Sir,
I Receiv’d the Honour of your Letter, with the Book you was pleas’d to
send me, containing an Examination of _the Theory of the Earth:_ And,
according as you desire, I shall give you my Thoughts of it, in as
narrow a Compass as I can. The Author of the _Theory_, you know, hath
set down in three Propositions, the Foundation of the whole Work; and so
long as those Propositions stand firm, the Substance of the _Theory_ is
safe, whatsoever becomes of particular Modes of Explication in some
Parts; which are as Problems, and may be explained several Ways, without
prejudice to the Principles upon which the _Theory_ stands.
The Theorist takes but one single Postulatum, _viz._ That the _Earth
rose from a Chaos:_ This is not call’d into Question; and this being
granted, he lays down three Propositions consecutively. First, _That the
primitive or ante-diluvian Earth was of a different Form and
Construction from the present Earth_. Secondly, _That the Face of that
Earth, as it rose from a Chaos, was smooth, regular and uniform; without
Mountains or Rocks, and without an open Sea_. Thirdly, _That the
Disruption of the Abyss, or Dissolution of that primeval Earth, and its
Fall into the Abyss, was the Cause of the universal Deluge, and of the
Destruction of the old World_: As also of the irregular Form of the
present Earth.
These are the three Fundamental Propositions laid down in the fourth,
fifth and sixth Chapters of the _Theory_. And for a farther Proof and
Confirmation of them, especially of the last, another Proposition is
added (_Chap._ VII.) in these Words, _The present Form and Structure of
the Earth, both as to the Surface, and as to the interior Parts of it,
so far as they are accessible and known to us, do exactly answer to the
foregoing Theory, concerning the Form and Dissolution of the first
Earth, and is not so justly explained to any other Hypothesis yet
known._ This is offer’d as a Proof _à Posteriori_, as they call it, or
from the Effects; to shew the Consent and Agreement of the Parts and
Construction of the present Earth, to that Supposition of its being a
sort of Ruin, or the Effect and Remains of a Disruption or Dissolution.
And to make this good, the Theorist draws a short Scheme of the general
Form of the present Earth, and its Irregularity: Then shews more
particularly the Marks or Signatures of Ruin or Disruption in several
Parts of it; as in Mountains and Rocks, in the great Chanel of the Sea,
and in subterraneous Cavities, and other broken and disfigur’d Parts of
the Earth.
These Conclusions, with their Arguments, are the Sum and principal
Contents of the first Book; but I must also mind you of a Corollary in
the second Book, drawn from these primary Propositions, which concerns
the Situation of the primitive Earth: For the Theorist supposes, that
the Posture of that Earth, or of its Axis, was not oblique to to the
Axis of the Sun, or of the Ecliptick, as it is now, but lay parallel
with the Axis of the Sun, and perpendicular to the Plane of the
Ecliptick; by reason of which Position, there was a perpetual Spring, or
perpetual Equinox, in that primitive Earth. This, tho’ a Consequence
only from the first Propositions, I thought fit to mind you of, as being
one of the peculiar and distinguishing Characters of this _Theory_.
This being the State of the _Theory_, or of those Parts of it that
support the rest, and wherein its Strength consists, he that will attack
it to purpose, must throw down, in the first Place, these leading
Propositions. If the Examiner had taken this Method, and confuted the
Proofs that are brought in Confirmation of each of them, he needed have
done no more; for the Foundation being destroyed, the Superstructure
would fall of its own accord. But if, instead of this, you only pick out
a loose Stone here or there, or strike off a Pinacle, this will not
weaken the Foundation, nor have any considerable Effect upon the whole
Building. Let us therefore consider, in the first Place, what this
Examiner hath said against these fundamental Propositions, and
accordingly you will better judge of the rest of his Work.
His first Chapter is to shew, that the Deluge might be made by a
Miracle: But whoever denied that? No doubt God by his Omnipotency may do
whatsoever he pleases, to the utmost Extent of Possibilities. But he
does not tell us wherein this Miracle consisted? Doth he suppose that
the Deluge could be made without any Increase of Waters upon the Earth?
If there was an Increase of Waters, either they were created a-new, or
brought thither from some other Part of the Universe: So far is plain;
and if he supposes a new Creation of Waters for this Purpose, and an
Annihilation of them again at the end of the Flood, it had been fair to
have answered the Arguments that are given against that Hypothesis, in
the third Chapter of the _English Theory_. And seeing there is no
mention made of any such thing in the sacred History, if he asserts it,
he must bring some Proof of his Assertion; for we are not upon such
Terms, as to trust upon bare Word. On the other Hand, if he proceed upon
such Waters as were already in being, and for his purpose either bring
down supercelestial Water, or bring subterraneous, he must tell us what
those Waters are, and must answer such Objections as are brought against
either sort in the second and third Chapters of the _Theory_; we must
have some fix’d Point, some Mark to aim at, if the Case be argued. Upon
the whole, I think this his first Chapter might have been spar’d, as
either affirming nothing particularly, or giving no Proof of what is
affirm’d.
In his next Chapter about the _Chaos_, I was in hopes to have found
something more considerable, but (besides his long _excerpta_ out of the
_Theory_, both here and elsewhere, which make a good part of his Book) I
find nothing but two small Objections against the Formation of the first
Earth, as it is describ’d by the Theorist. This Examiner says, _p. 37,
38._ That the little earthy Particles of the Chaos would not swim upon
the Surface of Oil, or any such unctuous Liquor; for how little soever,
yet being earthy, and Earth being heavier than Oil, they must descend
through it. But he grants that Dust will swim upon Oil; and I willingly
allow, if these descending Parts were _huge Lumps of solid Matter_, such
as we shall meet with in his next Chapter, they would easily break
through both the Oil and the Water under it; but that little tenuious
Particles or small Dust should swim upon Oil, I think is no wonder: And
he is so kind as to note an Instance of this himself; and to subjoin his
Reasons for it. We see Dust, saith he, _p. 38, 39._ though specifically
heavier than Oil, yet not to sink when cast upon it. And the Reason is,
because all terrestrial Bodies, tho’ fluid in their kind yet in some
degree resist Separation; and consequently, I add, viscous Liquors which
have some sort of Entanglement amongst themselves, resist Separation
more than others. Then he remarks farther, that according as Bodies are
less, they have more Surface in Proportion to their Bulk, and
consequently, that _small Bodies, whose Weight or Force to separate the
Parts of the Fluid is but very little, may have a Surface so large, that
they cannot overcome the Resistance of the Fluid: That is, they cannot
make Way for their Descent through the Fluid, and therefore must swim
upon the Surface of it_. Be it so, then the Particles here mentioned by
the Theorist, being little, and of large Surfaces in Proportion to their
Bulk, would swim upon the Surface of the Fluid, or mix with it, which is
all the Theorist affirms or supposes: And as this tender Film grew into
a Crust, and that into a solid Arch, the Parts of it would mutually
support one another; the Concave Superficies of the Orb overspreading
and leaning upon the Waters: And this also shews that his Instance of a
solid Globe sinking in a Fluid, is little to the Purpose in this Case.
But he hath a second objection behind, _p._ 40. or another Consideration
to prove that those little Particles would pierce and pass through this
oily Liquid. This Consideration is, the great Height of the Place from
which they descended; whereby, he thinks, they would acquire such a
Celerity and Force in their Descent, that they must needs break through
this Orb of oily Liquors when they came at it. But this is to suppose
that they descended without Interruption, or without having their Course
stopp’d, and their Force broken in several Parts of their journey. This
is an arbitrary and groundless Supposition: For these floating Particles
did not fall like a Stone, or a ponderous Body, in one continued Line,
but rather like Fleaks of Snow, hovering and playing in the Air, their
Course being often interrupted and diverted, and their force broken
again and again, before they came to the end of their Journey; so that
this Suggestion can be of no Force or Effect in the present Case.
However, if that will gratify him, we can allow that thousands and
millions of these little Particles might slip or creep through this
clammy Liquor, yet there would enough of them entangled there to make
it, first, a gross Liquid, then a sort of Concretion, so as to stop the
succeeding Particles from passing through it.
I have done with all that is argumentative in this Chapter: But this
Writer is pleased to go sometimes out of his way of Philosophising, to
make Reflections of another kind. Accordingly, here and elsewhere he
makes Insinuations and Suggestions, as if the Theorist did not own the
Hand of Providence, or of a particular and extraordinary Providence in
the Formation of the Earth; or as if all Things in the great Revolutions
of the natural World were carried on solely by material and mechanical
Causes. This Suggestion ought to be taken Notice of, as being contrary
to the Sense of the Theorist, as it is express’d in several Places. In
speaking of the Motions of the Chaos, the Theorist makes the _steady
Hand of Providence which keeps all Things in Weight and Measure, to be
the invisible Guide of all its Motions_, p. 45. And in concluding his
Discourse about the Formation of the Earth (_Chap._ V. _p._ 45.) the
Theorist says, _This Structure is so marvellous, that it ought rather to
be consider’d, as a particular Effect of the Divine Art, than as the
Work of Nature_; with many other Remarks there to the same purpose. Then
as to the Dissolution of the Earth, and the Conduct of the Deluge, ’tis
made miraculous also by the Theorist[22]: And upon that Occasion an
Account is given of Providence, both ordinary and extraordinary, in
reference to the Government of Nature; and that not only as to the
formation and Dissolution of the Earth, but also as to its Conflagration
and Renovation: For the Theorist always puts those great Revolutions
under the particular Conduct and Moderation of Providence. Lastly, As to
the whole Universe, he is far from making that the Product either of
_Chance_ or _Necessity_, or of any purely material or mechanical Causes;
as you may see at large in the two last Chapters of the _Theory_, _Book_
II. So that what this Author hath said (rudely enough, according to his
Way) of _Mr. Wotton_, _Introd._ _p._ 15. that _he either understands no
Geometry, or else that he never read_ D.C. _his Principles_, may with a
little Change be apply’d to himself in this Case, that either he never
read over, or does not remember, or, which is still worse, does wilfully
misrepresent what the Theorist hath wrote upon this Subject. The Sum of
all is this, _Deus non deficit in necessariis, nec redundat in
superfluis_: God is the God of Nature; and the Laws of Nature are his
Laws: These we are to follow so far as they will go, and where they fall
short, we must rise to higher Principles; but we ought not to introduce
a needless Exercise of the divine Power, for a Cover to our Ignorance.
To conclude this Chapter, I will leave one Advertisement with the
Examiner concerning the Chaos. When he speaks of the World’s rising from
the _Mosaick_ Chaos, if by _World_ he understand the whole Universe, as
he seems to do; not this inferior World only, but the fix’d Stars also,
and all the Heavens: If that, I say, be his Meaning and Opinion, he will
meet with other Opponents besides the Theorist, that will contest that
Point with him.
We come now to the third Chapter, concerning the _Mountains_ of the
Earth, which is a subject indeed that deserves Consideration, seeing it
reaches to the three fundamental Propositions before mentioned, and the
Form of the ante-diluvian Earth; which Form the Examiner would have to
be the same with that of the present Earth, to have had Mountains and
Rocks, an open Chanel of the Sea, with all the Cavities and
Irregularities within or without the Surface of it, as at present. If he
can prove this, he needs go no farther; he may spare his Pains for the
rest: I’ll undertake that the Theorist shall make no farther Defence of
his Theory, if the Examiner can make good Proof of this one Conclusion.
But, on the other Hand, the Examiner ought to be so ingenuous as to
acknowledge that all that he hath said besides, till this be prov’d, can
be of little or no Effect, as to the Substance of the Theory. Let us
then consider how he raises Mountains and Rocks, and gives us an Account
of all the other Inequalities that we find in the present Form of the
Earth, by an immediate Formation or Deduction from the Chaos.
To shew this, he supposes, _p._ 49, 51. that the Chaos had Mountains and
Rocks swimming in it, or, according to his Expression, _huge Lumps of
solid Matter_. These are Things, I confess, which I never heard of
before in a Chaos; which hath been always describ’d and suppos’d a Mass
of fluid Matter all over. But this Author confidently says, p. 48. _We
must conclude THEREFORE, that the Chaos was not so fluid a Mass, &c._
This _therefore_ refers us to an antecedent Reason, which is this; he
says, _ibid._ to make the Chaos an entirely fluid Mass is hard to be
granted, _since the greatest Parts of Bodies we have in the Earth, at
least so far as we can discern, are hard and solid, and there is not
such a Quantity of Water in the Earth, as would be requisite to soften
and liquify them all; besides a great part of them, as Stones and
Metals, are uncapable of being liquified by Water_. Very good, what is
this to the _Theory_? Does the Theorist any where affirm or suppose that
there were Stones or Metals in the Chaos; or that they were liquified by
Water? This must refer to some Hypothesis of his own, or to some other
Author’s Hypothesis that ran in his Mind: The Theorist owns no such
Doctrine or Supposition.
However, let’s consider how this new Idea of a Chaos is consistent with
the Laws of Nature: What made these _huge Lumps of solid Matter_,
whether Stone or Metal, to swim in the fluid Mass? This is against all
Rules of Gravity, and of Staticks, as he seems to acknowledge, and urged
it when he thought it to his Purpose. In the precedent Chapter (_p._
42.) when he speaks of Stones and Minerals, he says, _’Tis certain that
these great heavy Bodies must have sunk to the Bottom, if they were left
to themselves_: And he that will not allow Dust or little earthy
Particles, to float upon an oily Liquor, I wonder how he will make, not
little Particles, but these huge solid Lumps of Stone, Metals, or
Minerals, to float in the Chaos.
He seems to own and be sensible of this Inconvenience, (_p._ 50) and
thereupon finds an Expedient or Evasion which a lesser Wit would not
have thought on. He supposes, _p._ 51 that these _huge_ firm solid Lumps
were hollow, like empty Bottles, and that would keep them from sinking.
But who told him they were hollow? Is not this precarious? Or, if one
would use such Terms as he does, is not this _chymerical and
ridiculous_? What made those solid firm Lumps hollow? When, or where, or
how were their inward Parts scrap’d out of them? Nor would this
Hollowness, however they came by it, make them swim, unless there was a
mere Vacuum in each of them. If they were filled with the liquid Matter
of the Chaos, they would indeed be lighter than if wholly solid; but
they would still be heavier than any equal Bulk of the fluid Chaos, and
consequently would sink in it; the Preponderancy that would arise from
the Shell or solid Part still remaining.
Now let’s consider how such Mountains, or long Ridges of Mountains as we
have upon the Earth, were formed and settled by these floating Lumps. He
says, _p._ 50, 51. _Part of these Lumps or Masses standing out, or being
higher than the Fluid, would compose a Mountain_, as there are
_Mountains of Ice that float upon the Northern Seas_. But are not
Mountains of Rock and Stone, such as ours commonly are, heavier than
Mountains of Ice, that is specifically lighter than Water? This might
have been consider’d by the Examiner in drawing the Parallel: And still
I’m at a Loss what _Fluid_ it is he means, when he says, These Lumps or
Masses _standing out, or being higher than the Fluid_. Does he mean by
this Fluid the Whole Chaos? Did these Mountains stand at the Top of the
Chaos, partly within, and partly above it? Then what drew them down
below, if they stood equally pois’d there in their Fluid, and as high as
the Moon, if the Chaos reach’d so high. This, one would think, could not
be his Meaning, ’tis so extravagant; and yet there was no other Fluid
than the general Chaos, till that was divided and distinguish’d into
several Masses. Then, indeed, there was an Abyss, or Region of Waters
that covered the interior Earth, and was separate from the Air above.
Let us then suppose this Abyss to be the Waters or Fluid this Author
means, upon which his Mountains stood; then the rest of the Earth, as it
came to be form’d, must be continu’d and join’d with these Mountains,
and in like Manner laid over the Waters; so as in this Method, you see,
we should have an Orb of Earth built over the Abyss. This is a very
favourable Stroke for the Theorist, and grants him in Effect his
principal Conclusion, _viz._ That the _first ante diluvian Earth was
built over the Abyss_: This being admitted, there could be no universal
Deluge without a Disruption of that Earth, and an Eruption of the Abyss,
which is a main Point gain’d. And ’tis plain we make no false Logick in
collecting this from his Principles and Concessions: For, as we said
before, if these Mountains were founded upon the Abyss, they must have a
Continuity and Conjunction with the rest of the Surface of the Earth, if
they were such as our Mountains are now, and so all the habitable Earth
must be spread upon the Abyss.
But still he hath another Difficulty to encounter, how the great Chanel
of the Sea was made upon this Supposition: Why was not that Part of the
Globe fill’d up by the Descent of the earthy Particles of the Chaos as
well as the rest? The Chanel of the Ocean is commonly suppos’d to take
up half of the Globe, how came this gaping Gulph to remain unfill’d,
seeing it was encompass’d with the Chaos as well as any other Parts? Was
the Motion of the Particles suspended from descending upon that Part of
the Globe; or were they fill’d up at first, and afterwards thrown out
again to make room for the Sea? This may deserve his Consideration, as
well as the Mountains: And how dextrous soever this Author may be in
other Things I know not, but, in my Mind, he hath no good Hand in making
Mountains; and I’m afraid he would have no better Success in forming the
Chanel of the Sea, which he is wisely pleased to take no Notice of.
And indeed the Examiner seems to be sensible himself that he hath no
good Luck in assigning the _efficient Causes_ of Mountains from the
Chaos, and therefore he is willing to bear off from that Point, and to
lay the whole Stress upon their _final Causes_, without any regard to
their Origin, or how they came first into being. His Words are these,
_p._ 52. _But supposing the efficient Causes of Mountains unknown, or
impossible to be assign’d, yet still there remain the final Causes to be
enquir’d into, which will do as well for our Purpose_, with what follows
there concerning those Authors that exclude final Causes. If there be
such Authors, let them answer for themselves, the Theorist is not
concern’d. Grant the first Point, that Mountains could not arise from
any known efficient Causes in the first Concretion of the Chaos, or in
the first habitable Earth that rose from it, the Theorist readily allows
(as appears fully in the two last Chapters of the second Book of the
_Eng. Theor._) the Use of final Causes in the Contemplation of Nature,
as being great Arguments of the Wisdom and Goodness of God. But this
ought not to exclude the efficient Causes in a _Theory_, otherwise it
would be no _Theory_, but a Work of another Nature. Though a Man knew
the final Cause of a Watch or Clock, namely, to tell him the Hour of the
Day, yet, if he did not know the Construction of its Parts, what was the
Spring of Motion, what the Order of the Wheels, and how they mov’d the
Hand of the Dial, he could not be said to understand that little
Machine; or at least not to understand it so well as he that knew the
Construction and Dependence of all its Parts, in virtue whereof that
Effect was brought to pass. In many Cases we do not understand the final
Causes, and in many we do not understand the efficient; but,
notwithstanding, we must endeavour, so far as we are able, to join and
understand them both; the End and the Means to it: For by the one, as
well as the other, the divine Power and Wisdom are illustrated; and
seeing every Effect hath its efficient Cause, if we cannot reach it, we
must acknowledge our Speculations to be so far imperfect.
After this Excursion about final Causes, he concludes, _p._ 54. _That it
is impossible to subsist or live without Rocks or Mountains_;
consequently no Earth is habitable without Rocks and Mountains. But how
can he tell this? Hath he been all over the Universe to make his
Observations? or hath he had a Revelation to tell him that there is no
one habitable Planet throughout all the Works of God, but what is of the
same Form with our Earth as to Rocks and Mountains. Who hath ever
observ’d Mountains and Rocks in _Jupiter_, or in the Remains of
_Saturn_? I should think such a general Assertion as he makes, a bold
and unwarrantable Limitation of the divine Omniscience and Omnipotency.
Who dares conclude that the infinite Wisdom and Power of God is confin’d
to one single Mode or Fabrick of an habitable World? We know there are
many Planets about our Sun besides this Earth, and of different
Positions and Constructions: Neither do we know but there may be as many
about other Suns, or fix’d Stars: Must we suppose that they are all cast
in the same Mold? that they are all formed after the Model of our Earth,
with Mountains and Rocks, and Gulphs and Caverns?
_Urbem, quam dicunt Romam, Melibœe, putavi
Stultus ego, huic nostræ similem._
This was the Judgment of the Shepherd, who could imagine nothing
different, or nothing better than his own Town or Village; those may
imitate him that please. ’Tis true, _Suum cuique pulchrum_, is an usual
Saying, but we think that to proceed from Fondness rather, and
Self-Conceit, than from a true and impartial Judgment of Things. In
contemplating the Works of God, we ought to have Respect to his Almighty
and Infinite Wisdom, τῆν πολυπαίκιλον σοφίαν, _multiformem sapientiam
Dei_, rather than to the Measures of our own Experience and
Understanding. We may remember how an[23] Heathen hath upbraided and
derided that Narrowness of Spirit, _Quæ tantæ sunt animi angustiæ, ut si
Seryphi natus esses, nec unquam egrossus ex Insulá, in quâ Lepusculos
Vulpeculasque sæpe vidisses, non crederes Leones & Pantheras esse, cúm
tibi quales essent diceretur: Si verò de Elephanto quis diceret, etiam
rideri te putares._ We may as well say, that there can be no Animals of
another Form from those we have upon this Earth, as that there can be no
Worlds, or habitable Earths of another Form and Structure from the
present Earth. _An quicquam tam puerile dici potest_, says the same
Author, _quám si ea genera belluarum quæ in Rubro mari, Indiâve
gignantur, nulla esse dicamus? Atqui ne curiosissimi quidem homines
exquirendo andire tam multa possunt, quam sunt multa quæ Terræ, Mari,
Paludibus, Fluminibus existunt; quæ negemus esse quia nunquam vidimus?_
I mention such Instances to shew, that ’tis Rashness or Folly, to
confine the Varieties of Providence and Nature, to the narrow Compass of
what we have seen, or of what falls under our Imagination. This is a
more _strange and assuming Boldness_, as he terms it, _p._ 54 than what
he ascribes to the Theorist for saying, We can observe no Order in the
Situation of Mountains, nor Regularity in their Form and Shape. If the
Examiner knows any, why does he not tell us what it is, and wherein it
consists? Is it necessary that Mountains should be exact Pyramids or
Cones, or any of the regular Bodies? or rang’d upon the Earth in Rank
and File, or in a quincuncial Order, or like pretty Garden-Knots? If
they had been design’d for Beauty, this might have done well; but
Providence seems on Purpose to have left these Irregularities in their
Figure and Site, as Marks and Signatures to us, that they are the
Effects of a Ruin.
But to shew farther and more particularly the Necessity of Mountains,
the Examiner says, _p._ 55. and 61. Without them ’tis impossible there
should be Rivers, or without Rivers an habitable World. Neither of these
Propositions seems to me to be sure; they run still upon
Impossibilities, which is a nice Topick, and lies much out of our Reach.
I think Vapours may be condens’d other Ways than by Mountains, and an
Earth might be so fram’d, as to give a Course to Rivers, though there
were no particular Mountains, if the general Figure of it was higher in
one Part than another. Then as to the absolute Necessity of Rivers, to
make an Earth habitable, that is questionable too. We are told by good
Authors, of some Countries or Islands that have no Rivers or Springs,
and yet are habitable and fruitful, being water’d by Dews. This may give
us an Advertisement, from a Part to the Whole, that an Earth may be made
habitable without Rivers. If at first Vapours ascended, and fell down in
Dews, so as to _water the whole Face of the Earth_, _Gen._ ii. 6. God
might, if he had pleas’d, have continued the same Course of Nature. And
it is the Opinion of many Interpreters, and seems to have been an
antient Tradition, that there was no Rain till the Deluge. If there was
no Rainbow in the first Earth, (which I think the Theorist hath
undeniably prov’d, _Theor._ _Book_ II. _c._ 5.) it will be hard to prove
that there were then any watery Clouds in the habitable Parts of the
Earth. And our best[24] Observators will allow no Clouds or Rains in the
Moon, (and some of them no Rivers,) yet will not suppose the Moon
unhabitable. To conclude, ’tis a great Vanity to say no worse, for
short-sighted Creatures, and of narrow Understandings, to prescribe to
Providence what is necessary and indispensable to the Frame and Order of
an habitable World.
We proceed to his fourth Chapter; which is to shew the Inconveniencies
that would fall upon the Inhabitants of the Earth, in case it had such a
Posture as the Theorist hath assign’d to the ante-diluvian Earth:
Namely, that its Axis was parallel to the Axis of the Ecliptick, or
perpendicular to its Plane, and not oblique as it stands now. But will
this Author vouch, that there are no habitable Planets in the Universe,
or even about our Sun, that have this Posture which he blames so much?
_Jupiter_ is known to have a perpetual Equinox, and his Axis parallel to
the Axis of the Ecliptick; and _Mars_ hath little or no Obliquity that
is observable. And must this be a Reflection upon Providence? Or must we
suppose, that these Planets have no Inhabitants, or that their
Habitations are very bad and incommodious? _Jupiter_ is the noblest
Planet we have in our Heaven, whether you consider its Magnitude, or the
Number of its Attendants. If then a Planet of that Order and Dignity,
have such a Position and Aspect to the Sun, why might not our Earth have
had the same, proper to that State, and agreeable to the Divine Wisdom?
Yet he is so bold as to say, or suppose, _p._ 66. That _this cannot well
agree with the infinite Wisdom of its Maker_; as if he was able to make
a Measure or Standard for all the Works of God. ’Tis a crude and
injudicious Thing, from a few Particulars, the rest unknown, to make an
universal Conclution, which forward Wits are apt to do. Πρὸς ὀλίγα
ἐπιθλεψάμενετ.—_Ad pauca respiciens, facile pronuncias_, was
_Aristotle_’s Observation of old, and it holds in all Ages.
This Examiner, _p._ 76. censures the Theorist very rudely, for making
use of _physical Causes_, and not arguing from _final Causes_, which, he
says, _are the true Principles of natural Philosophy_. But, if this be
the Use he makes of final Causes, to tell God Almighty what is best to
be done, in this or that World, I had rather content myself with
_physical Causes_, to know what God hath done, and conclude it to be the
best, and that we should judge it so, if we had the same Extent of
Thought and Prospect its Maker had. There are indeed some _final Causes_
that are so manifest, that I should think it Sottishness or Obstinacy
for a Man to deny them; but I should also think that Man presumptuous,
that should pretend to draw the Scheme and Plan of every World, from his
Idea of _final Causes_. There are some Men that mightily cry out against
_Reason_, yet none more fond of it than they are, when they can get it
on their Side: So some Men inveigh against _physical Causes_, when
others make use of them, and yet as gladly as any make use of them
themselves, when they can make them serve their Purpose; and when they
cannot reach them, then they despise them, and are all for _final
Causes_. This Author says, _p._ 63. God always _chuses such
Constitutions and Positions of Things, as bring with them the greatest
Good and Utility to the Universe_. Very true, to the _Universe_? but who
made him judge what is best to the Universe? Does he look upon this
Earth as the Universe, whereof it is but a small Particle, or an Atom in
comparison? Must there be no Variety in the numberless Worlds which God
hath made? Must they all be one and the same Thing repeated again and
again? That I’m sure does not _well agree with the infinite Wisdom and
Power of God_.
But suppose we did confine our Thoughts to this Earth, we may be assur’d
that it hath undergone and will undergo, within the Compass of its
Duration, very different States, and yet all accommodate to Providence.
Those that suppose the Heavens and the Earth never to have had any other
Constitution and Construction than what they have now, or that there
hath never been any great Change and Revolution in our natural World,
follow the very Doctrine which St. _Peter_ opposes and confutes in his
_second Epistle_, Chap. 3. I mean the Doctrine of those _Scoffers_, as
he calls them, who said, _All Things_, the Heavens and the Earth, _have
remained in the same State they are in now, from the Beginning_, or from
the Creation, and are to continue so. In Confutation of this Opinion,
St. _Peter_ there minds them of the Change made at the Deluge, and of
the different Constitution and Construction of the Heavens and the
Earth, before and after the Deluge, whereby they were dispos’d to
undergo a different Fate, one by Water, and the other by Fire. And he
tells us in the same Place, that after the Conflagration, there will be
_new Heaven_; and a _new Earth_: So that there is no one fix’d and
permanent State even of this Earth, according to the Will and Wisdom of
Providence. But enough hath been said by the Theorist upon this Subject
(_Theor. Lat._ _l._ 1. _c._ 1 & 2. _Review_, p. 160. _&c._ _Archæol._
_l._ 2. _c._ 3, 5, 6.) And if they will not consider the Arguments
propos’d there, ’twould be in vain to repeat them here.
These Things premis’d, let’s consider what Inconveniencies are alledged,
or what Arguments against that Equality of Seasons, or the grand Cause
of them, the Parallelism of the Axis of the Earth, with the Axis of the
Sun. He says, upon this Supposition, there is more Heat now in the
Climates of the Earth, than could have been then. And what if there be?
Whether his Computation (which is aim’d against another Author) be true
or false, ’tis little to the _Theory_: If the Heat was equal and
moderate in the temperate and habitable Climates, who would desire the
extreme Heats of Summer? But he says, _p._ 66. That Heat would not be
sufficient for the Generation of Vegetables. How does that appear?
supposing that Heat constant throughout the whole Year. Does he think
there are no Vegetables in _Jupiter_, which hath still the same Position
the Theorist gave to the ante-diluvian Earth. And as to Heat, that
Planet is at vastly a greater Distance from the Sun than our Earth, and
consequently hath so much less Heat; yet I cannot believe that great
Planet to be only a huge Lump of bald and barren Earth. As to our
ante-diluvian Earth, ’tis probable that the Constitution of Plants and
Animals, was different then from what it is now, as their Longevity was
different, to which any Excesses of Heat or Cold are noxious; and the
Frequency and Multiplicity of Generations and Corruptions in the present
Earth, is Part of that Vanity to which it was subjected. But this
Examiner says moreover, If the first Earth had that Position, the
greatest Part of it would not be habitable. But how much less habitable
would it be than the present Earth? where the open Sea, which was not
then, takes up half of its Surface, and makes it unhabitable. ’Tis
likely the torrid Zone was unhabitable in that Earth; but ’tis probable
the Poles or Polar Parts were more habitable than they are now, seeing
they would have the Sun, or rather Half-Sun perpetually in their
Horizon: And as to the temperate Climates, as we call them, they would
be under such a gentle and constant Warmth, as would be more grateful to
the Inhabitants, and more proper and effectual for a continual Verdure
and Vegetation, than any Region of the present Earth is now.
But this Objector does not consider, on the other hand, what an hard
Life they would lead in those Days, at least in many Parts of the Earth,
if the Seasons of the Year were the same they are now, and they confin’d
to Herbs, Fruits, and Water; for that was the Diet of Mankind till the
Deluge. Should we not think it an unmerciful Imposition now, to be
interdicted the Use of Flesh-Meat all the Year long? Or rather is it
possible that the Life of Man could be supported by Herbs and Fruits,
and Water in the colder Climates, where the Winters are so long and
barren, and the Cold so vehement? But, if you suppose a perpetual Spring
throughout the Earth, the Heavens mild, and the Juices of Fruits and
Plants more nutritive, that Objection would cease, and their Longevity
be more intelligible.
We come now to the Causes of the Change in the Posture of the Earth,
where the Theorist hath set down his Conjectures, what he thought the
most probable to be the Occasion of it: Namely, either some Inequality
in the Libration of the Earth, after it was dissolved and broken; or a
Change in the Magnetism of its Body, consequent upon its Dissolution,
and the different Situation of its Parts. But this Examiner will neither
allow any Change to have been made in the Position of the Earth since
the Beginning of the World; nor, if there was a Change, that it could be
made from such Causes. The first of these Points you see is Matter of
Fact; and so it must be prov’d, partly by History, and partly by Reason.
Some Things are noted before, which argue that the ante-diluvian Earth
was different from the present, in its Frame and Constitution, as also
in reference to the Heavens; and the Places are referred to, where the
Matter is treated more largely by the Theorist. If it be granted, that
there was a permanent Change made in the State of Nature at the Deluge,
or any other Time, but deny’d that it was made by a Change of the
Situation of the Earth, and the Consequences of it, then this Writer
must assign some other Change made, which would have the same Effects;
that is, which will answer and agree with the Phænomena of the first
Earth, and also of the present. When this is done, if it be clear and
convictive, we must acquiesce in it: But I do not see that it is so much
as attempted by this Author.
This suppos’d Change, I say, is Matter of Fact, and therefore we must
consult History and Reason for the Proof or Disproof of it. As to
History, the Theorist hath cited to this Purpose _Leucippus_,
_Anaxagoras_, _Democritus_, _Empedocles_, _Plato_ and _Diogenes_. These
were the most renowned Philosophers amongst the Antients; and all these
speak of an Inclination of the Earth or the Poles, which hath been made
in former Ages. These, one would think, might be allow’d as good
Witnesses of a former Tradition concerning a Change in the Situation of
the Earth, when nothing is brought against them. And this Change is
particularly call’d by _Plato_ ἀναρμοσία or ἀνωμαλία, a Disharmony or
Disconcerting of the Motions of the Heavens, which he makes the Source
and Origin of the present Evils and Inconveniencies of Nature. Besides,
he dates this Change from the Expiration of the Reign of _Saturn_, or
when _Jupiter_ came to take the Government upon him: And this, you know,
in the Style of those Times, signifies the End of the Golden Age. Thus
far _Plato_ carries the Tradition: Now, the Poets tell us expressly that
there was a _perpetual Spring_, or a perpetual Equinox in the Time of
_Saturn_, and that the Inequality of the Year, or the Diversity of
Seasons was first introduc’d by _Jupiter_. The Authors and Places are
known and noted by the Theorist; I need not repeat them here. You see
what this Evidence amounts to, both that there hath been a Change, and
such a Change, as alter’d the Course of the Year, and brought in a
Vicissitude of Seasons; and this according to the Doctrines or
Traditions remaining amongst the Heathens. The _Jews_ and _Christians_
say the same Thing, but in another Manner: They do not speak of the
Golden Age, nor of the Reign of _Saturn_ or _Jupiter_, but of the State
of Paradise, or _Gan-Eden_; and concerning that, they say the same
Things, which the Heathen Authors say, in different Words. The _Jews_
make a perpetual Equinox in Paradise, the _Christians_ a perpetual
Serenity, a perpetual Spring; and this cannot be without a different
Situation of the Earth from what it hath now. He may see the Citations
if he please, in the _Theory_, or _Archæologia_.
It were to be wish’d, that this Examiner would look a little into
Antiquity, when he hath Time: It may be, that would awaken him into new
Thoughts, and a more favourable Opinion of the Theory as to this
Particular. Give me leave to mind him in his own Way, what some antient
Astronomers have said relating to this Subject. _Baptista Mantuanus_,
speaking of the Longevity of the Ante-Diluvians, says, _Erant illis, ut
Astronomia & Experimento constat, Cœli propitiores; volunt namque
Astronomi_, _&c._ This he explains by an uniform and concentrical Motion
of the Heavens and the Earth, at that Time; to which he imputes the
great Virtue of their Herbs and Fruit, and the long Lives of their
Animals. _Petrus Aponensis_, who liv’d above an Age before _Mantuan_,
give us much what the same Account: For making an Answer to this
Question, _utrum natura humania sit debilitata ab eo quod antiquitus,
necne?_ He says, _Cum capita Zodiaci mobilis & immobilis ordinati &
directè concurrebant, tunc virtus perfectiori modò à primo principio per
medias causastaliter ordinatas fortiori modo imprimebatur in ista
inferiora, cum causæ tunc sib invicem correspondeant——Propter quod
concludendum est, tunc naturam humanam illo tempore, ut sic fortiorem &
longæviorem extitisse._ I give it in his own Words as they are in his
_Conciliator. Differ. 9._
_Georgius Pictorius_, or an Author under his Name, unto the same
Question about the Longevity of the Ante-diluvians, gives a like Answer
from the same Astronomer, in these Words: _Petrus Aponensis adsert
rationem, & pro vario cursu & dispositione coelorum modo vitam humanam
breviari, modo produci seribit. Ex Astronomiá argumentum colligens, cùm
ait duos Zodiacos, unum in noná sphærâ, alterum in octava (quam
Firmamentum vocani) in initio rerum & temporum, sic à Deo fuisse
dispositos, ut Aries Arieti, Taurus Tauro, Geminis Gemini jungerentur: &
amborum cocuntibus in unum viribus fortior in Terras fieret fluxus. Unde
herbas tunc salubriores & fructus terræ meliores, & longiores vitas
animantium fuisse affirmat. Sed dennò illá syderali dissolutá ab invicem
per motum societate, totum ait inferiorem mundum ægrotare, atque per
decrementum claudicare cæpisse._ This, you see, is Astronomy in an
old-fashion’d Dress; but you can easily take off the Disguise, and apply
it to the true System of the Heavens. The same Author refers you, for a
more full Explication of that Matter, to his _Lectiones succisivæ, Dial.
prim._ which Book I have not yet had an Opportunity to see. I believe it
is in his _Opera Philologica_, printed in _Octavo_ at _Basil_.
But since the first writing of the Theory, there have been _Æthiopick_
Antiquities produc’d from an Abyssine Philosopher, and transmitted to us
by _Francisco Patricio_ in his Dialogues. If that Account he gives of
the _Æthiopian Archæologia_ be true and genuine, they exceed all other
upon this Subject: for they do not only mention this Particular, of the
Unity of Seasons in the primitive Earth, but the other principal Parts
of the Theory: As the Concussion and Fraction of the Earth; that the
Face of it before was smooth and uniform, and upon that Disruption it
came into another Form, with Mountains, Rocks, Sea and Islands. These
and other such Characters are mentioned there, whereof the Examiner may
see an Account, if he please, in the last Edition of the _English
Theory_, p. 189. The Story indeed is surprizing, which way soever you
take it, whether it was the Invention of that Abyssine Philosopher, or a
real Tradition deriv’d from the _Æthiopian_ Gymnosophists. However that
be, there are otherwise such conspicuous Footsteps in philosophick
History, and in what may be call’d Ecclesiastick, amongst the _Jews_ and
_Christians_, of some Revolution in the System of the World, as must
give occasion to any thinking Man to suppose, that there hath been a
Change made in the Situation of the Earth. This, by some of the
forementioned Authors, is ascrib’d expresly to the Earth; and what by
others (according to their Hypothesis) is ascrib’d to the higher
Heavens, we know upon a just Interpretation belongs to the Earth. Those
also that ascribe such Phænomena to Paradise, or the Golden Age, as are
not intelligible upon any other Supposition, must also be referr’d to
this Change of the Site or Posture of the Earth: So that upon all
Accounts (mediately or immediately) the Matter of Fact, that the Earth
hath undergone such a Change, is testified by History, Antiquity and
Tradition. It deserves also to be observ’d, that there was a general
Tradition amongst the Antients, concerning the Inhabitability of the
Torrid Zone; which may be an Argument or Confirmation, that there was a
State of Nature at one time or other, when this was true, and that such
a general Opinion could not arise, and be continued so long without some
Foundation.
So much for History to determine Matter of Fact: Now as to Reason (which
we mentioned as the other Head, to prove or disprove this Conclusion.)
That the Form of the primitive Earth which is assign’d by the Theorist,
being suppos’d, namely, that it was regular, uniform, and had an equal
Libration, it would naturally take an even and parallel Position with
the Axis of its Orbit, or of the Ecliptick, as is set down more at large
in the Theory: Nor can any Reason be alledg’d to the contrary. ’Tis
true, this Examiner, _p. 83._ notwithstanding any Uniformity and
Equilibration of that Earth, pretends it would be indifferent to any
Position, or _retain any Position given, as a Sphere will do, put in a
Fluid_. This might be, if that Sphere or Globe was resting; but if it
was turn’d about its Axis, and the Axis of the Fluid (which is the
present Case) it would certainly take a Position parallel to the Axis of
its Fluid, if there was no other Impediment.
The Matter of Fact being settled with the Cause of it, what the Causes
of the Change were, is more problematical. The Philosophers forecited
gave their Reason; _Aristarchus Samius_ gives another, and a _Comet_ by
some is made the occasion of it: The Theorist thinks that the
Dissolution of the Earth was the fundamental Cause, and that the Change
came to pass at that time, as many Indications and Arguments shew. And
as to the immediate Cause or Causes of it, I know none more probable
than what the Theorist hath proposed; _Eng. Theor._ _p. 267._ Either the
Change of its Center of Gravity, or of its Magnetism; the Line of
Direction to those magnetick Particles, and their passing through the
Earth being so alter’d, as to turn the Earth into another Posture, and
hold it there. As to those Expressions that he seems to quarrel with, of
the Inclination of the Earth, or the Pole, towards the Sun, ’tis the
Expression of the antient Philosophers, tho’ I think it might more
properly be called an Obliquation. Then that the former State is called
_situs rectus_, is another Expression which he finds fault with; though
every one sees that a _right Situation_ in such Places, is opposed to an
_oblique_, or inclined Position to the Axis of the Sun or Ecliptick, and
had been called _parallel_ in several other Places; and which he
himself, _p. 71._ sometimes, as well as other Authors, call a right
Position. This is but trifling about Words: If he grants that the
primitive Earth being uniform, and consequently equally pois’d, its Axis
would be parallel (which for shortness, is sometimes call’d _right_) to
the Axis of its Orbit, and is now in a different and oblique Posture,
this is all the Theorist desires, as to Matter of Fact. I conceive the
whole Matter thus: When the Earth was in that even and parallel Posture
with the Axis of the Sun, it had a perpetual Equinox and Unity of
Seasons, the Equator and Ecliptick being coincident: And as to the
Heavens, they with the fix’d Stars mov’d or seem’d to move uniformly and
concentrically with the Earth. But when the Earth chang’d its Posture to
that which it hath now, the Year became unequal, and the Equator and
Ecliptick became distinct Circles, or, if you will, a new Circle arose
from the Distinction. The Earth in the mean time continuing its annual
Course in the Ecliptick, had the Position of its Axis chang’d to a
Parallelism with the Axis of the Equator, which it holds throughout the
whole Year. As to the Heavens, they seem’d to turn upon another Axis, or
other Poles than they did before, and different from those of the Sun or
the Earth: And this fundamental Change in the Site of the Earth, had a
farther Chain of Consequences, as is noted by the Theorist, in reference
to the State both of the animate and inanimate World, This is, in short,
the State of the Case, which is sometimes express’d in different Terms,
especially by the Antients, who generally followed another System of the
Heavens and the Earth, and were not always accurate in their
Expressions.
This Author would square and conform all the Planets to the Model of the
present Earth: Whereas there is _Diversity of Administrations_ in the
natural World, as well as spiritual, yet the same Providence every
where. The Axes of the Planets are not all parallel to that of the Sun,
nor all oblique; and those that are so, have not all the same Degrees of
Obliquity, yet we have Reason to think them all habitable. In some there
are no different Seasons of the Year, and in some they differ in another
manner than ours; and the Periods of their Years are very different. In
like manner, as to the Days, in some they are longer, in others shorter:
In the _Moon_ a Day lasts fourteen or fifteen of our Days, and their
Nights are proportionably longer than our Nights. In _Jupiter_, the Days
are but of five Hours, and so the Nights; that Planet being turned in
ten Hours about his Axis. In _Mercury_ we know little what the Seasons
or Days are, but its Year must be much shorter than ours; as also is
that of _Venus_; and their Heat from the Sun, must be much greater.
_Jupiter_ and _Saturn_ are at vast Distances from the Sun, and must
proportionably have less Heat; and _Saturn_ must have a greater
Difference of Summer and Winter than we have, by reason of his greater
Obliquity to the Sun. These and such like Observations, show what Vanity
it is to make an universal Standard from the State of our Earth: Or to
say, this is best, and to make Things otherwise, would be inconsistent
with the _infinite Wisdom of their Maker_, as this Examiner, _p. 66._
pretends to do.
But to return to his Objections: This he suggests, _ibid._ as one, that
in case of a perpetual Equinox, the annual Motion of the Earth about the
Sun would be to no Purpose. Of this we are no competent Judges, no more
than of the other Differences foremention’d in the Conditions of the
Planets. Yet, in that Case, a Distinction and Computation of Time might
be made, by their Aspect to the different Signs of the Zodiack. There
may be, (for any Thing we know,) in the Extent of the Universe, Planets,
or great opaque Bodies, that have no Course about their Suns, for
Reasons best known to their Maker; and others that have no diurnal
Motion about their Axes: Nor ought such States, tho’ very different from
ours, to be concluded incongruous. If this Objection of his were of any
Force, it would lie against _Jupiter_ as well as against the
ante-diluvian Earth. And this minds me of his Objection taken from
_Saturn_ and _Jupiter_, whose Axes, he says, are Inclined to the Axis of
the Ecliptick; and yet, according to the Theorist, they have suffer’d no
Deluge. This is an unhappy Argument, for I think it hath two Errors in
it: But let us set down his Words, that there may be no Mistake or
Misrepresentation, _p. 76._ _Another Argument which may be brought to
convince the Theorist that the Axis of the Earth was at first inclined
to the Plane of the Ecliptick is, that it is certain by Observation,
that Saturn and Jupiter (whom the Theorist will allow to have suffered
no Deluge as yet) have their Axes not perpendicular, but inclined to the
Planets of their Orbits; and the Position is true of all the other
Planets, as far as they can be observ’d. And therefore, &c._ First, as
to _Saturn_, I’m sure the Theorist never thought that Planet to be now
in its original Form, but to be broken, and to have already suffer’d a
Dissolution, as you may see in both Theories, _English_ and _Latin_[25].
Then as to the Position of _Jupiter_, I know not whence he has this
_certain_ Observation, that its Axis is oblique to the Plane of its
Orbit: For[26] _Hugenius_ tells us just the contrary, and that it hath a
perpetual Equinox. Let these Things be examin’d, and hereafter let us be
cautious how we take Things upon the Examiner’s Word, if he be found to
have committed two Faults in one Objection.
Farthermore, he intimates, (_p. 94._) that the Theorist hath no Mind to
the Notion of _Attraction_; I believe so too, nor in Philosophy to any
other Notion that is unconceivable. He must tell us how this
_Attraction_ differs from an _occult Quality_, whether it is a
mechanical Principle or no; and if not, from what Principle it arises.
When he hath told us this, we shall be better able to judge of it.
After all, to conclude this Chapter, the one grand Question with the
Theorist (whatsoever there may be with other Authors) is this, _whether_
the Earth has chang’d its Situation since the Beginning of the World:
And that it has done so, the Theorist does still positively maintain.
Having insisted more largely upon these four first Chapters, as being
most fundamental in the Controversy, we shall dispatch more readily this
fifth and the seventh, leaving the sixth Chapter to a more particular
Disquisition in the last Place.
This fifth Chapter is designed against the Rivers of the primitive
Earth, according to that Origin and Derivation that is given them by the
Theorist. But it is to be noted in the first Place, that supposing they
had any other Origin or Course than what is there assign’d (excepting
only an Origin from Mountains,) the _Theory_ continues still in Force.
For this Point about the Waters of the first Earth, and the Explication
of them, is one of those Explications that admit of Latitude and
Variety; and therefore as to the _Theory_, the Question is only this,
_Whether_ an habitable Earth may have Rivers without Mountains. For if
any Earth may have them without Mountains, why not the primitive Earth?
Now it will be hard for the Examiner, or any other, to prove, that in
every World, where there are Waters and Rivers, there are Mountains. We
intimated before, that the general Frame of an Earth might be such as
would give a Course to Waters without particular Mountains. But we will
leave that at present to a farther Consideration, and observe now what
his Proofs are, that there could be no Rivers in the primitive Earth.
First he says, _p. 87._ _According to the Theorist’s Own Hypothesis,
there could be no Rivers for a long Time after the Formation of the
Earth_. Where is this said by the Theorist? His Hypothesis supposes,
that the soft and moist Earth could not but afford Store of Vapours at
first, as this Author in another Place hath noted for the Sense of the
Theorist, (_p. 86._) and now he says the quite contrary: The Chanels of
the Rivers indeed would not be so deep and hollow at first as they are
now, their Cavities being wrought by Degrees; but still there would not
want Vapours to supply them.
Then he says, _p. 88._ when that first Moisture of the Earth was
lessened, there could be no Supply of Vapours from the Abyss; seeing the
Heat of the Sun could not reach so far, nor raise Vapours from it, or at
least not in a sufficient Quantity, as he pretends to prove hereafter:
But in the mean Time he speaks of great Cracks or Pits, whose Dimensions
and Capacities he examines at Pleasure, and by these he makes the
Theorist to suppose the Vapours to ascend. Now I do not find that the
Theorist makes any Mention of these Pits, nor any Use of those Cracks
for that Purpose. The only Question is, whether the Heat of the Sun in
that Earth would reach so low as the Abyss, when the Earth was more
dried, a»d its Pores enlarg’d: So that this Objection, as he states it,
seems to refer to some other Author.
But now supposing the Vapours rais’d, he considers what Course they
would take, or which Way they would move in the open Air. But before
that be examin’d, we must take Notice how unfairly he deals with the
Theorist, when he seems to make him suppose, _p. 94, 95._ that Mountains
_make way for the Motion and Dilatation of the Vapours_; which he never
suppos’d, nor is it possible he should suppose it in the first Earth,
where there were no Mountains. Neither does the Theorist suppose, as
this Author would insinuate, that Mountains or Cold dilate Vapours, but
on the contrary, that they _stop_ and _compress them_, as the Words are
cited, even by the Examiner a little before, _p. 86._
Then as to the Course of the Vapours, when they are rais’d, the Theorist
supposes that would be towards the Poles and the coldest Climates. But
this Author says, _p. 97._ they would all move Westward, or from East to
West; _there being a continual Wind blowing from the East to West,
according to the Motion of the Sun_. Whether that Wind come from the
Motion of the Sun, or of the Earth, (which is contrary,) is another
Question; but however, let them move at first to the West, the Question
here is, _Where they would be condens’d_, or where they would fall. And
there is little Probability that their Condensation would be under the
Equator, where they are most agitated, but rather by an Impulse of new
Vapours, they would soon divert towards the Poles, and losing their
Agitation there, would fall in Dews or Rains. Which Condensation being
made, and a Passage open’d that Way for new ones to supply their Places,
there would be a continual Draught of Vapours, from the hotter to the
colder Parts of the Earth.
We proceed now to the seventh Chapter, which is in a good Measure upon
the same or a like Subject with this, namely, concerning the Penetration
of the Heat of the Sun into the Body of the Earth. This, he says, _p.
148._ cannot be to any considerable Depth; nor could it pass the
exterior Orb of the first Earth, and affect the Abyss, or raise Vapours
from it. To prove this, he supposes that exterior Earth divided into so
many Surfaces as he pleases, then supposing the Heat diminished in every
Surface, he concludes it could not possibly pass through so many. Thus
you may divide an Inch into an hundred or a thousand Surfaces, and prove
from thence, that no Heat of the Sun could pierce through an Inch of
Earth. We must rather consider Pores than Surfaces in this Case; and
whether those Pores were straight or oblique, the Motion would pass
however, though not the Light: And the Heat of the Sun might have its
Effect, by a direct or indirect Motion, to a great Depth within the
Earth, notwithstanding the Multitude of Surfaces that he imagines. Those
that think a Comet, upon its nearer Approach to the Sun, would be
pierc’d with its Heat through and through; and to such a Degree, as to
become much hotter than red hot Iron, will not think it strange, that at
our Distance from the Sun, its Heat should have some proportionable
Effect upon the inward Parts of the Earth. And all those imaginary solid
Surfaces do not hinder, you see, the magnetick Particles from running
through the Body of the Earth, and making the Globe one great Magnet.
But let those Considerations have what Effect they can, this Supposition
however is nothing peculiar to the Theorist. I know some learned Men
think the Heat of the Sun does penetrate deep into the Bowels of the
Earth; others think it does not, and either of them have their
Arguments. These alledge the equal Temper of Vaults and Mines at
different Seasons of the Year: The other say, ’tis true, subterraneous
Places keep their Equality of Temper much better than the external Air,
and those Differences that appear to us, are in a great Measure by
comparison with the Temper of our Bodies. Then for their own Opinion,
they take an Argument from the Generation of Metals and Minerals in the
Bowels of the Earth, and other subterraneous Fossiles. These, we see,
are ripen’d by degrees in several Ages, and cannot, as they think, be
brought to Maturity, and raised into the exterior Earth, without the
Heat and Influence of the Sun: Of the same Sun that actuates all the
vegetable World, that quickens Seeds, and raises Juices into the Roots
of our deepest, and Tops of our highest Oaks and Cedars.
But let this remain a Problem; I will instance in another remarkable
Phænomenon, which is most for the present Purpose, I mean Earthquakes.
Let us consider the Causes of them, and the Depths of them: I think all
agree, that Earthquakes arise from the Rarefaction of Vapours and
Exhalations, and that this Rarefaction must be made by some Heat; and no
other is yet proved to us by this Author than that of the Sun. Then as
to the Depth of Earthquakes, we find they are deeper than the Bottom of
the Sea: For, besides that they communicate with different Countries
divided by the Sea, they are found sometimes to arise within the Sea,
and from the Bottom of it, at great Depths. This seems to prove, that
there may be a strong Rarefaction of Vapours and Exhalations far within
the Bowels of the Earth; and the Theorist desires no more. If in the
present Constitution of the Earth, there may be such Concussions and
Subversions for a great Extent, we have no Reason to believe, but there
might be (at a Time appointed by Providence) an universal Disruption, as
that Earth was constituted. Finally, whatsoever the Causes of this
Disruption and Dissolution were, ’tis certain there was a _Disruption of
the Abyss_, and that Disruption universal as the Deluge was; which
answers sufficiently the Design of the _Theory_. However, if he have a
mind to see, how this agrees with History, both sacred and prophane, he
may consult, if he pleases, what the Theorist hath noted upon that
Argument, _Archæol. l. 2. c. 4._ besides other Places.
But this Author says farther, That supposing such a Disruption of the
Abyss, and Dissolution of the exterior Earth, no universal Deluge
however could follow upon it; because there could not be Water enough
left in the Abyss to make or occasion such a Deluge: For the Rivers of
the Earth being then supply’d from the Abyss, by such a Time, or before
the Time of the Deluge, he says, there would be no Water left in it.
Thus he goes from one Extreme to another: Before he said, the Power of
the Sun could not reach or affect the Abyss to draw out any Vapours from
it; now he would make the Evaporation so excessive, that it would have
emptied the great Abyss before the Deluge. This is a great Undertaking,
and to make it good he takes a great Compass: He pretends to shew us,
what Quantity of Water all the Rivers of the Earth throw into the Sea
every Day; and beginning with the River _Po_, and taking his Measure
from that, he supposes there are such a certain Number of equivalent
Rivers upon the Face of the whole Earth; and if the _Po_ casts so much
Water into the Sea, the rest will cast so much more, and in Conclusion
so much as would empty the Abyss.
You will easily believe, _Sir_, there must be great Uncertainties in
this Computation: But, if that was certain, as it is far from it, still
he goes upon Suppositions that are not allow’d by the Theorist. For,
first, he supposes the Waters of the present Sea to be equal to the
Waters of the great Abyss: Whereas, supposing them of the same Depth,
there would be near twice as much Water in the _great Deep_, as is now
in the Ocean; seeing the Abyss was extended under the whole Earth, and
the Sea reaches but to half of it. Secondly, He should prove that the
Rivers of the ante-diluvian Earth were as many, and as great, as we have
now. The Torrid Zone then had none, and much less would serve the
temperate Climates than is requisite now for the Earth. Besides, the
Rivers of that Earth were not supplied by Vapours only from the Abyss,
but also from all the Earth, and all the Waters upon the Earth: And when
the Rivers were partly lost and spent in the Torrid Zone, they were in a
great Measure exhal’d there, and drawn into the Air by the Heat of the
Sun, and would fall again in another Place, to make new Rains and a new
Supply to the Rivers. So, in like manner, when he supposes, _p. 158._
the Rivers that were upon the Earth, at the Time of the Disruption or
the great Deep, to have thrown themselves off the Land, as if they were
lost; and makes a Computation how much Water all the Rivers of the Earth
amount to: This, I say, is a needless Computation as to the present
Purpose. For whatsoever Mass of Waters they amounted to, it would not be
lost: If they fell down and joined with the Abyss, they would increase
its Store, and be thrown up again by the Fall of the Fragments, making
so much a greater Mass to overflow the Earth; So that nothing is gain’d
by this Supposition. The Effect would be the same as to the Deluge:
Whether the Waters above the Earth, and those under the Earth met
together sooner or later, when their Forces were joined, they would
still have the same Effect, as we said before of the Vapours. And to
conclude that Point, the whole Sum of Waters, or Vapours convertible
into Waters, that were from the Beginning, or at any Time, would still
be preserv’d above Ground, or under Ground: And that would turn to the
same Account, as to the Flood.
These Waters and Vapours all collected, the Theorist supposes
sufficient, upon a Dissolution of the Earth, to make the Deluge: Not
indeed in the Nature of a Standing Pool, as it is usually conceiv’d; a
quiet Pool, I say, overtopping and standing calm over the Heads of the
highest Mountains; but as a rushing Sea, overflowing and sweeping them
with its raging Waves and impetuous Fluctuations, when it was violently
forc’d out of all its Chanels, and the Vapours condensed into Rain. Such
an Inundation as this, would be sufficient to destroy both Man and
Beast, and other Creatures, those few excepted, that were miraculously
preserv’d in the Ark. This is the Theorist’s Explication of the Deluge,
and I see nothing in this Argument, that will destroy or weaken it.
Now, this being the State of the Deluge, according to the Theorist, what
this Author says in the next Paragraph (_p. 167._) is either a
Misrepresentation, or an Equivocation. For the eight Oceans requir’d by
the Theorist, is the Quantity of Water necessary for a Deluge in the Way
of a Standing Pool: Whereas this Author represents it, as if the
Theorist required so much Water to make a Deluge upon his Hypothesis.
This, I suppose, upon Reflection, the Author cannot but see to be a
Mistake, or a wilful Misrepresentation.
This is the Sum of his seventh Chapter: There are besides some
Suggestions made, which it may be were intended for Objections by the
Author: As when he says, (_p. 151._) that the Heat of the Sun would be
intolerable upon the Surface of the Earth, if it could pierce and
operate upon the Abyss. We allow, that its Heat was intolerable in the
Torrid Zone, which thereby became unhabitable; and there only the Sun
was in its full Strength, and had its greatest Effect upon the Abyss.
But in the other Climates, the Heat would be moderate enough; nay, so
moderate, that this Author says in another Place, _p. 66, 69_, _&c._ it
would not be sufficient to ripen Fruits, and in the Whole, of less Force
than it is now in the present Constitution of the Earth. So apt is
Contention to carry one out of one Extreme into another.
His last Objection is about the Duration of the Flood, that it could not
last in its Force a hundred and fifty Days, if it had been made by a
Dissolution of the Earth, and an Eruption of the Abyss. But as this is
affirm’d by him without Proof, so the contrary is sufficiently explain’d
and made out, both in the _Latin_ and _English_ Theory, p. 52, 56.
I had forgot to tell him, that he ought not to suppose, as he seems to
do, when he is emptying the Abyss, (_p. 165._) that after the Torrid
Zone was soak’d with Waters by the Issues of the Rivers, no more Waters
or Vapours were drawn from it then, than were before, or consequently no
less from the Abyss. For when the middle Parts of the Earth had drunk in
those Waters, the Force of the Sun would be less upon the Abyss through
those Parts, and the Vapours would be more and greater from them, than
before when they were drier, and in the same Proportion they needed less
Supplies from the Abyss.
CHAP. VI.
_Concerning the Figure of the Earth._
I Deferr’d the Consideration of this Chapter to the last, because I
thought it of a more general Concern, and might deserve a fuller
Disquisition. ’Tis now, you know, become a common Controversy or
Enquiry, _what the Figure of the Earth is_. Many think it not truly
Spherical, as it was imagin’d formerly, but a Spheroid, either oblong or
oblate; that is, either extended in Length toward the Poles, like an
oval; or, on the contrary, swelling in Breadth under the Equator, and so
shorter than a just Sphere betwixt Pole and Pole, and broader in the
middle Parts. ’Tis true, the Theorist is not directly concern’d in this
Controversy, because he does not in the _Theory_ affirm the present
Earth to be oblong or oval, not knowing what Change might be made at its
Dissolution. However, it may be worth the while to enquire what
Arguments are bought, either from Causes or Effects, to determine the
Figure of the Earth, whether past or present.
’Tis easy indeed by Observation to determine, that the Earth is a convex
Body, not plain, as the _Epicureans_ fansied; and convex on all Sides,
and therefore in some sort orbicular; but whether it be truly spherical,
those common Observations will not determine. The Theorist nam’d and
pointed at such Observations, as he thought would be most likely to
discover the precise Figure of the Earth: As to observe, for Instance,
whether the Extent of a Degree was the same all the Earth over, in
different Latitudes, or at different Distances from the Equator. Then to
observe whether the Shade of the Earth in a total Eclipse of the Moon be
truly round, or any other ways irregular. And also to observe, if
towards the Poles, the Return of the Sun into their Horizon, be
according to the Rules of a spherical Surface of the Earth. Let us
consider these separately, as to the present Earth.
As to the Measure of a Degree in different Latitudes, we find that
Authors are not all of the same Mind. Some will have them unequal, and
in such a manner, according to their Distance from the Equator, as from
that to infer, that the Earth is oblong. This Examiner takes Notice of
Dr. _Eisensmidius_, as one that hath made that Observation, and that
Inference from it, and gives him very rude Words upon that occasion,
making him a Man of _prodigious Stupidity, and Crackpot_, _p. 140_, and
one that did _not understand the first six Elements of Euclid, or indeed
those of common Sense, p. 143._ Whatsoever this Professor was, he was
not the first that made that Observation and Inference. For another
Mathematician, better known, had made the same, some time before him: I
mean _Milliet Deschales_, in his _general Principles of Geography_, _Fr.
l. 1. propos. 29._ But, ’tis true, he says, this Conjecture of his, that
the Figure of the Earth is oval or ecliptick, would not be well
grounded, if the Shade of the Earth in Lunar Eclipses was found to be
always perfectly round; of which we shall have occasion to speak
hereafter. For this, which he makes a Scruple against his own Opinion,
is by others made an Occasion of suspecting that the Earth is really
Oval. But we must also acknowledge, that the same _Deschales_ in his
_Latin_ Works does not own the Observation, but owns the Inference,
which is that the Examiner quarrels with. He owns it, I say, in these
Words,[27] _Si figura terræ esset ovalis, plura milliaria decurrenúa
essent versus Æquinoctialem ad inveniendum in elevatione poli mutationem
unius gradûs quàm versus polos._ And he gives this Reason, _Quià ovalis
figura prope vertices minorem sphæram imitatur: versus Æquinoctialem
autem in majorem sphæram degenerat._ And again, having taken Notice of
the various Computations of a Degree upon the Earth, he subjoins[28],
_Hæc observationum discrepantia nonnullis suspicionem fecit, Tellurem
non omninò sphæricam esse, sed sphæroidem ellipticam, ita ut versus
polos in minorem circulum abiret. Sed opus est pluribus observationibus
adid persuadendum._ The Theorist did not assert either the Observation
to be true or the Inference, but mark’d it as an Observation that
deserv’d to be enquir’d into, in order to determine the Figure of the
Earth. For it seems apparent, that if the Body of the Earth be oblong or
oblate, the Extent of a Degree will not be really the same as if it was
truly spherical. Neither do I know any single Observation that would
give us more Light, or better help us to discover what the Configuration
of the Earth is, than the Measure of a Degree exactly taken in different
Latitudes.
I happened lately to be in Company with a learned Gentleman, and amongst
other Things that fell into Discourse, I ask’d his Opinion, what
Inequality there would be in the Degrees of the Earth, in case it was
oval, and where it would fall; whether they would be greater towards the
Poles, or towards the Equator. We were suddenly interrupted by the
coming in of new Company, but he said he would send me his Thoughts upon
a little Reflection; and accordingly, after a few Days he was pleased to
send me this Letter.
_SIR_,
[Illustration: A Circle, with various Points marked.]
Having now some Leisure (the Elections for Parliament, wherein I had
any Concern, being over) I have here sent you my Thoughts on a
Subject we lately discours’d of at _Kensington_. Whether in case the
Earth is a long Spheroid, the Degrees of Latitude would be greater
near the Equator, or near the Poles. I conceive they would be
greater near the Equator. Let the Ellipsis _BDCF._ represent the
Earth, draw the Line _gp._ which may be a Tangent to the Ellipsis,
and likewise meeting with the Axis _BC_, and its Transverse _FD_
(after they are produc’d) make the Triangle _gAp_ an Isosceles, and
consequently the Angles at the Base _Agp_, _Apg_ each 45 Degrees. I
say _HC_ will measure the 45 Degrees of Latitude near the Pole, and
_DH_ (which by Inspection without farther Demonstration is evidently
bigger) those near the Equator. (I ought to have premis’d that _B_
and _C_ represent the Poles.) It is plain the Inhabitants at _H_
will be in the Latitude of 45 Degrees, by reason their horizontal
Plane _gp_ is by Construction 45 Degrees distant to the Horizon of
the Inhabitants under the Line at _D_, which lies parallel to the
Axis _BC_.
If the Earth be a broad Spheroid, _D_ and _F_ representing the
Poles, then by the same Method of Reasoning, the Degrees of Latitude
will be greatest near the Poles: But as the longest and shortest
Diameter of the Earth has in no wise so great a Disproportion as in
their Figure (their Difference not exceeding the two hundredth Part
at most) the Inequality of the Degrees of Latitude will be
proportionally less; but in all Cases, the long Spheroid makes the
Degrees greatest near the Equator; and the broad Spheroid those
greatest near the Poles. I hope in a Fortnight to have the
Satisfaction of seeing you in _London_, and remain,
_Sir, Your most Humble Servant._
The Examiner would do well to consider this, lest all the reproachful
Characters he casts upon _Eisensmidius_, should recoil upon himself.
’Tis Prudence, as well as good Manners not to be fierce and vehement in
Censures, for fear of a Mistake, and a Blackblow. However, the pretended
Demonstration which this Examiner brings to prove, that, in case the
Earth was oblong, the Degrees would be greater toward the Poles, does
not affect _Eisensmidius_, for it proceeds upon a Supposition which that
Author does not allow; namely, that the Vertical Lines, or the Lines of
Gravity are to be drawn directly to the Center of the Earth: Whereas
_Eisensmidius_ supposes they ought to be drawn at right Angles, to the
Tangent of each respective Horizon, and would not in all Figures lead
directly to the Center. However, we do not wonder that he is so rude to
Strangers, seeing he bears so hard in other places, upon some of our own
learned Countrymen.
We proceed now to the Theorist’s second Observation, about Lunar
Eclipses and the Shade of the Earth. This Shade is generally presumed to
be exactly round, as the Section of a Cone: And yet the best Astronomers
have doubted of it, and some upon that Occasion have doubted of the
Figure of the Earth. _Kepler_[29] in an Observation of a Lunar total
Eclipse, not finding the Shade of the Earth perfectly round, but rather
oblong, _ut ejus dimetiens à Zona Torrida consurgentis sit minor
dimetiente ejus à Polis Terræ surgentis_, suspects that the Figure of
the Earth was so too. And that we must conclude it to be so from this
Observation, if there was not some Obliquity in the Rays of the Sun,
whereof he shews no Cause or Occasion. _Si retinenda esset, inquit,
rectitudo radiorum, Globus ipse Terræ fiet oviformis, diametro per Polos
longiore._ And a like Observation to this he cites from _Tycho Brahé_,
in a central, or next to central Eclipse of the Moon. These two great
Astronomers, it seems, did not find the Shade of the Earth to be justly
conical; and thereby take away the Reason or lessen the Doubt, which
hindered M. _Deschales_ from concluding (upon another Observation) the
Figure of the Earth to be oval.
The third Observation of the Theorist remains, which is about the Return
of the Sun unto the polar Parts of the Earth, whether that be according
to the Rules of a spherical Surface. The Observations that have been
made hitherto in the Northern Climates about the Return of the Sun to
them, make it quicker than will easily consist with a spherical Figure
of the Earth; much less are they favourable to a gibbous Form: For that
Gibbosity under the Equator must needs hinder the Appearance and
Discovery of the Sun in the respective polar Parts, more than a
spherical Figure would do. Now it hath been observ’d in _Nova Zembla_,
that the returning Sun appear’d to them seventeen Days sooner than they
expected, according to the Rules of Astronomy, the Earth being supposed
truly spherical; and this may be thought an Argument that the Earth is
rather depress’d in its middle Parts. I leave the Matter to farther
Examination. I know ’tis usually imputed to Refractions, but that is
upon the Presumption that the Earth is justly spherical; and a better
Answer (upon that Supposition) I think cannot be found. Though, I think,
it will not be easy in that Way, and upon that Solution to make all the
Phænomena agree, or to shew that the Refractions could make so great a
Difference. However, this is no improper Topick to be consider’d in
reference to the Determination of the Figure of the Earth, and for that
purpose it was noted by the Theorist.
We have now done with that side of the Question, that respects the
oblong Figure of the Earth, and it remains to consider the other Part; I
mean the Opinion of those that make the Earth protuberant about the
Equator, or an oblate Spheroid. This the learned Monsieur _Hugens_[30]
thinks may be prov’d by Experiments made about the different Vibrations
of _Pendulums_ in different Latitudes of the Earth. ’Tis found, he says,
by Experience that a _Pendulum_ near the Equator, makes its Vibrations
slower than another of the same Length, farther from the Equator; and
gives an Instance of it from an Experiment made at _Caiene_ in _America_
(which is four or five Degrees from the Equator) compar’d with another
made at _Paris_. From this Trial he concludes, first, that the
Gravitation is less under and near the Equator than towards the Poles,
according to their several Degrees of Latitude. Then he infers, by
Consequence, that the Land and the Sea are higher towards the Equator,
than towards the Poles. And in Conclusion, that the Figure of the Earth
is protuberant and gibbous in the Middle, and more flatted, or of a
shorter Diameter betwixt Pole and Pole.
In this Conclusion, you see, there are several Things to be considered
according to the Premisses. First, Matter of Fact, concerning the
Inequality of Vibrations in equal Pendulums, according to their
different Latitudes; then the following Inferences made from that
Inequality. As to the Matter of Fact, Monsieur _Hugens_ seems to be
doubtful himself: He does not vouch it from his own Experience, but he
takes it from the Report of Monsieur _Richer_; whose Person or Character
I do not know, nor whether his Relation be extant in Print. However,
Monsieur _Hugens_ speaks dubiously of the Experiment, as such an one
whereof we ought to expect farther Confirmation. For he says[31], _we
cannot trust entirely to this first Observation, whereof we have not any
Circumstance noted to us; and still less to those that are said to be
made at Guadeloupe, (at a greater Latitude,) where the Pendule is said
to be shorter by two Lines than that at Paris.[32] We must expect to be
more justly inform’d of these different Lengths of Pendules, as well
under the Line as in other Climates._ And he refers us to a farther
Trial by his Clocks, rectified for a second Voyage, whereof I have yet
heard no Report. If Matter of Fact be dubious, or Experiments
discordant, we cannot be assur’d of the Conclusion. It were to be
wish’d, that this different Gravitation in different Latitudes, might be
prov’d by other Experiments than that of the Pendulum. Methinks, in
ponderous Bodies, this Difference might become sensible: Not indeed by a
Balance or Scales, for the supposed Decrease of Gravity would have the
same Effect upon the Counterpoise as upon the Body weighed; but by other
Powers that do not depend immediately upon Gravity, as _Springs_, or any
other Engines, or by Rarefactions, or whatsoever hath the Force to
raise, sustain, or remove ponderous Bodies. For such Powers have a less
Effect with us than near the Equator, where the Gravitation of Bodies
that make the Counterpoise, is supposed to be much lessen’d. Neither do
I know if they have try’d the Barometer, whether that will discover any
such Elevation, at, or near the Equator; the Mercury sinking there much
lower than with us, or indeed to nothing, if the Height be comparatively
so great as is supposed. It seems strange, that the Difference of
seventeen Miles (call it little, or call it great, compar’d with the
Semidiameter of the Earth) should have a sensible Effect upon Pendulums
and upon nothing else.
Methinks, that Height of the Equator should make a different Horizon (as
to the Heavens, or the Earth, and Sea) East and West, from North and
South; the Figure of the Earth being a Sphere one way and a Spheroid in
the other. The Sea also must be a prodigious Depth at the Equator;
deeper by seventeen Miles, than at or near the Poles. I would gladly
know what Experience there is of this. Then in reference to our
_Rivers_, how swift and rapid, upon this Hypothesis, must the _Rivers_
be that rise at or near the Equator, or how slow the Motion of those
that ascend towards it, if at all they can be supposed to climb so great
an Hill. The great River of the _Amazons_, in Southern _America_, is in
some Parts of it four or five Degrees from the Equator, others say much
more; yet runs up to the Equator with that vast load of Water, and
throws it self there into the Ocean. In the Northern _America_, _Rio
Negro_ is represented to us, as having a longer Course against the bent
of the Earth, and crossing the Equator, falls down Southward several
Degrees: So the _Nile_ in _Africa_ crosses the Line, and hath a long
Course on this side of it. _Rivers_ do not rise higher by a natural
Course than their Fountain’s Head, and Hydrographers usually assign two
Foot, or two Foot and an half in a Mile for the Descent of _Rivers_, but
upon this Hypothesis there will be fourteen or fifteen Foot (in respect
of the Center of the Earth) for every Mile, in Rivers descending from
the Equator; which is a Precipitation rather than a navigable Stream.
Suppose a Canal cut from the Equator to the Pole, ’twould be a Paradox
to say the Water would not flow in this Chanel, nor descend towards the
Pole, having fourteen or fifteen Foot Descent for every Mile, according
to your Figure of the Earth: And also it would be as great or a greater
Paradox, to suppose that Rivers would rise to the Equator, and with the
same Celerity (as we see they do) upon an Ascent of so many Feet. And
after all, to conclude the Argument, if this Difference of Pendulums be
found, it will still bear a Dispute from what physical Causes that
Difference proceeds.
Thus far we have considered what Arguments have been brought for the
oblate Figure of the Earth from Effects; and have noted such
Observations to be made, as we thought might be useful for Discovery of
Truth, on what side soever it may fall. We are now to consider an
Argument taken from the Causes, and brought by these Authors to prove
the same spheroidical Figure of the Globe. To this purpose they observe,
as is obvious and reasonable, that in the diurnal Motion of the Earth,
the middle Parts about the Equator (where the Circles are greatest, and
consequently the Motion swiftest) would fly off with a greater Force,
and so rise higher than the other Parts that were mov’d in lesser
Circles in the same time, and would have less Force to remove themselves
from the Center of their Motion. This is agreed on all Hands, and was
own’d by the Theorist in a fluid Globe turn’d about its Axis, in case
there was no Impediment to hinder the rising or recession of those
middle Parts. But before we speak to that, on both sides you see it must
be suppos’d and granted, that the Globe of the Earth was once fluid, or
the exterior Orb of it; and we ought to consider when, or at what Time
this was. It must have been surely at the first Formation of the Earth,
when it rose from a Chaos, and before its Parts were consolidated and
grown hard. Supposing then that the interior Orb of the Earth was once
cover’d over with an Orb of Water, the Question will be, how this Orb of
Water came to be cover’d with dry Land, or came to be divided into Land
and Water, as it is now.
[Illustration: A: The Earth, covered with Water.]
[Illustration: B: The Earth, as it is now.]
Let (A) represent an Hemisphere of the Earth, in its first State, when
covered with Water; and (B) the same Hemisphere as it is now. This
Author must tell us, consistently with his Hypothesis, how the Earth
could pass out of one of these States into the other, without passing
through some intermediate State; or how this Change was made in its
Surface, from what Causes, and in what manner. If the first Earth was a
Concretion upon the Face of the Waters, then indeed it would have the
same Figure with the watery Globe under it; but if it was from the
Beginning in this present Form firm and solid, as it is now rocky and
mountainous, then the Question is, _how_ the Parts or Regions of the
Earth about the Equator could be raised above a spherical Figure, or
into an oblate Spheroid, as they say the Earth is now. I take it for
granted, that they suppose the Land raised as well as the Water; for
otherwise the Ocean would overflow at those Parts of the Earth. Suppose
then the Waters raised by the Circumvolution of the Earth, how was the
_Terra firma_ rais’d, or how could it be rais’d by that or any such
Cause?
These Questions are no matter of Difficulty to the Theorist, who
supposes the first Earth to have covered the Waters, and to have taken
their Shape, whatsoever it was, as upon a Mold: Then upon its
Dissolution and Disruption at the Deluge, to have fallen into that
uneven and uninterrupted Form it hath now. But feeling this Method does
not please the Examiner, he must tell us how, upon his Hypothesis, the
Land or solid Parts of the Earth could be rais’d above a spherical
Convexity into such a gibbous Figure, as he supposes them now to have
under the Equator.
Monsieur _Hugens_[33] makes this broad Spheroid of the Earth to have
been the Effect of Gravity in the Formation of the Earth; the Matter
whereof being then turned round, it would, as he thinks, be brought to
settle in this oblate Figure. Very well! But this must be in its very
first Concretion from a Chaos, before it was fix’d and compact as it is
now; for the Rotation of the Earth could have no such effect upon it
after it was hard. Now if you admit the exterior Globe of the Earth, to
have been in such a State betwixt Fixtness and Fluidity, it will lead us
directly to the Theorist’s Hypothesis, which supposes a soft and tender
Concretion at first, over all the Face of the Waters. I say, _over all
the Face of the Waters_: For it must be universal; both because there is
no Reason why these earthy Particles that made the Concretion, should
not fall upon one Part of the Globe, as well as upon another; and also
if they did not fall upon the Equinoctial Parts, how came there to be
Land in that part, or that Land rais’d higher than the rest, as this
Hypothesis will have it?
In these Remarks upon the protuberant Figure of the Earth, you see it is
allow’d, that there would be a greater Tendency from the Center in the
middle Parts of the Globe, and the Waters would rise there, if there was
no Impediment. But the Theorist did believe that the Vortex, or
circumfluent Orb was streighter, or of a shorter Diameter there than
through the Poles; and consequently the Waters having less room to
dilate, would be press’d and detruded towards the Poles. These Authors,
it may be, will allow no Vortices to the Planets; but then they must
assign some other sufficient Cause to carry the Planets in their
periodical Motions (and with the same Velocity for innumerable Ages)
about their common Center; and the Secondary about their Primary: As
also what gives them their diurnal Rotation, and the different Position
of their Axes. Neither would it be easy to conceive, how a great Mass of
fluid and volatile Matter, having no Current, or Determination any one
way, and being often check’d in its progressive Motion, should not fall
into circular Motions, or into Vortices of one sort or other; especially
if you place in this Mass some great solid Bodies turned about their
Axes.
These are more general Problems; and when they are determin’d with
Certainty, we shall better judge of the Particulars that depend upon
them. But I say still, that neither Figure of the Earth, oblong or
oblate, can be prov’d from the Rotation of the Earth and its Gravity,
without supposing the Globe form’d into that Shape before it came to be
harden’d, before it came to be loaded and stiffen’d by Rocks and stony
Mountains. Therefore upon both Hypotheses it must be allow’d, that there
was such a Time, such a State of the Earth, when its tender Orb was
capable of those Impressions and Modifications; and that Orb must have
lain above the Waters, not under them, nor radicated to the Bottom of
them, for then such Cause could not have had such an Effect upon it. And
in the last place, this Concretion upon the Waters must have been
throughout all the Parts of the Earth, or all the Parts of the Land
which are now rais’d above a spherical Surface; and no reason can be
given, as we noted before, why the rest should not be cover’d as well as
those. So that in effect both the Hypotheses suppose that all the watery
Globe was at first cover’d with an earthy Concretion.
Now this being admitted, you have confirm’d the main Point of the
_Theory_: Namely, that the Abyss was once, or at first cover’d with a
terrestrial Concretion, or an Orb of Earth. Grant this, and we’ll
compound for the rest, let the Earth at present be of what Figure it
will: If there was such an original Earth that cover’d the Waters, both
the Form and Equilibration of the Earth may easily appear, and how by a
Dissolution of it a Deluge might arise. But as to the present Earth, the
Theorist never affirm’d that its Figure was oval, but he[34] noted such
Observations made or to be made, as he thought might be proper to
determine its Figure, and still desires that they may be pursued. He
added also, that he would be glad to receive any new ones, that would
demonstrate the precise Figure of the Earth. And accordingly, he is
willing to consider in this Particular and all others, the Arguments and
Remarks of such eminent Authors, as have lately given a new Light to the
System of the World.
This may suffice to have spoken in general concerning these two
spheroidical Figures of the Earth. We must now consider what particular
Objections are made by the Examiner against its oval Figure. He says,
_p. 103, 104_, _&c._ admitting the oval Figure of that first Earth, it
would not be capable however, to give a Course to the Rivers from the
polar Parts, towards the Equinoctial. And his Reason is this; because
the same Causes which cast the Abyss or the Ocean towards the Poles,
would also keep the Rivers from descending from the Poles: But there is
no Parity of Reason betwixt the Abyss or the Ocean, and the Rivers. We
see in the Flux and Reflux of the Ocean, let the Cause of it be what it
will, it hath not that Effect upon Rivers, nor upon Lakes, nor upon
lesser Seas; yet the Circum-rotation of the Earth continues the same.
And his confounding the Ocean and Rivers in the ante-diluvian Earth is
so much the worse, seeing there never was an Ocean and Rivers together
in that Earth. While there was an open Ocean, there were no Rivers, and
when there were Rivers, there was no open Ocean, but an inclos’d Abyss:
So though he makes large Transcripts there and elsewhere out of the
Theory, he does not seem always to have well digested the Method of it.
After this Objection, the Examiner charges the Theorist with want of
Skill in Logick; but his Charge is grounded upon another
Misunderstanding or Misrepresentation. He pretends there, _p. 107._ that
the Theorist hath made such a Ratiocination as this. _All Bodies by
reason of the Earth’s diurnal Rotation, do endeavour to recede from the
Axis of their Motion; but by reason of the Pressure of the Air, and the
Streightness of the Orb, they cannot recede from the Axis of their
Motion, therefore they will move towards the Poles, where they will come
nearer to the Axis of their Motion._ These are the Examiner’s Words in
that Place, where he says he will put the Theorist’s Reasoning in other
Words: But I do not like that Method, unless the Examiner were a more
judicious or faithful Paraphrast than he seems to be: Let every one be
tried by their own Words, and if there be any false Logick or Nonsense
in the forecited Words of the Examiner, let it fall upon their Author.
The Theorist said[35], that Bodies, by reason of the Earth’s Motion did,
_conari à centro sur motûs recederè_: These Words this Translator
renders, _endeavour to recede from the Axis of their Motion_; and by
changing the Word _Center_ into _Axis_ (whether carelesly or wilfully I
know not) of plain Sense he hath made Nonsense; and then makes this
Conclusion, _p. 108._ (which follows indeed from his own Words, but not
from those of the Theorist) _because all Bodies do endeavour to recede
from the Axis of their Motion, therefore they will endeavour to go to
the Axis of their Motion_.
The Theorist’s Argumentation was plainly this: Seeing in the Rotation of
the Earth, Bodies tend from the Center of their Motion, if they meet
with an Impediment there, they will move laterally in the next easiest
and openest way; and therefore the Waters under the Equator being
stopp’d in their first Tendency, would divert towards the Poles;
wherein, I think, there is no false Logick. That there was no Impediment
there, he must prove by other Arguments than his own Dictates or bare
Assertion, which will not pass for a Proof.
He proceeds now to discourse of the centrifugal Force and the Effects of
it, together with Gravity: But he should have given us a better Notion
of the centrifugal Force, than what he sets down there; for he says (_p.
110. l. 24._) _A centrifugal Force, is that Force by which a Body is
drawn towards the Center_: This is a strange Signification of that Word.
And in the next Page (_p. 111. l. 22._) he says, by this centrifugal
Force, Bodies _endeavour to recede from the Center of their Motion_;
which is true, but contrary to what he said just before. I think ’tis
Gravity, not centrifugal Force, that brings Bodies towards the Center.
But to pass by this Contradiction, and to proceed: What he says, from
others, about the Proportions of the centrifugal Force and Gravity in
Bodies turn’d round, and particularly in Fluids, how they would fly off
more or less, according to the Circles of their Motion, was always (as
hath been mention’d before) suppos’d and allow’d by the Theorist, if
there was no Restraint or Pressure upon one Part more than another of
the fluid Globe: So that he might have spared here six or seven Pages.
In like manner, he might have spar’d what he hath transcrib’d in his
following Pages from those excellent Authors we referr’d to before,
about calculating the Diminutions of Gravity made by the centrifugal
Force, in different Latitudes; with other such Excursions. These, I say,
might have been spar’d, as needless upon this Occasion, or to the
Confutation of the _Theory_, till the principal Point, upon which they
depend, be better prov’d. I made bold to say, they were transcrib’d from
those Authors, as any one may see that pleases to consult the Originals,
_Newt. Philos. Nat. Princ. Math. l. 3. prop. 18, 19, 20._ _Hugens
Discour. de la cause de la Pesanteur, p._ 147, 148, _&c._ And this
_French_ Discourse of Monsieur Hugens, he hath not so much as once
nam’d, though he hath taken so much from it. And after all, when these
Things are determin’d in Speculation, it will still be a Question what
the true physical Causes of them are.
At last, for a farther Confirmation of the broad spheroidical Figure of
the Earth, he adds an Observation from the Planet _Jupiter_, which is
found to be of such a Figure. And _therefore_, he says, _p. 137, 138._
_We need not doubt, but that the Earth, which is a Planet like the rest,
and turns round its Axis, as they do, is of the same Figure_. He might
as well conclude, that every Planet, as well as the Earth, is of the
same Figure. And what Reason can he give, why all the Planets that have
a Rotation upon their Axis, are not broad Spheroids, as well as those
two which he supposes to be so? If that be a sufficient Cause, and be
found in other Planets as well as those, why hath it not the same
Effect? Or he might as well conclude, that the Earth hath a perpetual
Equinox, because _Jupiter_ hath so. This is the same Fault which he hath
so often committed, of measuring all the Works of God by one or two. If
a Man was transported into the Moon, the nearest Planet; or into
_Mercury_ that is so near the Sun, or into _Saturn_, (or any of his
_Satellites_) that is so remote from it; would he not find, think you, a
much different Face and State of those Planets, from what we have upon
this Earth? Inhabitants of a different Constitution, the Furniture of
every World different, Animals, Plants, Waters, and other inanimate
Things: As also different Vicissitudes of Days and Nights, and the
Seasons of the Year; according to their different Positions, Revolutions
and Forms? Therefore not without Reason we noted before, how much the
Narrowness of some Mens Spirits, Thoughts and Observations, confine them
to a particular Pattern and Model, nor considering the infinite Variety
of the divine Works, whereof we are not competent Judges.
Now comes in his rude Censure of Dr. _Eisensmidius_, both for his
Mathematicks and bad Logick, or want of _common Sense_; but to this we
have spoken before. He also, in the same Paragraph, _p. 142._ wonders at
the Theorist’s strange Logick, to make the centrifugal Force of Bodies
upon the Earth, to be the Cause of its oblong Figure. That indeed would
be strange Logick if it was made the proximate Cause of it. But that is
not the Theorists’s Logick but the Examiner’s, as it is distorted and
misrepresented by him. The Theorist suppos’d the Pressure of that Tumour
of the Waters, occasion’d by the centrifugal Force (as its original
Cause) to be the immediate Cause of the oblong Figure of the Earth; and
that Pressure suppos’d, there is nothing illogical in the Inference. He
had formerly taken Notice, _p. 101, 103._ of this Reason, from the
Streightness of the Orb in that Part, when he gave the Theorist’s
Account of that Figure; but he thought fit to forget it now, that his
Charge might not appear lame.
This, Sir, is a short Account of this Author’s Objections; but there are
some Things so often repeated by him, that we are forc’d to take Notice
of them more than once; as that about Miracles and final Causes. He
truly notes, _p. 31._ that to be _a much easier and shorter Way of
giving an account of the Deluge_, or other Revolutions of Nature: But
the Question is not, which is the shortest and easiest Way, but which is
the truest. No Man in his Senses can question the divine Omnipotency,
God could do these Things purely miraculously, if he pleas’d; but the
Thing to be consider’d is, whether, according to the Methods of
Providence, in the Changes and Revolutions of the natural World, the
Course of Nature and of natural Causes is not made use of so far as they
will go. Both _Moses_ and St. _Peter_ mention material Causes, but
always including the divine Word and Superintendency. The Theorist does
not think (as is sufficiently testified in several Places) that purely
material and mechanical Causes, guided only by the Laws of Motion, could
form this Earth, and the Furniture of it; and does readily believe all
Miracles recorded in Holy Writ, or elsewhere, well grounded: But
Miracles of our own making or imagining, want Authority to support them.
Some Men when they are at a loss in the Progress of their Work, call in
a Miracle to relieve them in their Distress. You know what hath been
noted both by [36]Philosophers and others to that purpose.
As to final Causes, the Contemplation of them is very useful to moral
Purposes, and of great Satisfaction to the Mind, where we can attain to
them. But we must not pretend to prove a thing to be so or so in Nature,
because we fancy it would be better so; nor deny it to be in such a
manner, because to our Mind it would be better otherwise. Almighty Power
and Wisdom, that have the whole Complex and Composition of the Universe
in View, take other Measures than we can comprehend or account for. Even
in this small Earth that we inhabit, there are several Plants and
Animals, which to us appear useless or noxious, and yet no doubt would
be found proper for this State, if we had the whole Prospect and Scheme
of Providence. As to efficient Causes, they must be either material or
immaterial, and whatsoever is prov’d to be the immediate Effect of an
immaterial Cause, is so much the more acceptable to the Theorist, as it
argues a Power above Matter. But as to purely material Causes, they must
be mechanical; there being no other Modes, or Powers of Matter (at least
in the Opinion of the Theorist) but what are mechanical: And to explain
Effects by such Causes, is properly natural Science.
We have taken Notice before of this Author’s ambiguous use of Words,
without declaring in what Sense he uses them: And he is no less
ambiguous as to his Opinions. When he speaks of the Origin and Formation
of the WORLD, he does not tell us what he means by that Word; whether
the great Compound of the Universe, or that small Part only where we
reside. His _centrifugal_ Force he interprets in contrary Senses, or in
contrary Words, and reserves the Sense to himself. Sometimes he speaks
of the Motion of the Sun, and sometimes of the Motion of the Earth, and
sticks to no System: Neither does he tell us what he means by the
_Mosaical_ Abyss, or _Tehom Rabbah_, which the Theorist supposes to have
been broken up at the Deluge. We ought to know in what Sense and
Signification he uses Words or Phrases: at least if he use them in a
different Sense from that of the Theorist’s.
I know, _Sir_, you will also take Notice of his hard Words and coarse
Language, as, _that’s false, that’s absurd, that’s ridiculous_. This,
you will say, is not the usual Language amongst Gentlemen; but we find
it too usual with some Writers, according to their particular Temper and
Experience in the World. For my part, I think Rudeness or Disingenuity
in examining the Writings of another Person, fall more heavy (in the
Construction of fair Readers) upon him that uses them, than upon him
that suffers them. I am,
_SIR_,
_Your most humble Servant_,
_FINIS_.
Footnote 22:
_Engl. Theor._ _Chap._ VIII. p. 112, _&c._
Footnote 23:
_Cic. de Nat. Dict. l. 1._
Footnote 24:
_Galil. Syst. Cos._ _p._ 133. _Hugen. Cosmetô._ _c._ 2. _p._ 115.
Footnote 25:
_Engl. p. 230, &c. Lat. p. 107._
Footnote 26:
_Cosmoth. p. 135._
Footnote 27:
_l. s. Prop. 4._
Footnote 28:
_Ibid._ Prop. 56.
Footnote 29:
_Ephames. par. 2. ad An. 1624._
Footnote 30: