch

of the Cushites who settled first in Asia. Ethiop, in the Greek,

means “sunburn,” and there is not the slightest doubt but that these

people, in and around Meroe, took their color from the climate. This

theory does not at all conflict with that of the common origin of man.

Although the descendants of Cush were black, it does not follow that

all the offspring of Ham were dark-skinned; but only those who settled

in a climate that altered their color.

The word of God by his servant Paul has settled forever the question of

the equal origin of the human races, and it will stand good against all

scientific research. “God hath made of one blood all the nations of men

for to dwell on all the face of the earth.”

The Ethiopians are not constitutionally different from the rest of the

human family, and therefore, we must insist upon _unity_, although we

see and admit the variety.

Some writers have endeavored to account for this difference of color,

by connecting it with the curse pronounced upon Cain. This theory,

however, has no foundation; for if Cain was the progenitor of Noah,

and if Cain’s new peculiarities were perpetuated, then, as Noah was

the father of the world’s new population, the question would be, not

how to account for any of the human family being black, but how can

we account for any being white? All this speculation as to the change

of Cain’s color, as a theory for accounting for the variety peculiar

to Cush and the Ethiopians, falls to the ground when we trace back the

genealogy of Noah, and find that he descended not from Cain, but from

Seth.

Of course Cain’s descendants, no matter what their color, became

extinct at the flood. No miracle was needed in Ethiopia to bring about

a change in the color of its inhabitants. The very fact that the nation

derived its name from the climate should be enough to satisfy the

most skeptical. What was true of the Ethiopians was also true of the

Egyptians, with regard to color; for Herodotus tells us that the latter

were colored and had curled hair.

The vast increase of the population of Ethiopia, and a wish of its

rulers to possess more territory, induced them to send expeditions down

the Nile, and towards the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. Some of

these adventurers, as early as B. C. 885, took up their abode on the

Mediterranean coast, and founded the place which in later years became

the great city of Carthage. Necho, king of Egypt, a man distinguished

for his spirit of enterprise, sent an expedition (B. C. 616) around

the African coast. He employed Phœnecian navigators. This fleet sailed

down the Red Sea, passed the straits of Balel-Mandeb, and, coasting

the African continent, discovered the passage around the Cape of Good

Hope, two thousand years before its re-discovery by Dias and Vasco de

Gama. This expedition was three years in its researches, and while

gone, got out of food, landed, planted corn, and waited for the crop.

After harvesting the grain, they proceeded on their voyage. The fleet

returned to Egypt through the Atlantic Ocean, the straits of Gibralter,

and the Mediterranean.

The glowing accounts brought back by the returned navigators of the

abundance of fruits, vegetables, and the splendor of the climate

of the new country, kindled the fire of adventurous enthusiasm in

the Ethiopians, and they soon followed the example set them by the

Egyptians. Henceforward, streams of emigrants were passing over the

Isthmus of Suez, that high road to Africa, who became permanent

residents of the promised land.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] 2 Chron. xiv: 8-13.

[2] Hawkins, in his work on Meroe, identifies Tirhakah with the priest

Sethos, upon ground, we think, not tenable.

[3] 2 Kings, xvii: 4.

[4] 2 Kings, xix: 9.

[5] Herod. iii: 114.

[6] Herod iii: 21.

[7] Iliad II: 423.

[8] Iliad XXIII.

[9] Chron. xiv: 9; xvi: 8; Isaiah xlv: 14; Jeremiah xlvi: 9; Josephus

Aut. II; Heeren, vol I: p. 290.

[10] E. H. Sears, in the “Christian Examiner,” July, 1846.

[11] Josephus Ant., Vol. I: p. 8.

The Rising Son; or, the Antecedents and Advancement of the Colored Race · 第 1 / 51 章