Produced by Roger Burch with scans from the Internet Archives
{Transcriber's Note: British, archaic and inconsistent spellings have been
left as in the original, as have capitalizations. A few obvious
typographical errors have been changed. Margin notes, except when they
refer to either the whole paragraph or the beginning of the paragraph, are
indicated where they occur in the text with {MN} and inserted in full at
the beginning of the paragraph to which they refer. Material in square or
round brackets are as in the original; transcriber's notes are in curly
brackets. Several maps and illustrations are mentioned in the text, but
none appear in the original book, nor does the index. Pagination of the
1624 edition, which this edition places in the margins, have been left
interlinear to more nearly indicate their original placement.}
The Travels of
Captaine John Smith
In Two Volumes
Volume I
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE & COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA TORONTO
SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH
MCMVII
The Generall Historie
of
Virginia, New England
&
The Summer Isles
Together with
The True Travels, Adventures
and Observations, and
A Sea Grammar
By
CAPTAINE JOHN SMITH
Sometimes Governour in those Countryes
and Admirall of New England
VOLUME I
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
New York: The Macmillan Company
MCMVII
THE TABLE
Page
Publishers' Note, xvii
The Epistle Dedicatorie to the Duchesse of Richmond and Lenox, xxii
A Preface of foure Poynts, xxv
Panegyrick Verses, xxvii
The Contents of the generall History, divided into six Books:
THE FIRST BOOKE.
A.D. The first voyage to the new World, by Madock Prince of
1170 Wales. The next by Hanno Prince of Carthage, and how
1488 it was offred K. Hen.7. by Chr. Cullumbus, that
1492 undertooke it for the Spanyards. 1492. 1
1497 How John Cabot was imployed by King Hen. the 7. and found
1576 the Continent before Cullumbus. Also Sir Martin
1583 Frobisher, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert ranged towards the
1584 North. And how Captaine Amidas was sent to discover the
coast of Florida by Sir Walter Raleigh and his
associates. And the Country Wingandacoa was called
Virginia by Queene Elizabeth. 2
1585 Sir Richard Greenvill sent thither with 108. he left for
a plantation. The discovery of the Rivers Chawonok
and Moratoc. The trechery of their King, who with eight
more were slaine, and they all returned to England
againe the same yeare with Sir Francis Drake. 10
The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their commodities,
victuall, fruits, beasts, fishes, and foules. Their
Religion, and beliefe of God, of the Creation of the
world, and man; the immortalitie of the soule; the
subtiltie of their Priests; the peoples simplicitie,
and desire of salvation; and other Accidents. 19
1586 Sir Rich. Greenvill sent to supply them. Not finding them,
left fiftie. Their successe. 26
1587 Master White sent to relieve them, found they were all
slaine, yet left 115. more, and departed. 26
1589 Returning the second time, he could not heare of them; his
Observations and Accidents. 30
1602 A discovery by Captaine Gosnoll of Elizabeths Isles; his
Observations, Relations, and returne. 33
The voyage of Captaine Pring to the same Coast. 37
1603 The discovery of Captaine Waymouth; his Observations,
Relations, and returne. 38
1605 A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures of the
Salvages. 40
THE SECOND BOOKE.
Of Virginia now planted, discovered by Captaine Smith.
1606 The Latitude, Temperature, and Capes; a description of
Chisapeack Bay, and seaven navigable Rivers that fall
fall into it, with their severall Inhabitants, and
diversitie of Language. 43
1606 Of things growing Naturally, as woods, fruits, gummes,
berries, herbs, roots; also of beasts, birds, and
fishes; how they divide the yeare, prepare their
ground, plant their corne, and use it, and other
victuall. 52
What commodities may be had by industry. The description
of the people, their numbers, constitutions,
dispositions, attyre, buildings, lodgings and gardens,
their usage of children, striking of fire, making their
Bowes and Arrowes, knives, swords, targets, and boats:
how they spinne, make fish-hooks, and ginnes, and their
order of hunting. Consultations and order in Warres. 60
Their musicke, entertainment, trade, Physicke, Chirurgery
and Charmes. Their Religion, God, burials ordinary and
extraordinary, Temples, Priests, Ornaments, solemnities,
Conjurations, Altars, sacrifices, black boyes, and
resurrection. 70
The manner of their government, their Emperor; his
attendants, watch, treasury, wives, successors &
authority: tenure of their lands, and manner of
punishment, with some words of their Language
Englished. 77
And a Mappe of the Countrey of Virginia now planted.
THE THIRD BOOKE.
Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the English.
1606 Their orders of government, Accidents in going, first
landing and government setled. 85
1607 The Salvages assault the Fort, the ships returne, their
names were left, occasion of sicknes, plenty
unexpected, the building of James Towne, the beginning
of Trade, two projects to abandon the Country. 88
1607 Their first attempts upon the Salvages. Captaine Smith
taken prisoner; their order of Triumph, and how he
should have beene executed, was preserved, saved
James towne from being surprised, how they Conjured
him. Powhatan entertained him, would have slaine him;
how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, and sent him to
James Towne. The third plot to abandon the Countrey
suppressed. 96
Their first Supply and Accidents. The Salvages opinion of
our God. Captaine Smith revisits Powhatan; James Towne
burnt; A conceited gold mine; A needlesse charge;
Captaine Newports returne for England. 104
1608 James Towne rebuilt, with a Church and Store-house; The
Salvages plot to murther all the English; their
insolencies suppressed. Different opinions among the
Councell. 110
Their names landed in this Supply. 113
The discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack. Their fight and
conference with the Kuskarawaoks; Ambuscadoes
prevented in the river Patawomek; A mine like
Antimony. How to deale with the Salvages. Smith neare
killed with a Stingray. With many other Accidents in
the discovery. A needlesse misery at James towne
redressed. 115
The second Voyage to discover the Bay. Their incounter
with the Massawomekes and Tockwhoghs; the
Sasquesahanoughs offer subjection to the English.
The exceeding love of the Salvage Mosco. Their
fight with the Rapahanocks; their fight with the
Manahokes. The King of Hassaninga's brother taken
prisoner; his relation of those mountainers; peace
concluded with all those Nations. The discovery of the
river Payankatank their fight with the Nandsamunds, &
Chisapeacks; their returne to James town. 124
1608 The Presidency surrendred to Cap. Smith. The second Supply
by Captaine Newport, many Presents sent from England
to Powhatan, his scorne, Consultations; factions
suppressed; Cap. Smith visiteth Powhatan; Pocahontas
entertaines him with a Maske; the Coronation of
Powhatan, and Conditions. The discovery of the
Monacans; a punishment for swearing; the
Chickahamanians forced to Contribution; the abuses of
the Mariners; Master Scriveners voyage to
Werowocomoco. 138
Captaine Smiths Relation to England of the estate of the
Colony: the names of them arrived in this Supply.
Nandsamund forced to Contribution. The first Marriage
in Virginia. Apamatuck discovered. 147
Captaine Smiths journey to Pamaunkee. The discovery of
the Chawwonocks. Smiths discourse to Powhatan; His
reply and flattery; and his discourse of Peace and
Warre. Powhatans plot to murther Smith, discovered by
his daughter Pocahontas. 154
Their escape at Pamaunkee. The Dutchmen deceive Captaine
Winne, and arme the Salvages; sixteene English beset by
seven hundred Salvages, Smith takes their King
Opechankanough prisoner; the Salvages excuse &
reconcilement. Master Scrivener and others drowned;
Master Wiffins desperate journey to Pamaunkee;
Powhatan constraines his men again to be trecherous;
he is forced to fraught their Ship; Smith poysoned;
the Dutch mens trechery. 163
The Dutch-mens plot to murther Smith. He taketh the King
of Paspahegh prisoner, and others; they become all
subject to the English. A Salvage smoothered, yet
recovered; three or foure Salvages slaine in drying
stolne powder. 174
1608 Great extremity occasioned by ratts; Bread made of dryed
Sturgeon; the punishment for loyterers; the discovery
of the Mangoags. Captaine Argals first arrivall; the
inconveniences in a Plantation. 179
1609 The government altered; the arrivall of the third Supply;
mutinies; Nandsamund planted; breach of peace with
the Salvages; Powhatans chiefe seat bought for Copper;
Mutinies. Captaine Smith blowne up with Gun-powder; a
bloudy intent; the causes why he left the Country and
his Commission; his returne for England; the ends of
the Dutch-men. 187
Certaine Verses of seaven Gentlemen. 199
THE FOURTH BOOKE.
With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government.
How the mutiners proceeded; the Salvages revolt; the
planting point Comfort. Them at Nandsamund, and
the Fals, defeated by the Salvages. Captaine
Ratliff, with thirtie slaine by Powhatan. The fruits
of improvidence. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates.
1610 James Towne abandoned. The arrivall of the Lord
La Warre; their actions, and both their returnes. 203
1611 The government left to Captaine Percie; & his Proceedings.
The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale, and his actions. 211
The second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates; the building
1612 Henerico; and the Bermudas; how Captaine Argall tooke
Pocahontas prisoner, Dales voyage to Pamaunkee.
1613 The marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe. Articles
of Peace with the Salvages. 215
1614 The government left to Sir Thomas Dale. Captaine Argals
voyage to port Royall. Master Hamers to Powhatan; and
their Accidents. 223
1615 The manner of the Lottery. A Spanish Shippe in Virginia.
1616 Dale with Pocahontas comes for England. Capt. Yerley
left Deputy Governour; his warres and peace with the
Chickahamanians, and proceedings. 228
A relation to Queene Anne of the quality & condition of
1617 Pocahontas; how the Queen entertained her; Capt. Argall
sent governour; the death of Powhatan; ten English
slaine; Argals accidents and proceedings. The Lord de
la Warre sent againe governour; his death. A relation
of their present estates. Haile-stones 8. inches
about. 236
1619 Sir George Yerley sent governor; Waraskoyack planted. A
parliament in Virginia; foure Corporations appointed;
the adventures of Cap. Ward; the number of ships and
men sent this yeare; gifts given; Patents granted. 245
1620 A desperate Sea fight by Captaine Chester with two Spanish
men of warre; the names of the Adventurers. 250
1621 Notes and observations. A relation of their estates by
Master Stockam. The arrivall of Sir Francis Wyat with
nine ships. Master Gockings plantation; and their
accidents; the number of ships and men sent this yeare;
gifts given, Patents granted. 268
Master Pories journeyes to Pawtuxunt, and other places,
with his accidents. 274
1622 Capt. Each sent to build Forts and Barks. The cause and
manner of the Massacre; the numbers slaine; the
providence of Cap. Nuse; Cap. Chroshaw his voyage to
Patowomek. 277
Capt. Smiths offer to the Company to suppresse the
Salvages. Their answer; the manner of the Sallery;
Chroshaw stayes at Patawomek; the escape of Waters
and his wife. Cap. Hamar goes to Patawomek; Chroshaws
1622 plot for all their preservations. Capt. Madison sent
to Patawomek. Cap. Powell kils three Salvages. Sir
George Yerleys journey to Acomack. The misery of
Captaine Nuse. The kindness of the King of Patawomek;
a vile policy of a Salvage; Madisons mischiefe unto the
Patawomeks. It was not well don to make Opechankanough
drinke healths. 300. surpriseth Nandsamund and
1623 Pamaunkee. The opinion of Cap. Smith how to subject
the Salvages. The arrivall of Cap. Butler in Virginia,
and other Accidents. 295
The losse of Cap. Spilman and 26. men. A particular of
such necessaries as are fit for private persons or
families. 313
A briefe relation by Cap. Smith to his Majesties
Commissioners, for the reformation of Virginia. The
7 questions the right Worthie Commissioners demanded,
1624 and his answers; how the King hath pleased to take it
into his consideration. 318
At this present two ships are going; more a preparing; new
Commissions sent. A Proclamation, no Tobacco be used
in England, but what shall come from Virginia, or the
Somer Isles; quere the Proclamation.
THE FIFT BOOKE.
A Mappe of the Somer Isles and Fortresses. The
description of the Isles, the fruits, fishes, soyle,
ayre, beasts, birds, with the relation of the
1593 shipwrack of Henry May. 331
1609 The shipwrack of Sir Tho. Gates, and Sir George Somers;
1610 their accidents, deliverance and arrivall in Virginia.
Somers returne to the Isles; his death, and Epitaph,
1611 the accidents hapned; three men lived there alone
two yeares. 341
1612 Master More sent to make a plantation. A peece of Amber
Greece found of 80. pound weight; much dissension;
Mores Industrie in fortifying and waighing Ordnance out
1613 of the wracks. Their first Supply; a strange increase of
Potatoes. The attempt of 2 Spanish ships; a great
mortality; a strange being of Ravens; a new Supply,
1614 with their Accidents, and Moores returne. 348
1615 The rent of the six governours; a wonderfull accident of
Milliard, not much lesse then a miracle. 355
1616 The government of Ca. Tuckar; Assises; the strange
adventure of 5 men in a boat; plants from the West
1617 Indies; the endevours of Cap. Powell; Assises. The
Country neer devoured with ratts; their strange
1618 confusion. The divisions of the Isles into Tribes, and
Tribes into shares, by Mr. Norwood; the names of the
adventurers, and their shares. 359
The first Magazin; two exployts of desperate fugitives.
The returne of Cap. Tuckar. Cap. Kendall left
deputy-governor, and their Accidents. 372
1619 The government of Cap. Butler; A platforme burnt, and much
hurt by a Hericano. The refortifying the Kings Castle.
The arrivall of two Dutch Frigots. The rebuilding the
Mount, and a Tombe for Sir George Somers. The
reformation of their lawes and officers. Their Assises.
A Parliament. Their acts; their opinion of the Magazin.
The building three Bridges. The generall Assises; A
1620 strange deliverance of a Spanish wracke. A strange
Sodomy; many Ordnances got from wracks. Their estates
1621 present. 376
1622 Master Barnard sent to be governour; his arrivall, death,
1623 and funerall, with the proceedings of Mr. Harrison
1624 his successor, & Cap. Woodhouse their governor. 394
ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
Facsimile of the Engraved Title Page of "The Generall
Historie," 1624, xx
Portrait of Frances, Duchess of Richmond and Lenox, xxviii
Portrait of Pocahontas, 104
A description of part of the Adventures of Captain
Smith in Virginia, with Map of Ould Virginia, 208
Map of The Summer Isles, 368
Map of Virginia, 396
PUBLISHERS' NOTE
John Smith "was borne in Willoughby in Lincolneshire, and a Scholler in
the two Free-schooles of Alford and Louth." His father, George Smith,
"anciently descended from the ancient Smiths of Crudley in Lancashire,"
was a farmer-tenant of Lord Willoughby, to whom he bequeathed as a token
of his "dewtifull good will the best of my two yeares old colts." John,
the eldest son, was baptised in the Parish Church of Willoughby, on the
6th January, 1579. "His parents dying when he was about thirteene yeeres
of age, left him a competent meanes, which hee not being capable to
manage, little regarded; his minde being even then set upon brave
adventures, sould his Satchell, bookes, and all he had intending secretly
to get to Sea, but that his fathers death stayed him." About the age of
fifteen he was bound apprentice to "Master Thomas Sendell of Linne the
greatest Merchant of all those parts; but because hee would not presently
send him to Sea, he never saw his master in eight yeeres after." At length
he succeeded in attending Peregrine Bertie, second son of Lord Willoughby,
to France, but in a few weeks he was sent back to England "his service
being needlesse." Unwelcome at home, his friends "liberally gave him (but
out of his owne estate) ten shillings to be rid of him." With this he made
his way to Paris and made friends with "one Master David Hume, who making
some use of his purse, gave him Letters to his friends in Scotland to
preferre him to King James." Smith, however, having spent nearly all his
money in Rouen, went to Havre where "he first began to learne the life
of a souldier." He next served two or three years in the Low Countries.
Thence proceeding to Scotland (being shipwrecked on the Holy Island on the
way) he delivered his letters, but "After much kinde usage amongst those
honest Scots," finding he had "neither money nor means to make him a
Courtier" he returned to Willoughby. Here he retired to the woods, built
himself a "Pavillion of boughs" and lived chiefly on venison, "his
exercise a good horse, with his lance and Ring," his books Macchiavelli's
"Art of War" and Marcus Aurelius. Tiring of this life after a short time
he returned to the Low Countries and began the adventurous career of which
he gives such an enthralling description in his "True Travels, Adventures
and Observations."
In 1605 he returned to England, and the next year prepared to join an
expedition to Guiana but the scheme was frustrated by the death of the
intended leader, Charles Lee. On 19th December 1606 he sailed from
Blackwall with the Colonists for Virginia. For the next three years he was
busily employed, as his "Generall Historie of Virginia" witnesses, in
founding the Colony; in September 1609 he narrowly escaped death by the
accidental explosion of a bag of gun-powder, and left for England to
recruit his health. He did not return to Virginia, but for the next few
{Transcriber's Note: Two pages (xix and xx) are missing from the original
at this point.}
most learned Treasurer of Antiquitie. The question as to the truth of the
adventures recorded in this book has given rise to heated and prolonged
controversy.
Smith was a prolific writer of tracts and pamphlets on the colonisation of
Virginia and New England, but the substance of them is contained in "The
Generall Historie" and "The True Travels."
In accordance with the scheme of this series, the edition here presented
is an exact reprint of the Original Editions except that the letters i, j,
u and v have been altered to conform to modern usage, and obvious
printers' errors, both of spelling and punctuation, have been corrected.
References to the pages of the original editions are given in the margin,
and a full index has been added.
Glasgow,
February, 1907.
TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST NOBLE
PRINCESSE,
THE LADY FRANCIS,
Duchesse of Richmond and Lenox.
May it please your Grace,
This History, as for the raritie and varietie of the subject, so much more
for the judicious Eyes it is like to undergoe, and most of all for that
great Name, whereof it dareth implore Protection, might and ought to have
beene clad in better robes then my rude military hand can cut out in Paper
Ornaments. But because, of the most things therein, I am no Compiler by
hearsay, but have beene a reall Actor; I take my selfe to have a propertie
in them: and therefore have beene bold to challenge them to come under the
reach of my owne rough Pen. That, which hath beene indured and passed
through with hardship and danger, is thereby sweetned to the Actor, when he
becometh the Relator. I have deeply hazarded my selfe in doing and
suffering, and why should I sticke to hazard my reputation in Recording?
He that acteth two parts is the more borne withall if he come short, or
fayle in one of them. Where shall we looke to finde a Julius Caesar, whose
achievments shine as cleare in his owne Commentaries, as they did in the
field? I confesse, my hand, though able to weild a weapon among the
Barbarous, yet well may tremble in handling a Pen among so many Judicious:
especially when I am so bold as to call so piercing, and so glorious an
Eye, as your Grace, to view these poore ragged lines.
Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honorable and vertuous Ladies, and
comparable but amongst themselves, have offred me rescue and protection in
my greatest dangers: even in forraine parts, I have felt reliefe from that
sex. The beauteous Lady Tragabigzanda, when I was a slave to the Turkes,
did all she could to secure me. When I overcame the Bashaw of Nalbrits in
Tartaria, the charitable Lady Callamata supplyed my necessities. In the
utmost of many extremities, that blessed Pokahontas, the great Kings
daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life. When I escaped the crueltie of
Pirats and most furious stormes, a long time alone in a small Boat at Sea,
and driven ashore in France, the good Lady Madam Chanoyes, bountifully
assisted me.
And so verily these my adventures have tasted the same influence from your
Gratious hand, which hath given birth to the publication of this
Narration. If therefore your Grace shall daigne to cast your eye on this
poore Booke, view I pray you rather your owne Bountie (without which it
had dyed in the wombe) then my imperfections, which have no helpe but the
shrine of your glorious Name to be sheltered from censorious condemnation.
Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honorable aspect, to accept these my
labours; to protect them under the shadow of your excellent Name: which
will inable them to be presented to the Kings royall Majestie, the most
admired Prince Charles, and the Queene of Bohemia: your sweet
Recommendations will make it the worthier of their good countenances. And
as all my endevours are their due tribute: so this Page shall record to
posteritie, that my service shall be to pray to God, that you may still
continue the renowned of your sexe, the most honored of men, and the
highly blessed of God.
Your Graces faithfull
and devoted servant,
JOHN SMITH.
A Preface of foure Poynts.
I. This plaine History humbly sheweth the truth: that our most royall
King James hath place and opportunitie to inlarge his ancient
Dominions without wronging any; (which is a condition most agreeable
to his most just and pious resolutions:) and the Prince his Highness
may see where to plant new Colonies. The gaining Provinces addeth to
the Kings Crown: but the reducing Heathen people to civilitie and
true Religion, bringeth honour to the King of Heaven. If his Princely
wisedome and powerfull hand, renowned through the world for admirable
government, please but to set these new Estates into order; their
composure will be singular: the counsell of divers is confused; the
generall Stocke is consumed; nothing but the touch of the Kings
sacred hand can erect a Monarchy.
II. Most noble Lords and worthy Gentlemen, it is your Honors that have
imployed great paines and large expence in laying the foundation of
this State, wherein much hath beene buried under ground, yet some
thing hath sprung up, and given you a taste of your adventures. Let
no difficulties alter your noble intentions. The action is an honour
to your Country: and the issue may well reimburse you your summes
expended. Our practices have hitherto beene but assayes, and are
still to be amended. Let your bountie supply the necessities of weake
beginnings, and your excellent judgements rectifie the proceedings;
the returne cannot choose in the end but bring you good Commodities,
and good contentments, by your advancing shipping and fishing so
usefull unto our Nation.
III. Yee valiant and generous spirits, personall possessors of these
new-found Territories, banish from among you Cowardise, covetousnes,
jealousies, and idlenes, enemies to the raising your honours and
fortunes; vertue, industry, and amitie, will make you good and
great, and your merits live to ensuing Ages. You that in contempt of
necessities, hazard your lives and estates, imploying your studies
and labours in these faire endevours, live and prosper as I desire my
soule should prosper.
IIII. For my selfe let emulation and envie cease, I ever intended my
actions should be upright: now my care hath beene that my Relations
should give every man they concerne, their due. But had I not
discovered and lived in the most of those parts. I could not
possibly have collected the substantiall truth from such a number of
variable Relations, that would have made a Volume at least of a
thousand sheets. Though the beginning may seeme harsh in regard of
the Antiquities, brevitie, and names; a pleasanter Discourse ensues.
The stile of a Souldier is not eloquent, but honest and justifiable;
so I desire all my friends and well-wishers to excuse and accept it,
and if any be so noble as to respect it, he that brought New England
to light, though long since brought in obscuritie, he is againe to
be found a true servant to all good designes.
So I ever rest yours to command,
JOHN SMITH.
_PANEGYRICK VERSES._
A Gentleman desirous to be unknowne, yet a great Benefactor to Virginia,
his love to the Author, the Company, and History.
Stay, reade, behold, skill, courage, knowledge, Arts;
Wonder of Nature: Mirror of our Clime.
Mars, Vulcan, Neptune strive to have their parts,
Rare Ornaments, rich honours of our time.
From far fetcht Indies, and Virginia's soyle,
Here Smith is come to shew his Art and skill:
He was the Smith that hammered famins foyle,
And on Powhatan's Emperour had his will.
Though first Columbus, Indies true Christofer;
Cabots, brave Florida, much admirer;
Meta Incognita, rare Martin Forbisher;
Gilberts brave Humphery, Neptunes devourer;
Captaine Amadis, Raleighs discoverer;
Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands brave coaster:
Drake, doomes, drowne, death, Spaines scorner;
Gosnolds Relates, Pring prime observer.
Though these be gone, and left behinde a name,
Yet Smith is here to Anvile out a peece
To after Ages, and eternall Fame,
That we may have the golden Jasons fleece.
He Vulcan like did forge a true Plantation,
And chain'd their Kings, to his immortall glory;
Restoring peace and plentie to the Nation,
Regaining honour to this worthy Story.
By him the Infidels had due correction,
He blew the bellowes still of peace and plentie:
He made the Indians bow unto subjection,
And Planters ne're return'd to Albion empty.
The Colonies pin'd, starv'd, staring, bones so feeble,
By his brave projects, proved strong againe:
The Souldiers' lowance he did seeke to treble,
And made the Salvage in uncouth place remaine.
He left the Countrey in prosperous happie state,
And plenty stood with peace at each mans doore:
Regarding not the Salvage love nor hate:
Themselves grew well, the Indians wondrous poore.
This there he did and now is home return'd,
To shew us all that never thither goe:
That in his heart, he deepely oft hath mourn'd,
Because the Action goeth on so slow.
Wise, Rich,
grave, prize
Brave, Benefactors,
Replant, want, continue still good Actors.
finde,
and bring
kinde, eyes
Be to blind;
By Gods great might, give Indians light.
Bloud,
money, to doe
Spend that good,
That may give Indians heav'nly food.
no lesse,
God You still
And shall blesse;
Both you and yours the Lands possesse.
S. M.
See here behold as in a Glasse,
All that is, or is and was.
T. T. 1624.
Samuel Purchas of his friend Captaine John Smith, and his Virginia.
Lo here Smiths Forge, where Forgery's Roague-branded,
True Pegasus is shoo'd, fetters are forged
For Silke-sotts, Milk-sops, base Sloth, farre hence landed,
(Soile-chang'd, {FN-1} Soule-soil'd still) Englands dregs, discharged,
To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged:
Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour
'Gainst Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged;
Pallas, all-arm'd, all-learn'd, can teach Sword-Grammer,
Can Pens of Pikes; Armes t' Arts; to Scholar, Souldier, hammer:
Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so well
Hath taught Smith scoure my rustic out-worne Muse,
And so conjur'd her in Virginian Cell,
That things unlearned long by want of use,
Shee fresh areeds me read, without abuse
By fabling. Arthurs great Acts little made
By greater lies she saith; scales Faith excuse
{FN-2} T' Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade
After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide.
The Fryer of Linne {FN-3} frights her with his black Art;
Nor Brittish Bards can tell where Madoc {FN-4} planted.
Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth have wonne her heart,
Eldest discov'rers of New Worlds Cont'nent (granted
So had just Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted;
This got the name, {FN-5} last, least of Three; the Other
New Worlds Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted
In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover
Then both, then any; an hundred degrees coasted over.
Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole,
Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza nam'd it,
Gave 't Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole)
Amadas rites to English right first fram'd it.
Lane planted, return'd, nor had English tam'd it:
Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation
James founds, Sloth confounds, feare, pride, faction sham'd it:
Smiths Forge mends all, makes chaines for Savage Nation,
And feeds the rest; the rest reade in his Bookes Relation.
* * * * *
{FN-1} _Caelumnon animum Mutant._
{FN-2} _These are said a thousand years agoe to have been in the North
parts of America._
{FN-3} _He is said to discover the Pole 1360._
{FN-4} _Madoc ap Owen Planted some remote Western parts. 1170._
{FN-5} _America named of Americus Vesputius which discovered less than
Colon or Sir Sebastian Cabot, and the continent later. Colon first found
the Isles 1492. the Continent 1498. Above a year after Cabot had done it.
He was set forth by Henry 7. and after by Hen. 8. Knighted, and made
grand Pilot of England by Ed. 6 Under whom he procured the sending of Sir
Hugh Willoughby, & discovery of Greenland and Russia: having by himself
discovered on America from 67 North lat. to neere 40 South._
Thomas Macarnesse to his worthy friend and
Countryman, Captaine John Smith.
Who loves to live at home, yet looke abroad,
And know both passen and unpassen road,
The prime Plantation of an unknowne shore,
The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store:
Read but this little Booke, and then confesse,
The lesse thou lik'st and lov'st, thou liv'st the lesse.
He writ it with great labour, for thy good,
Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood;
It cost him deare, both paines, without an ayme
Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine.
That thou mightst read and know and safely see,
What he by practice, thou by Theoree.
Commend him for his loyall loving heart,
Or else come mend him, and take thou his part.
To his friend Captaine John Smith, and his Worke.
I Know not how Desert more great can rise,
Then out of Danger t'ane for good mens Good;
or who doth better winne th' Olympian prize,
Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his bloud;
Private respects have private expectation,
Publicke designes, should publish reputation.
This Gentleman whose Volumne heere is stoard
With strange discoverie of Gods strangest Creatures,
Gives us full view, how he hath Sayl'd, and Oar'd,
And Marcht, full many myles, whose rough defeatures,
Hath beene as bold, as puissant, up to binde
Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde.
But wit, nor valour, now adayes payes scores
For estimation; all goes now by wealth,
Or friends; tush! thrust the beggar out of dores
That is not Purse-lyn'd; those which live by stealth
Shall have their haunts; no matter what's the guest
In many places; monies well come best.
But those who well discerne, esteeme not so:
Nor I of thee brave Smith, that hast beat out
Thy Iron thus; though I but little know
To what t' hast seene; yet I in this am stout:
My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents,
That makes mee see thy greater presidents.
Jo: Done.
To my worthy friend Captaine John Smith.
How great a part of knowledge had wee lost,
Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles,
Had not thy carefull diligence and cost
Inform'd us thus, with thy industrious stile!
Like Caesar now thou writ'st what thou hast done,
These acts, this Booke will live while ther's a Sunne.
Edw: Worseley.
To his much respected friend Captaine John Smith.
Envie avant. For Smith, whose Anvill was Experience,
Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike,
Wrought well this Peece; till After-negligence
Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorch'd; or like
Unskilfull workmen, that can never Fyle
Nor Pollish it, that takes in Forge such toyle:
Heere Noble Smith, thou shewest the Temper true,
Which other Tampring-Tempres never knew.
Ro: Norton.
To his loving friend Captaine John Smith.
Where actions speake the praises of a man,
There, Pennes that use to flatter silent be,
Or if they speake, it is to scorne or scanne;
For such with vertue seldome doe agree.
When I looke backe on all thy labours past,
Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustaind
By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last)
Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind,
I doe admire thy still undanted spirit;
unwearied yet to worke thy Countries good.
This be thy praise then, due unto thy merit;
For it th' hast venter'd life; and lost thy blood.
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Truth, travayle, and Neglect, pure, painefull, most unkinde,
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Doth prove, consume, dismay, the soule, the corps, the minde.
Edw: Ingham.
To my deare friend by true Vertue ennobled Captaine John Smith.
More then enough I cannot thee commend:
Whose both abilities and Love doe tend
So to advance the good of that Estate,
By English charge, and Planters propagate
Through heapes of painfull hazards; in the first
Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nurst.
And often that effected but with ten
That after thee, and now, three hundred men
Have faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake
At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake.
Which well appeares; considering the while
Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile
Lessend a man of thine; but since (I rue)
In Brittish blood they deeply did imbrue
Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see,
Our selves wee lost, untimely leaving Thee.
Nor yet perceive I any got betweene
Thee and thy merit; which hath better beene
In prayse; or profit much; if counted just;
Free from the Weales abuse, or wronged trust.
Some few particulars perhaps have sped;
But wherein hath the publicke prospered?
Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowne,
Then by thy Labours and Relations showne
First, best? And shall we love Thee now the lesse?
Farre be it! fit condignely to expresse
Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence; by whom,
Such past good hath, such future good may come.
David Wiffin.
Noble Captaine Smith, my worthy Friend.
Not like the Age wherein thou liv'st, to lie
Buried in basenesse, sloth, or Ribaldrie
(For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfe applide;
But, in faire Actions, Merits height descride:
Which (like foure Theaters to set thee forth)
The worlds foure Quarters testifie thy worth.
The last whereof (America) best showes
Thy paines, and prayse; and what to thee shee owes,
(Although thy Sommer shone on th' Elder Three,
In as great Deeds as great varietie)
For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two {FN}
Of Her lame Members; Now Ours, to our view.
Thereby endearing us to thy desart,
That doubly dost them to our hands impart;
There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By each
Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach.
And so become, in after Times t' ensue,
A President for others, So to do.
William Grent.
* * * * *
{FN} _Virginia now inhabited, and New-England._
To his worthily affected Friend, Captaine John Smith.
Amongst so many that by learned skill,
Have given just praise to thee, and to thy Booke,
Deare friend receive this pledge of my good will,
Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke,
And thinke it worthie, ranke amongst the rest:
Use thy discretion, I have done my best.
{word in Greek}
THE FIRST VOLUME
CONTAINING THE
First Five Bookes of the Generall Historie
of Virginia, New England and
The Summer Isles
How Ancient Authors [I.1.]
Report, the New-World, Now called America, was
discovered: and part thereof, first Planted
by the English, called Virginia,
with the Accidents and
Proceedings of
the same.
THE FIRST BOOKE.
For the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares
agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his
blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them
not, let this suffice.
A.D. 1170.
The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince
of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared
certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke
adventures by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a
Land unknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull
Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his
brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a number of
Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in
quietnesse, that arrived with him in this new Land in the yeare 1170:
Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this place
was no History can show.
A.D. 1492.
The Spaniards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next
Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesiar, whom they sent to discover those
unknowne parts, 1492.
A.D. 1497.
But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the yeare 1488.
to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertooke it for the
Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission to John Cabot, and
his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. John and Sebastian well
provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this unknowne world, in
the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498.
ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came
a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called
America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them
all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to
sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted
him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the
sixt gave him a Pention of 1661. 13s. 4d. yearely. By his directions Sir
Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next
yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.
A.D. 1576.
Mr. Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious
Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita:
for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.
A.D. 1583.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of
those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this
Proviso, He should [1.2.] maintaine possession in some of those vast
Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was provided with
a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in
divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the Designe ere
it was begun, notwithstanding all this losse, his undanted spirit began
againe, but his Fleet fell with New-foundland, and he perished in his
returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English
Voyages, written by Mr. Hackluit.
Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble
Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send to discover to
the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he
could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Majesties Letters Pattents,
and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to
finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.
A.D. 1584.
The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her courage,
learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters
Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands
& Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to
be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr. William Sanderson
a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other
Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede provided two small Barkes
well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine Philip
Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from the
Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of June the
West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was
knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse.
_Their arrival._
_Abundance of Grapes_ {MN}
The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water,
where they felt a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land,
which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and
twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared,
with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God
they went to view the next Land adjoyning to take possession of it for the
Queenes most excellent Majestie: which done, they found their first
landing place very sandy and low, {MN} but so full of grapes that the very
surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such
plenty in all places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in
the plaines as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towards the
tops of high Cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not the like
abundance.
_The Ile of Wokokon._
_In Lybanus are not many._ {MN-1}
_Conference with a Salvage._ {MN-2}
We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not
high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile
of twentie myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished
with goodly tall Cedars, Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes,
the most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an Army of men had
shouted altogether. This He hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and
Foule in incredible abundance, and using the Authors owne phrase, the
Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren
and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, {MN-1}
bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres,
Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent
smell and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then
in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to
whom wee rowed, and he attended us without any signe of feare; {MN-2}
after he had spoke much though we understood not a word, of his owne
accord he came boldly aboord us, we gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and
meate, which he liked well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and
us, he went away in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of us in
halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came againe
to the poynt of land, and there devided it in two parts, poynting one part
to the Ship, the other to the Pinnace, and so departed.
A.D. 1584.
[I.3] _The Arrival of the Kings brother._
The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with
forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour very civill; his
name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa.
Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the
poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well
armed, he made signes to us to sit downe without any shew of feare,
stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his love. After he
had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers toyes, which
he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of
them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents
also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to
him.
The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall
enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet
recovered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes journey from
thence.
_Trade with the Salvages._
A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking most
liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a
brest-plate: for which he gave us twenty Deere skins, worth twenty
Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes.
Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate
and drinke with us very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and
children, they were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very
bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece
of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her
husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her
middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants
of Copper, and the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his
wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men
but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we
saw children that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre.
_Note_ {MN}
After that these women had beene here with us, there came downe from all
parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and divers kinde of
dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and
them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he came, he
would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might
know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt
in the forme of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would have
it. For an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we
refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it
grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he
would come within his day to keepe his word. He sent us commonly every day
a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts,
Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes. {MN} This the Author sayth, their
corne groweth three times in five moneths; in May they sow, in July reape;
in June they sow, in August reape; in July sow, in August reape. We put
some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.
_The Ile Roanoak._ {MN-1}
_The Great courtesie of a Woman._ {MN-2}
The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all
other, there are about 14. severall sorts of sweete smelling tymber trees:
the most parts of the underwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we,
but far greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seaven
more went twenty myle into the River Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie
Skicoack, {MN-1} and the evening following we came to an Ile called
Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was
9. houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the
entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, {MN-2} the wife of
Granganameo came running out to meete us, (her husband was absent)
commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes,
other she appoynted to carry us on their backes aland, others to bring our
Ores into the [I.4.] house for stealing. When we came into the other roome,
(for there was five in the house) she caused us to sit downe by a great
fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings,
and some our feete in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines to
see all things well ordered, and to provide us victuall.
_A Banquet._
_Skicoak a great towne._ {MN}
After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an Inner roome,
where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like
frumentie, sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw,
boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes. There drinke is commonly water
boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but
whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine. More love she could not
expresse to entertaine us; they care but onely to defend themselves from
the short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this
feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things.
When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst us with their
Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our armes in hand. She
perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and
they beaten out of the gate: but the evening approaching we returned to
our boate, where at she much grieving brought our supper halfe boyled,
pots and all, but when she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the
shoar and lye at Anchor, perceiving our Jelousie, she sent divers men
& 30. women to sit al night on the shoare side against us, and sent us
five Mats to cover us from the raine, doing all she could to perswade us
to her house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure:
for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde loving people
cannot be. Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great river Occam, on
which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, {MN} and six dayes higher, their
City Skicoak: those people never saw it, but say there fathers affirme it
to be above two houres journey about. Into this river falleth an other
called Cipo, where is found many Mustells wherein are Pearles: likewise
another River called Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great
towne called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subject to
Wingandacoa. Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in
league each with other. Towards the south, 4. dayes journey is Sequotan,
the southermost part of Wingandacoa.
_Pamovik._
_How the Country was called Virginia._ {MN}
Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomovik, belonging to the King
called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the great river Neus. These
have mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piamacum
and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a
mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Piamacum invited divers men,
and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their
Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Devill, they sudainly slew all
the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their use. Beyond Roanoak are
many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a
long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in length, and
betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some places, 20. 40. or
50. myles broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100.
Iles of divers bignesses, but to get into it, you have but 3. passages and
they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the
relations of Salvages, because it is the first, I thought it not a misse
to remember them as they are written by them that returned & arived in
England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery was
so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this Country
of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to understand how it
was planted, disolved, reuned, and enlarged.
The Performers of this voyage were these following.
Philip Amadas. }
Arthur Barlow. } Captaines
William Grenvill. Benjamin Wood. }
John Wood. Simon Ferdinando. } Of the
James Browewich. Nicholas Peryman. } Companie.
Henry Greene. John Hewes. }
[I.5] Sir Richard Grenvills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter
Raleigh. 1585.
_Sir Richard Grenvills, Voyage 1585._
The 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men
with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish,
Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent,
Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the
Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at
Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola,
passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and
were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon,
where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to
Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundel went to the mayne, with Manteo a
salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualled for 8.
dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the
Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe.
At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne
and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we
wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganameo, King Wingina's
brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for
Weapomeiok, & Master John Arundel for England. Our Generall in his way
home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at
Plimouth the 18. of September, 1585.
These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the
Country, but they returned within a yeare.
Philip Amidas Admirall. Master Acton.
Master Thomas Heryot. Master Stafford.
Master Thomas Luddington. Master Snelling.
Master Marvyn. Master Antony Russe.
Cap. Vaghan. Master Allen.
Master Kendall. Master Michael Pollison.
Master Gardiner. Master Thomas Bockner.
Master Predeox. Master James Mason.
Master Rogers. Master David Salter.
Master Harvy. Master James Skinner.
With divers others to the number of 108.
A.D. 1585-86.
_Their first Plantation._
Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding
from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made Roanoack
our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we
esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoack. The passage from thence was thought a
broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of
flats and shoules that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat
with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7.
dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries
till a stronger supply. To the Northward our farthest was to a Towne of
the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and
dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour
for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for
pleasantnest of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle and
comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is
not to be excelled by any other whatsoever.
There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks,
Trypaniks, and Opposians, which came to visit us.
_Chawonoack._ [I.6]
To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our
passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell
Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.
_Chawonock._ {MN-1}
700. _men._ {MN-2}
The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne,
Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and jurisdiction
of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as
Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the
left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne
field, {MN-1} it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province
upon the river, {MN-2} and the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men
into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath
more understanding then all the rest.
_Menatonon his relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich mine, &
the Sea by it._ {MN}
The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into
the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in
Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted
how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this
river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or
fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. {MN}
When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a
Canow up the river Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Journey
Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best
place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where
he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his
nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king
was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst
sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth
hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he
reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong,
for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country
is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to
have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with
small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river
Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe every two
dayes, where I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this
Bay.
Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the
head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the
Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of
it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries
and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this
presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but
hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped
starving in that Discovery as ever men did.
_Pemissapan his trechery._
_The discovery of the river Moratoc._ {MN-1}
_A noble resolution._ {MN-2}
For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his
brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of
my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three
thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and
them against us; {MN-1} a great assembly I found at my comming thether,
which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of
them: & this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe
our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the
Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high
Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and provision, I
found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160. myles from
home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse
winds, stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no hurt to
any: I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these
vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: {MN-2} a Councell we
held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but
three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would
not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive Dogs, which
boyled with Saxefras leaves [I.7.] (if the worst fell out) upon them and
the pottage they would live two dayes, which would bring them to the
sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to
Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till
they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.
_The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan._
Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the
Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan,
frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine
of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that
falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered
with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the
change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly
chop downe, and have the Bowie full, which they cast into the fire, it
presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two
parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they
beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages
report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonnocks sonne my prisoner, that
had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for
he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.
_The great current of the river Moratoc._ {MN}
Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettall
Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by
water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this
metall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see
where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and our victuals
spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was
with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer,
which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us
they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the
boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but
they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next
morning we returned to the mouth of the river, {MN} that cost us foure
dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we
had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not
passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the
people were fled, but their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare
spent, the next day God brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or
the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for
pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will
be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour
then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master
Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot
that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very
neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which
cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by
insconsing foure dayes journey to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks,
&c.
The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our returne for
England with Sir Francis Drake.
_The Conspiricy of Pemissapan._ {MN-1}
_The death of a most rare Salvage._ {MN-2}
Ensenore a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the
death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile
any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had
preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us. {MN-1}
Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were slaine
and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not
defend us, so that old Ensenore, had no more credit for us: for he began
by all the devises he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this
brute, when [I.8.] they saw us all returne, the report false, and had
Manteo, and three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the
people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had
brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with us to Roanock: it a
little asswaged all his devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe,
that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish,
for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an
hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that
when we die it is but for a time, then we returne againe. But that which
wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God.
For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with
Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the
Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to
Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe
it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of
Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and
planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corne
till the next harvest to sustaine us). {MN-2} This being done our old
friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought
with Pemissapan to put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced,
though they had planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from
us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and
the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their
custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should
lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest
come out of the mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall
of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in
the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and
amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order
for Mr. Heriots, and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an
instant. In the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night
spoyle our wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten
together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine
increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie
to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr.
Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small
parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes and Oysters.
_A slaughter of two Salvages._ {MN-1}
_Pemissipan slaine and 8. others._ {MN-2}
Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall,
and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he
expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our
friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his
projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as
well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send
to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to
Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and
that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come
himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were
there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day
to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an
instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke
the Alarum before I ment it. {MN-1} For when I sent to take the Canows, he
met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages
heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they
kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes,
and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the
rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and
sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to
complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide
my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword
to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. {MN-2}
Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but
presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him
over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.
_A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake._ {MN}
Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed
twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say
this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by
land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service
committed to him.) {MN} He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake,
whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats,
munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good
consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an
hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats,
with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made
ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like
to have driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the
Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and
Company appoynted.
Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of
170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the
next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit.
Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into, the harbour, but she must
ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to
consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne
him answer.
_Virginia abandoned._ {MN}
Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the
Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all
those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard
Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we
might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in
that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his
honorable actions against his enemies. {MN} So with prayses to God we set
sayle in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same
yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie.
To reason lend me thine attentive eares, Exempt thy
selfe from mind-distracting cares:
Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee
rejected be, ere understood.
Written by Mr. Ralph Layne, Governour.
The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.
For Merchandize and Victualls.
_Commodities_
What before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr.
Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all
the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may
be usefull; because I have writ it before for the most part in the
Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse,
Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar,
Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver,
Coprose and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble
you with one thing twice.
_Dyes._
For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and
the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are
for divers sorts of Reds.
_A strange Salt._
What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described
like an Orange, growing foure foote [I.10.] high; the seede will make good
broth, and the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt
they know not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found
plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.
_Rootes._
Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring
forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to
the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to cut it in small peeces,
then stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to
eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and
broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded:
and their Leekes like those in England.
_Fruits thats strange._
Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries
like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.
_Beasts extraordinary._
Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and
very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres,
that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the names
of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12.
kindes we have discovered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes
kill a Lyon and eate him.
_Fish._
There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all
Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or
24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives,
Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops,
Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more,
but their names we know not.
_Foules._
Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots,
Faulcons, Merlins. I have the names in their language of 86. severall
sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except
Rakeock, a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo,
a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.
Their Natures and Manners.
Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and
educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite:
which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation
of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.
_Their Religion._
_How the world was made._ {MN}
Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet
being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeve
there are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and
degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all
eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, {MN}
made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be
used in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone,
and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more
principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods
were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.
_How man was made._
For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one
of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their
beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no
Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.
_How they use their gods._
They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent
them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone
is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship,
pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also
gods.
_Wheter they goe after death._
They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the
body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried up
to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso,
a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world,
where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.
_Two men risen from the dead._ {MN}
To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and
[I.11.] revived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming
into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day
the earth over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told them his
soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods
saved him and gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends what
they should doe to avoyd such torment. {MN} The other hapned the same
yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for
news, that one being dead, buried, & taken up as the first, shewed, that
although his body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and
had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more
sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene
before; at length he came to most brave and fayre houses, neare which he
met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe,
to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of
that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe.
_The subtiltie of their Priests._
What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion
worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their
Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy
blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the
offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of
their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their
Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but
through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their
owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne
more then we had meanes for want of utterance in their Language to
expresse.
_Their simplicitie._
Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea-Compasses;
the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks
to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far
exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes
of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make them,
which loved us so much better then them; & caused many of them give credit
to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my
best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the
Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any
such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be
glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts,
and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.
_Their desire of salvation._
The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he
was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his
Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent
for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live with him
after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange
Accident (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which mooved the
whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull
admiration.
_A wonderful Accident._
There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us (we
leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne
them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began
to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an
hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And
this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they
had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they
neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like
time out of minde; a thing specially observed by us, as also by
themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends especially
Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes, that they were
perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him
might kill and slay whom we would, without [I.12.] weapons, and not come
neare them. And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of
their enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they would intreat us, we would
be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with
us, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them their requests were
ungodly; and that our God would not subject himselfe to any such requests
of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew
our selves his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet
because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires,
they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come give us
thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet
in deeds we had fulfilled their desires.
_Their strange opinions._
This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of
us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men. And the
rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours
knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared
for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and
therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many
yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there
were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their
places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre,
yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for
love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible
bullets into them.
To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the
disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of bloud
they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the
invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our
selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had
offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it
was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort
to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary;
especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare
before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes
before the sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall
causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke
fit to present or alledge.
These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope to
imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing and
government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we
came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselves too furious, in slaying
some of the people in some Townes, upon causes that on our part might have
bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they justly had deserved
it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be
indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be
taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to
allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianize.
_Palling._
Thus you may see. How
Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments.
That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
That divers waves and divers workes, the world might better grace.
Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.
How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.
A.D. 1586.
In the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates
prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things
necessary: but before [I.13.] they set sayle from England it was Easter.
And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the
Collony up in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the
provision againe to England.
_Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men._ {MN}
About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three
ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship
according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there
seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing up and downe to seeke
them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation
abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country, {MN} after
good deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully
furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for
England.
Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him;
which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.
Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles untaught,
Himselfe shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.
Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Mr. White.
A.D. 1587.
_Master White his Voyages._
We went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our
continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sayled not much to
have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had
it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to
Hatorask the 22. of July, and with fortie of our best men, intending at
Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found
nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the
houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much
perplexed us.
_One of the Council slaine._ {MN}
By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this
voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred
the old houses at Roanock, {MN} and Master George How, one of the
Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after
Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends
dwelled there: of whom we thought to have some newes of our 50 men. They
at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away
their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to
be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before
one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present
yet lame.
_How the fiftie men were slaine._
The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan,
Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would
accept friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly
imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to Roanoak, to
confirme it. We also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of
Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, {MN} that the fiftie
men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set upon by three hundred
of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselves
among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their
houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand
were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot
in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both
sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their
boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they
tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last
they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while,
but after departed they knew not whether. So taking our leaves of the
Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.
The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok,
Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no
newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of
Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from
Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about
midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo
was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most
faithfull English man) he set forward.
_An ill misprision._
_A child borne in Virginia._ {MN}
The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses,
where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules
amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to
have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends
come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they understood our
enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them
for the birds. But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not
chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage
that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name.
Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found
ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her
childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieved
Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept
promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August
our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in
reward of his faithfulnesse. {MN} And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours
daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in
Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called
Virginia.
_A controversie who to send for Factor to England._ {MN}
Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was
forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the
shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best
men were on shore. {MN} At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our
Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as
Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men
thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they
would have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so
truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to
excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he under-tooke it,
and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity
and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England,
waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the
Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some
never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but
15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and
Corvos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats
men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The
Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last
arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.
The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,
John White, Governour. John Samson.
Roger Bayley. Thomas Smith.
Ananias Dare. Dionis Harvie.
Simon Ferdinando. Roger Prat.
Christopher Couper. George How.
Thomas Stevens. Antony Cage.
With divers others to the number of about 115.
[I.15.] The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Mr. John White.
A.D. 1589.
_Master White his return to Virginia._
_Captaine Spicer and seaven others drowned._ {MN-1}
_They finde where they had buryed their provisions._ {MN-2}
The 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt
Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done
some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low
sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the
11. ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is
a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the
Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3
leagues from shore: where we might perceive a smoake at the place where I
left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer,
& their companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged some
Ordnance to give them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we
found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so
returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack.
Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of
the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore.
The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar,
a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods
good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our
provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast,
which caused so great a current and a breach upon the barre; Captaine
Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner,
their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the
next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade to
shore, but the sea beat them downe. {MN-1} The boat thus tossed up and
downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowned; but
4. that could swim a little, kept themselves in deeper water, were saved
by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of
their boat, shipped himselfe to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven
of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had
much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by
their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselves againe for
Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but
seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could
we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the
grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and downe the Ile, and
at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we
knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret
note betweene them & me: which was to write the name of the place they
would be in, upon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any
distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure
they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of
distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses,
but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a
high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carved in
fayre capitall Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse, and many
barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like
heavie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We
went by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of
the Ordnance I left them. {MN-2} At last some of the Sailers found divers
Chists had beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of the goods
spoyled, and scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of
them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled.
Though it much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they
were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to have bin
cast away by a great storme that continued all that night.
_The end of the Plantation._ {MN}
[I.16.] The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor
a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another: letting
fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we fayled not much
there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper water; considering we
had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolved to goe
forthwith to S. Johns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selves
and seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to
seeke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly
for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after,
the wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh
our selves, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort,
and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we left seeking
this our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor seene to this day
1622. {MN} And this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much
time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see;
Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,
That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men.
Written by Master John White.
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL
A.D. 1602.
A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others
towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the
yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew
Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates.
12. _yeares it lay dead._
All hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590.
till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a
small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth upon the 26. of March. Though the
wind favoured us not at the first, but force us as far Southward as the
Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from
thence, whereby we made our journey shorter then heretofore by 500.
leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our
ignorance of the coast, caused us carry but a low sayle, that made our
passage longer then we expected.
_Their first landing._ {MN}
On fryday the 11. of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared
certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie,
yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a
Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord us. It seemed by
their signes & such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there:
being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, & doubting
the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward
into the Sea. {MN} The next morning we found our selves imbayed with a
mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine
Gosnoll, my selfe, & three others went to it in our boat, being a white
sand & a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest
hils we could see, where we perceived this headland part of the mayn,
neare invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good
proper, lusty young man came to us, with whom we had but small conference,
and so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew
what to doe with, which made us perswade our selves, there might be found
a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.
_Martha's Vineyard._ [I.17]
At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6.
from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in
compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in
circuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were
so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes
we might perceive there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises,
Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we
saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made us
call it Martha's Vineyard.
_Elizabeths Island._
The rest of the Iles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much
tinctured stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we could
not see their habitations: they gave us fish, Tobacco, and such things as
they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the
Maine, & 16. myle about, invironed so with creekes and coves, it seemed
like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is
many places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before
were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Gates, & Pease, which
in 14. dayes sprung up 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust
thereof gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes,
their leaves thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech,
Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the
blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a
bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as
smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse,
in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with
wood: here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose
young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as
egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches under
ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs,
Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy
you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I
refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called this Isle
Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the mayne, where we
stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse,
besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, & meadows very large
and full of greene grasse, &c.
_A Copper Mine._ {MN-1}
_Their return._ {MN-2}
Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by our
courteous usage of them, they followed us to the necke of Land, which we
thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. Here
we imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left to
discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt,
considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we
determined to fortifie our selves in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we
spent in building us there a house. But the second day after our comming
from the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards us. Being
unwilling they should see our building, we went to, & exchanged with them
Knives, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some Bevers,
Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such like. {MN-1} We saw
them have much red Copper, whereof they make chaines, collars, and
drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they would give us for small
toyes, & signified unto us they had it out of the earth in the Mayne:
three dayes they stayed with us, but every night retyred two or three myle
from us: after with many signes of love and friendship they departed,
seaven of them staying behind, that did helpe us to dig and carry
Saxafras, and doe any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and
the best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They have no
Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for which they
would have changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the
baser sort would steale; but the better sort, we found very civill and
just. We saw but three of their women, and they were but of meane stature,
[I.18.] attyred in skins like the men, but fat and well favoured. The
wholesomenesse and temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue the
people to be answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect
constitution of body, active, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the
sundry toyes by them so cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our
selves, we found our selves rather increase in health and strength then
otherwise; for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of us was
touched with any sicknesse. {MN-2} Twelve intended here a while to have
stayed, but upon better consideration, how meanely we were provided, we
left this Island (with as many true sorrowfull eyes as were before
desirous to see it) the 18. of June, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of
July.
But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay,
As Gods great Will doth frame it every way.
And, Such thoughts men have, on earth that doe but live,
As men may crave, but God doth onely give.
Written by John Brierton one of the Voyage.
CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING
A.D. 1603.
A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristow, for the
North part of Virginia. 1603.
By the inducements and perswasions of Mr. Richard Hackluite, Mr. John
Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, & most of the
Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 1000 L. to furnish
out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26.
tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an understanding
Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his
Assistant, who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for
Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary windes upon the coast of
England, and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world,
our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth: yet at last they
passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of June, fell upon the
north part of Virginia, about the degrees of fortie three. Where they
found plentie of most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great
woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named
Whitson Bay, they were kindly used by the Natives, that came to them, in
troupes, of tens, twenties, & thirties, and sometimes more. But because in
this Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll,
and have made no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will
thus conclude;
Lay hands unto this worke with all thy wit,
But pray that God would speed and perfit it.
Robert Salterne.
A.D. 1605.
A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by Captaine
George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the right Honorable Thomas
Arundell, Baron of Warder, in the Raigne of our most royall King James.
_Dangerous shoules._ {MN-1}
_Cod and Whales._ {MN-2}
_Their first landing._ {MN-3}
Upon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by
contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth,
then with 29. as good sea men, & all necessary provisions as could
[I.19.] possibly be gotten, we put to sea; and the 24 of Aprill fell with
Flowres and Corvos. We intended as we were directed towards the Southward
of 39. {MN-1} But the winds so crossed us wee fell more Northwards about
41. and 20. minuits, we sounded at 100. fathom, & by that we had run 6
leagues we had but 5. yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a
whitish sandy clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from us, but ere we
had run two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes
in 4. fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those
shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no
small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we could
desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much
desired, and at the first sight rejoyced, as now we all joyfully praysed
God that he had delivered us from so eminent danger. {MN-2} Here we found
excellent Cod, and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before.
Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood & water caused us
take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever:
but we found our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the
Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day
it appeared to us a mayne high land, but we found it an Island of 6. myles
in compasse: {MN-3} within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on
shore for wood & water, of which we found sufficient. The water gushing
forth downe the rocky clifts, in many places, which are all overgrown with
Firre, Birch, Beech, & Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries,
wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed
among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod
enough.
_Pentecost harbour._ {MN-1}
_The Captains diligence._ {MN-2}
From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high mountaines, the
next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the
Isles adjoyning to the mayn: among which we found an excellent rode,
defended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10.
fadom upon a clay oze. {MN-1} This was upon a Whitsonday, wherefore we
called it Pentecost Harbour. Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of
imputation of flattery, the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at
Sea he was alwayes most carefull & vigilant, so at land he refused no
paines: {MN-2} but his labour was ever as much or rather more then any
mans; which not onely incouraged others with better content, but also
effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May,
where among our garden-seeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. dayes
grew up 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much
inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne.
_Trade with the Salvages._ {MN}
After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched
through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we
found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce,
Yew, Angelica, and divers gummes: in so much many of our company wished
themselves setled here. Upon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to
discover the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the
ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3.
men, and by our good usage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we
had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths
Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time our
Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40 myles,
and returned backe to bring in the ship. {MN} The Salvages also kept their
words and brought us 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of
5. shillings in knives, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we used
them so kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in their
Country, they lying aboord with us and we ashore with them; but it was but
as changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had
their companies.
_Their trechery._ {MN-1}
_Five Salvages surprised._ {MN-2}
At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to trade
with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat
well manned with [I.20.] 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in
their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance, would
not stay aboord us as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw
us into a narrow cirke, {MN-1} we exchanged one Owen Griffin with them for
a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could discover any
trechery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes
& arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things
considered, we conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene,
kinde till they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. {MN-2} Wherefore we
determined to take some of them, before they should suspect we had
discovered their plot, lest they should absent themselves from us, so the
first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two
we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and
arrowes.
_A description of the river._ {MN}
Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets
thereabouts, and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into
this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord us,
signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade.
We excused our selves why we could not, but used them kindly, yet got them
away with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceived by
them in the houle, then we went up the river 26. myles, of which I had
rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, {MN} it is in
breadth a myle, neare 40. myles; and a channell of 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10.
fadom, & on both sides every halfe myle gallant Coves, to containe in many
of them 100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor,
onely mored with a Hauser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make,
docke, or carine ships with much facilitie: besides the land is most rich,
trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor
mountainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth make tender
to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, if by cleansing away the woods
she were converted into meadow.
The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islands, and
well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so
famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, & Slion, report, though
they be great & goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our
ship we went higher, till we were 7. myles higher then the salt water
flowed; we marched towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was
so hot, & our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne:
after we had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in which
the higher we went the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By
the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our men to go up to their
Basshabes, but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though
we had both time and provision to have discovered much more, and might
have found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small,
we would not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our
private, or particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and
promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the
intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the Isles in the
entry of the Sound we called them St. Georges Isles, & because on Sunday
we set out of England, on Sunday also the 16. of June we departed hence.
When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2.
or 3. watches more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we
did know what to doe with, and the 18. of July came to Dartmouth, and all
our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth.
Thus may you see;
God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one,
Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone;
All rarities of minde and parts doe all concurre in none.
Written by James Rosier one of the Voyage.
THE SECOND BOOKE. [II.21.]
The Sixt Voyage. 1606.
To another part of Virginia, where now are Planted our English Colonies,
Whom God increase and preserve: Discovered and Described by Captaine
John Smith, sometimes Governour of the Countrey.
A.D. 1606.
_The latitude._ {MN}
By these former relations you may see what inconveniences still crossed
those good intents, and how great a matter it was all this time to finde
but a Harbour, although there be so many. But this Virginia is a Country
in America {MN} betweene the degrees of 34. and 45. of the North latitude.
The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean: on the South
lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the West thereof, the
limits are unknowne. Of all this Country we purpose not to speake, but
onely of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of
our Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The
temperature of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions,
being once seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by
many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small
meanes, and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not
onely to have made them sicke, but even to end their dayes, &c.
_The temperature._
The Sommer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in France or England.
The heat of sommer is in June, July, and August, but commonly the coole
Breeses asswage the vehemency of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe
December, January, February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame
sharpe, but here the Proverbe is true, that no extreame long continueth.
In the yeare 1607. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this
frost was found as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10.
dayes of ill weather, other 14. dayes would be as Sommer.
_The windes._
The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to
purifie the ayre, I have seldome either seene or heard in Europe. From the
Southwest came the greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The North-west
winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North
is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the
Barmudas, fogs and raines.
Some times there are great droughts, other times much raine, yet great
necessitie of neither, by reason we see not but that all the raritie of
needfull fruits in Europe, may be there in great plentie, by the industry
of men, as appeareth by those we there Planted.
_The entrances._
_Cape Henry._ {MN}
There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the
mouth of a very goodly Bay, 18. or 20. myles broad. {MN} The cape on the
South is called Cape Henry, in honour of our most noble Prince. The land
white hilly sands like unto the Downes, and all along the shores great
plentie of Pines and Firres.
_Cape Charles._
_The Countrey._ {MN}
The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of
Yorke. The Isles before it, Smith's Isles, by the name of the discoverer.
Within is a country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant
places knowne, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, heaven & earth
never agreed better to frame a place for man's habitation; were it fully
manured and inhabited by industrious people. {MN} Here are mountaines,
hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers, and brookes, all running most pleasantly
into a faire Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitfull and
delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great & small,
some woody, some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay
lyeth North and South, in which the water floweth neare 200. myles, and
hath a channell for 140 myles, of depth betwixt 6 and 15 fadome, holding
in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 myles. From the head of the Bay
to the Northwest, the land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence
by a Southwest line; so that the more Southward, the farther off from the
Bay are those mountaines. From which fall certaine brookes which after
come to five principall navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest
into the South east, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall
of every River is within 20 or 15 myles one of another.
_The mountaines._
_The soyle._ {MN}
The mountaines are of divers natures: for at the head of the Bay the
rockes are of a composition like Mill stones. Some of Marble, &c. And many
peeces like Christall we found, as throwne downe by water from those
mountaines. For in Winter they are covered with much snow, and when it
dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great
inundations in some narrow valleyes, which is scarce perceived being once
in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures,
that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks
and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours
might have beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The
vesture of the earth in most places doth manifestly prove the nature of
the soyle to be lusty and very rich. {MN} The colour of the earth we found
in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata, and Lemnia,
Fullers earth, Marie, and divers other such appearances. But generally for
the most part it is a blacke sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay,
in other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by
the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees, or abundance of
weeds, &c.
_The valleyes._
_Plaines._ {MN}
The Country is not mountanous, nor yet low, but such pleasant plaine hils,
and fertile valleyes, one prettily crossing another, & watered so
conveniently with fresh brookes and springs, no lesse commodious, then
delightsome. {MN} By the rivers are many plaine marishes, containing some
20 some 100. some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines there
are few, but onely where the Salvages inhabit: but all overgrowne with
trees & weeds, being a plaine wildernesse as God first made it.
_The river Powhatan._ {MN-1}
_The branches._ {MN-2}
_James Towne._ {MN-3}
On the west side of the Bay, we sayd were 5. faire and delightfull
navigable rivers. The first of those, and the next to the mouth of the Bay
hath his course from the West Northwest. {MN-1} It is called Powhatan,
according to the name of a principall country that lyeth upon it. The
mouth of this river is neare three myles in breadth, yet doe the shoules
force the Channell so neare the land, that a Sacre will overshoot it at
point blanke. It is navigable 150 myles, the shouldes and soundings are
here needlesse to be expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre west in a
Country inhabited by a nation they call Monacans. But where it commeth
into our discovery it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was
diligently observed, are falles, rockes, shoules, &c. which makes it past
navigation any higher. Thence in the running downeward, the river is
enriched with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit
number of small rundles and pleasant springs, that disperse themselves for
best service, as do the veines of a mans body. {MN-2} From the South there
fals into it: First, the pleasant river of Apamatuck. Next more to the
East are two small rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay
wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes & creekes that halfe intrench the
Inhabitants of Warraskoyac, then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the
brooke of Chisapeack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania,
the backe river of James Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived
ten weekes upon Oysters, then a convenient harbour for Fisher boats at
Kecoughtan, that so turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creekes, it makes that
[II.23] place very pleasant to inhabit; their cornefields being girded
therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these rivers are inhabited
by severall nations, or rather families, of the name of the rivers. They
have also over those some Governour, as their King, which they call
Werowances. {MN-3} In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the
English Planted in a place by them called James Towne, in honour of the
Kings most excellent Majestie.
_The severall Inhabitants._
The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who besides their
women & children, have not past 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes (on
whose land is seated James Towne, some 40 myles from the Bay) have not
past 40. The river called Chickahamania neare 250. The Weanocks 100. The
Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side
this river the Appamatucks have sixtie fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks
25. The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks 100. Of this last place the Bay
beareth the name. In all these places is a severall commander, which they
call Werowance, except the Chickahamanians, who are governed by the
Priests and their Assistants, or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In
sommer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more
abundance of foule, especially in the time of frost. I tooke once 52.
Sturgeons at a draught, at another 68. From the later end of May till the
end of June are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of two foot, or a yard long.
From thence till the midst of September, them of two or three yards long
and few others. And in 4 or 5, houres with one Net were ordinarily taken
7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there
is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take
paines had sufficient.
_R. Pamaunkee._
_The inhabitants._ {MN}
Foureteene myles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the river
Pamaunkee, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small
Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water,
it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. {MN} On the South side
inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who have about 60 men for warres. On
the North branch Mattapament, who have 30 men. Where this river is divided
the Country is called Pamaunkee, and nourisheth neare 300 able men. About
25. myles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where
their great King inhabited when I was delivered him prisoner; yet there
are not past 40 able men. Ten or twelve myles lower, on the South side of
this river, is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also
Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chiefe
alliance, and inhabitants. The rest his Conquests.
_Payankatank, R._
Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines, there
is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the Inland,
called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about 50 or 60 serviceable men.
_Topahanock, R._
_The Inhabitants._ {MN}
The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some
130 myles) {MN} At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoacks
amongst the mountaines, but they are above the place we described. Upon
this river on the North side are the people Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting
men. Higher are the Moraughtacunds, with 80. Beyond them Rapahanock with
100. Far above is another Cuttatawomen with 20. On the South is the
pleasant seat of Nantaughtacund having 150 men. The river also as the two
former, is replenished with fish and foule.
_Patawomeck, R._
_The Inhabitants._ {MN}
The fourth river is called Patawomeke, 6 or 7 myles in breadth. It is
navigable 140 myles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and
springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are
planted, and yeeld no lesse plentie and varietie of fruit, then the river
exceedeth with abundance of fish. {MN} It is inhabited on both sides.
First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco & hath some
130 men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. And the
Patawomekes more then 200. Here doth the river divide it selfe into 3 or 4
convenient branches. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough,
trending North-west, but the river it selfe turneth Northeast, and is
still a navigable streame. On the Westerne side of this bought is
Tauxenent with 40 men. On the North of this river is Secowocomoco with 40.
Somewhat further Potapaco with 20. In the East part is Pamacaeack with 60.
[II.24.] After Moyowance with 100. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80. The
river above this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant valley
overshaddowed in many places with high rocky mountaines; from whence
distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.
_Pawtuxunt, R._
The fift river is called Pawtuxunt, of a lesse proportion then the rest;
but the channell is 16 fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit skuls
of divers kindes of fish more then elswhere. Upon this river dwell the
people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt, and Mattapanient. Two hundred
men was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they
inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other we
found most civill to give intertainement.
_Bolus, R. The head of the Bay._
_Sasquesahanock._ {MN}
Thirtie leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable; for the
red clay resembling bole Armoniack we called it Bolus. At the end of the
Bay where it is 6 or 7 myles in breadth, it divides it selfe into 4.
branches, the best commeth Northwest from among the mountaines, but though
Canows may goe a dayes journey or two up it, we could not get two myles up
it with our boat for rockes. {MN} Upon it is seated the Sasquesahanocks,
neare it North and by West runneth a creeke a myle and a halfe: at the
head whereof the Ebbe left us on shore, where we found many trees cut with
hatchets. The next tyde keeping the shore to seeke for some Salvages; (for
within thirtie leagues sayling, we saw not any, being a barren Country,)
we went up another small river like a creeke 6 or 7 myle. From thence
returning we met 7 Canowes of the Massowomeks, with whom we had conference
by signes, for we understood one another scarce a word: the next day we
discovered the small river & people of Tockwhogh trending Eastward.
_The description of Sasquesahanough._ {MN}
Having lost our Grapnell among the rocks of Sasquesahanocks, we were then
neare 200 myles from home, and our Barge about two tuns, and had in it but
12 men to performe this Discovery, wherein we lay above 12 weekes upon
those great waters in those unknowne Countries, having nothing but a
little meale, oatemeale and water to feed us, and scarce halfe sufficient
of that for halfe that time, but what provision we got among the Salvages,
and such rootes and fish as we caught by accident, and Gods direction; nor
had we a Mariner nor any had skill to trim the sayles but two saylers and
my selfe, the rest being Gentlemen, or them were as ignorant in such toyle
and labour. Yet necessitie in a short time by good words and examples made
them doe that that caused them ever after to feare no colours. What I did
with this small meanes I leave to the Reader to judge, and the Mappe I
made of the Country, which is but a small matter in regard of the
magnitude thereof. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks came to us
with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for
presents. {MN} Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene, for
they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet
seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from
adoring us as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those Countries,
both in language & attire; for their language it may well beseeme their
proportions, sounding from them, as a voyce in a vault. Their attire is the
skinnes of Beares, and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of Beares heads &
skinnes, that a mans head goes through the skinnes neck, and the eares
of the Beare fastned to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging downe
his breast, another Beares face split behind him, and at the end of the
nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeves comming to the elbowes were the neckes
of Beares, and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging at their
noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine for a Jewell, his
Tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carved with a Bird, a
Deere, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out ones
braines: with Bowes, Arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse.
These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neare 600 able men, and
are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes their
mortall enemies. Five of their chiefe Werowances came aboord us, and
crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is
signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was three quarters of a
yard about, and [II.5] all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that
proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hayre, the
one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crowne like
a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters long, headed with the
splinters of a white christall-like stone, in forme of a heart, an inch
broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore in a Woolves
skinne at his backe for his Quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe
in the other, as is described.
_Tockwogh, R._
_Rapahanock, R._ {MN-1}
_Kuskarawaock, R._ {MN-2}
_Wighcocomoco, R._ {MN-3}
_Accomack, R._ {MN-4}
On the East side the Bay, is the river Tockwhogh, and upon it a people
that can make 100 men, seated some seaven myles within the river: where
they have a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with barkes of trees.
Next them is Ozinies with sixty men. {MN-1} More to the South of that East
side of the Bay, the river Rapahanock, neere unto which is the {MN-2}
river Kuskarawaock, Upon which is seated a people with 200 men. After
that, is the river {MN-3} Tants Wighcocomoco, & on it a people with 100
men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language
from the rest, & very rude. But they on the {MN-4} river Acohanock with 40
men, & they of Accomack 80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of
Powhatan, and speake his language, who over all those doth rule as King.
_Chawonock._
_The severall languages._ {MN}
Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search
for them left by Mr. White. {MN} Amongst those people are thus many
severall Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans Territories.
The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the
Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, the Atquanachukes, the
Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any one understandeth
another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly
described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eye, the way of
the mountaines, and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings,
bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the
distances of places, and such like. In which Mappe observe this, that as
far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places
have beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and
are set downe according to their instructions.
Thus have I walkt a wayless way, with uncouth pace,
Which yet no Christian man did ever trace:
But yet I know this not affects the minde,
Which eares doth heare, as that which eyes doe finde.
Of such things which are naturally in Virginia,
and how they use them.
_Why there is little grasse._
_Woods with their fruits._ {MN-1}
_Elme._ {MN-2}
_Walnuts._ {MN-3}
_Supposed Cypres._ {MN-4}
_Mulberries._ {MN-5}
Virginia doth afford many excellent vegetables, and living Creatures, yet
grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in low Marishes: for all
the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth
their grasse to weeds, by reason of the rancknes of the ground, which
would soone be amended by good husbandry. {MN-1} The wood that is most
common is Oke and Walnut, many of their Okes are so tall & straight, that
they will beare two foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards
long; Of this wood there is two or three severall kinds. The Acornes of
one kinde, whose barke is more white then the other, & somewhat sweetish,
which being boyled, at last affords a sweet oyle, that they keepe in
gourds to annoint their heads and joynts. The fruit they eate made in
bread or otherwise. {MN-2} There is also some Elme, some blacke Walnut
tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees
be very great, the Ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they
be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. {MN-3} Of
walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there is {MN-4} a kinde of wood we called
Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it,
of those trees there are some neare three fadome about at the foot, very
straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without [II.26.] a branch. {MN-5} By the
dwelling of the Salvages are some great Mulberry trees, and in some parts
of the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie groves. There
was an assay made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent
well, till the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were
eaten with Rats.
_Chesnuts._
In some parts were found some Chesnuts, whose wild fruit equalize the best
in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy. Plums there are of three sorts. The
red and white are like our hedge plums, but the other which they call
Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a Medler; it is
first greene, then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe, it
will draw a mans mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is
as delicious as an Apricot.
_Cherries._
_Vines._ {MN-1}
_Chechinquamins._ {MN-2}
_Rawcomens._ {MN-3}
_How they use their fruits._ {MN-4}
_Walnut milke._ {MN-5}
_Gummes._ {MN-6}
_Cedars._ {MN-7}
_Saxafras trees._ {MN-8}
They have Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their tastes
and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but very small
and bitter. {MN-1} Of vines great abundance in many parts that climbe the
toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but few
grapes. Except by the rivers & savage habitations, where they are not
overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never
pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes we made neere twentie gallons
of wine, which was like our French Brittish wine, but certainely they
would prove good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape
neere as great as a Cherry, this they call Messamins, they be fatte, and
the juyce thicke. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made
in wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a
Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small Acorne. {MN-2} This they
call Chechinquamins, which they esteeme a great daintie. They have a berry
much like our Gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; {MN-3} those
they call Rawcomens, and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of these naturall
fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they use in this manner;
{MN-4} The Walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamins are dryed to
keepe. When they need walnuts they breake them betweene two stones, yet
some part of the shels will cleave to the fruit. Then doe they dry them
againe upon a Mat over a hurdle. After they put it into a morter of wood,
and beat it very small: {MN-5} that done they mix it with water, that the
shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke,
which they call Pawcohiccora, and keepe it for their use. The fruit like
Medlers they call Putchamins, they cast upon hurdles on a Mat, and
preserve them as Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamins boyled,
they make both broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest
feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a {MN-6} white Popular, and
another tree like unto it, that yeeldeth a very cleare and an odoriferous
Gumme like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also {MN-7}
Cedars and {MN-8} Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small
proportion of themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the
wood, but nature afforded more then our arts.
_Berries._
_Matoun._ {MN}
In the watry valleyes groweth a Berry which they call Ocoughtanamnis very
much like unto Capers. These they dry in sommer. When they eat them they
boile them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from
poyson. {MN} Mattoum groweth as our Bents. The seed is not much unlike to
Rie, though much smaller. This they use for a daintie bread buttered with
deare suet.
_Strawberries._
_Hearbes._ {MN}
During Sommer there are either Strawberries, which ripen in Aprill, or
Mulberries which ripen in May and June. Raspises, hurts; or a fruit that
the inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much
like a Lemond. {MN} Many herbes in the spring are commonly dispersed
throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslain,
Sorrell, &c. Besides many we used whose names we know not.
_Rootes._
The chiefe root they have for food is called Tockawhoughe. It groweth like
a flagge in Marishes. In one day a Salvage will gather sufficient for a
weeke. These roots are much of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They
use to cover a great many of them with Oke leaves and Ferne, and then
cover all with earth in the manner of a Colepit; over it, on each side,
they continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it. Raw it is no
[II.27.] better then poyson, and being rosted, except it be tender and the
heat abated, or sliced and dryed in the Sunne, mixed with sorrell and
meale or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and
yet in sommer they use this ordinarily for bread.
_Wighsacan a roote._
_Pocones a small roote._ {MN-1}
_Musquaspen a roote._ {MN-2}
They have another roote which they call Wighsacan: as th'other feedeth the
body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small root which
they bruise and apply to the wound. {MN-1} Pocones is a small root that
groweth in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder turneth
red. And this they use for swellings, aches, annointing their joynts,
painting their heads and garments. They account it very precious, and of
much worth. {MN-2} Musquaspen is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and
as red as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. This they
use to paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like.
_Pellitory. Sasafrage._
There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage, and divers other simples,
which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good, and
medicinable.
_Onyons._
In the low Marishes grow plots of Onyons, containing an Acre of ground or
more in many places; but they are small, not past the bignesse of the
toppe of ones Thumbe.
_Their chiefe beasts are Deere._
_Aroughcun._ {MN-1}
_Squirrels._ {MN-2}
Of beasts the chiefe are Deere, nothing differing from ours. In the
deserts towards the heads of the rivers, there are many, but amongst the
rivers few. {MN-1} There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a
badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels doe. {MN-2} Their
Squirrels some are neare as great as our smallest sort of wilde Rabbets,
some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray.
_Assapanick, a squirrel flying._
_Oppasum._ {MN-1}
_Mussacus._ {MN-2}
A small beast they have they call Assapanick, but we call them flying
Squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largenesse
of their skins, that they have beene seene to fly 30 or 40 yards. {MN-1}
An Opassom hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the
bignesse of a Cat. Under her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein she lodgeth,
carrieth, and suckleth her young. {MN-2} A Mussascus is a beast of the
forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell exceeding
strongly of Muske. Their Hares no bigger then our Conies, and few of them
to be found.
_Beares._
_The Beaver._ {MN-1}
_Otters._ {MN-2}
_Utchunquoyes._ {MN-3}
_Foxes._ {MN-4}
_Dogges._ {MN-5}
_Martins._ {MN-6}
_Polecats._ {MN-7}
_Weesels, and Minkes._ {MN-8}
Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia and
Tartaria. {MN-1} The Beaver is as big as an ordinary water dog, but his
legs exceeding short. His forefeete like a dogs, his hinder feet like a
Swans. His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket, bare without haire,
which to eat the Salvages esteeme a great delicate. {MN-2} They have many
Otters, which as the Beavers they take with snares, and esteeme the skins
great ornaments, and of all those beasts they use to feed when they catch
them. {MN-3} An Utchunquoyes is like a wilde Cat. {MN-4} Their Foxes are
like our silver haired Conies, of a small proportion, and not smelling
like those in England. {MN-5} Their Dogges of that Country are like their
Woolves; and cannot barke but howle, and the Woolves not much bigger then
our English Foxes. {MN-6} Martins, {MN-7} Polecats, {MN-8} Weesels, and
Minkes we know they have, because we have seene many of their skinnes,
though very seldome any of them alive. But one thing is strange, that we
could never perceive their Vermine destroy our Hennes, Egges, nor Chickens,
nor doe any hurt, nor their flyes nor serpents any way pernicious, where
in the South parts of America they are alwayes dangerous, and often deadly.
_Birds._
Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of divers
sorts, as our Falconers called them: Sparrow-hawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes,
Falcons and Osperayes, but they all prey most upon fish. Their Partridges
are little bigger then our Quailes. Wilde Turkies are as bigge as our
tame. There are Woosels or Blackbirds with red shoulders, Thrushes and
divers sorts of small Birds, some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a
Wrenne, but few in Sommer. In Winter there are great plentie of Swans,
Cranes, gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke,
Wigeon, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great
abundance, and some other strange kinds, to us unknowne by name. But in
Sommer not any, or a very few to be seene.
_Fish._
Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales,
Stingraies, whose tailes are very [II.28.] dangerous. Bretts, Mullets,
white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish,
Eeles, Lampreys, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of three sorts, Crabs, Shrimps,
Crevises, Oysters, Cocles, and Muscles. But the most strange fish is a
small one, so like the picture of St. George his Dragon, as possible can
be, except his legs and wings, and the Toadefish, which will swell till it
be like to burst, when it commeth into the ayre.
_The rockes._
Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said for certaintie.
There wanted good Refiners; for those that tooke upon them to have skill
this way, tooke up the washings from the mountaines, and some moskered
shining stones and spangles which the waters brought downe, flattering
themselves in their owne vaine conceits to have beene supposed what they
were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proved as their arts and
judgements expected. Onely this is certaine, that many regions lying in
the same latitude, afford Mines very rich of divers natures. The crust
also of these rockes would easily perswade a man to beleeve there are
other Mines then yron and steele, if there were but meanes and men of
experience that knew the Mine from Spar.
Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they use them.
_How they divide the year._
They divide the yeare into five seasons. Their winter some call Popanow,
the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of their Corne
Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock. From September untill
the midst of November are the chiefe feasts & sacrifice. Then have they
plentie of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne, greene and ripe,
fish, fowle, and wilde beasts exceeding fat.
_How they prepare the ground._
The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, for the Country
naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the
barke of the trees neare the root, then doe they scortch the roots with
fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood
they beat up the weeds by the rootes, and in that mould they plant their
Corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a sticke,
and into it they put foure graines of wheate and two of beanes. These
holes they make foure foote one from another; Their women and children do
continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne middle high, they
hill it about like a hop-yard.
_How they plant._
In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in May, and
so they continue till the midst of June. What they plant in Aprill they
reape in August, for May in September, for June in October; Every stalke
of their corne commonly beareth two eares, some three, seldome any foure,
many but one, and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and
500 graines. The stalke being greene hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat
like a sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corne
greene, they sucke the stalkes: for as we gather greene pease, so doe they
their corne being greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease
they call Assentamens, which are the same they call in Italy, Fagioli.
Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Garnanses, but these they much
esteeme for dainties.
_How they use their corne._
_How they use their fish and flesh._ {MN}
Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a morter of
wood with a Polt, lap it in rowles in the leaves of their corne, and so
boyle it for a daintie. They also reserve that corne late planted that
will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In
winter they esteeme it being boyled with beanes for a rare dish, they call
Pausarowmena. Their old wheat they first steepe a night in hot water, in
the morning pounding it in a morter. They use a small basket for their
Temmes, then pound againe the great, and so separating by dashing their
hand in the basket, receive the flower in a platter made of wood, scraped
to that forme with burning and shels. Tempering this flower [II.29] with
water, they make it either in cakes, covering them with ashes till they be
baked, and then washing them in faire water, they drie presently with
their owne heat: or else boyle them in water, eating the broth with the
bread which they call Ponap. The groutes and peeces of the cornes
remaining, by fanning in a Platter or in the wind away the branne, they
boyle 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call
Ustatahamen. But some more thriftie then cleanly, doe burne the core
of the eare to powder, which they call Pungnough, mingling that in their
meale, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. {MN} Their fish &
flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or boyle it so long on hurdles over
the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they
turne first the one side, then the other, till it be as drie as their
jerkin Beefe in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a moneth or more
without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eat as commonly as the
meat.
_Planted fruits._
In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons, and a fruit like
unto a muske mellon, but lesse and worse, which they call Macocks. These
increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of July, and continue
untill September. They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a Lemmon,
which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and
continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered,
little els they plant, and this is done by their women and children;
neither doth this long suffice them, for neare three parts of the yeare,
they onely observe times and seasons, and live of what the Country
naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, &c.
The Commodities in Virginia, or that may be had by Industrie.
_A proofe cattell will live well._ {MN}
The mildnesse of the ayre, the fertilitie of the soyle, and situation of
the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use of man, as no place is
more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance, under that
latitude or climat. {MN} Here will live any beasts, as horses, goats,
sheepe, asses, hens, &c. as appeared by them that were carried thether.
The waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of
warre or marchandize, for boats of all sorts, for transportation or
fishing, &c. The Bay and rivers have much marchantable fish, and places
fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of Iron, &c.
_The Commodities._
Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receive many thousands, for pitch, tarre,
sope-ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot,
Firres, Glasse, and such like; also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France
in like manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt. Spaine as much for Iron,
Steele, Figges, Reasons, and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and Velvets
consumes our chiefe Commodities. Holland maintaines it selfe by fishing
and trading at our owne doores. All these temporize with other for
necessities, but all as uncertaine as peace or warres. Besides the charge,
travell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and
Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogative of all those
flourishing Kingdomes, for the benefit of our Land, when as within one
hundred myles all those are to be had, either ready provided by nature, or
else to be prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Onely of
Copper we may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that both
Copper and better Minerals are there to be had for their labour. Other
Countries have it. So then here is a place, a nurse for souldiers, a
practise for mariners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good, and
that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God) to bring
such poore Infidels to the knowledge of God and His holy Gospell.
Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia.
_The numbers._
_Seaven hundred men were the most were seene together when they thought
to have surprised Captaine Smith._ {MN-1}
_A description of the people._ {MN-2}
_The Barbers._ {MN-3}
_The constitution._ {MN-4}
_The disposition._ {MN-5}
_The possessions._ {MN-6}
_Their attire._ {MN-7}
_Their ornaments._ {MN-8}
The land is not populous, for the men be few; their far greater number is
of women and children. Within 60 myles of James Towne, there are about
some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres scarce [II.30] 1500.
To nourish so many together they have yet no meanes, because they make so
small a benefit of their land, be it never so fertile. {MN-1} Six or seaven
hundred have beene the most hath beene seene together, when they gathered
themselves to have surprised mee at Pamaunkee, having but fifteene to
withstand the worst or their fury. As small as the proportion of ground
that hath yet beene discovered, is in comparison of that yet unknowne:
{MN-2} the people differ very much in stature, especially in language, as
before is expressed. Some being very great as the Sasquesahananocks; others
very little, as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and straight, of a
comely proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but
they are borne white. Their hayre is generally blacke, but few have any
beards. The men weare halfe their beards shaven, the other halfe long;
{MN-3} for Barbers they use their women, who with two shels will grate away
the hayre, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions,
agreeable to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. {MN-4} They
are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to
lie in the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in
the weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. {MN-5} They are
inconstant in every thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe.
Craftie, timerous, quicke of apprehension, and very ingenuous. Some are of
disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage. Generally
covetous of Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soone moved to
anger, and so malicious, that they seldome forget an injury: they seldome
steale one from another, least their conjurers should reveale it, and so
they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is certaine, but
that any can reveale their offences by conjuration I am doubtfull. Their
women are carefull not to be suspected of dishonestie without the leave of
their husbands. {MN-6} Each houshold knoweth their owne lands, and gardens,
and most live of their owne labours. {MN-7} For their apparell, they are
sometime covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in Winter are
dressed with the hayre, but in Sommer without. The better sort use large
mantels of Deare skins, not much differing in fashion from the Irish
mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with Copper, other painted
after their manner. But the common sort have scarce to cover their
nakednesse, but with grasse, the leaves of trees, or such like. We have
seene some use mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily wrought & woven
with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feathers. That was
exceeding warme and very handsome. But the women are alwayes covered about
their middles with a skin, and very shame-fast to be seene bare. {MN-8}
They adorne themselves most with Their copper beads and paintings. Their
women, some have ornaments, their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly
imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought
into their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they have 3 great
holes, whereat they hang chaines, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men
weare in those holes, a small greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe
a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke
oftentimes familiarly would kisse his lips. Others weare a dead Rat tyed
by the taile. Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird, or some large
feather with a Rattell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a
Rapier, but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. Many have
the whole skinne of a Hawke or some strange foule, stuffed with the wings
abroad. Others a broad peece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy
dryed. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone
brayed to powder, mixed with oyle, this they hold in sommer to preserve
them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of
paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous
to behold.
_Their buildings._
Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the rivers, or
not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are built like our
Arbors, of small young springs bowed and tyed, and so close covered with
Mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that notwithstanding either
winde, raine, or weather, they are as warme as stooves, but very smoaky,
yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe
into right over the fire.
_Their lodgings._
_Their gardens._ {MN}
Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds [II.31.] covered with
a Mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. On
these round about the house they lie heads and points one by th'other
against the fire, some covered with Mats, some with skins, and some
starke naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. {MN} Their houses
are in the midst of their fields or gardens, which are small plots of
ground. Some 20 acres, some 40. some 100. some 200. some more, some lesse.
In some places from 2 to 50 of those houses together, or but a little
separated by groves of trees. Neare their habitations is little small wood
or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So
that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the
creekes or Rivers shall hinder.
_How they use their children._
Men, women, and children have their severall names according to the
severall humor of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easily
delivered of childe, yet doe they love children very dearely. To make them
hardie, in the coldest mornings they them wash in the rivers, and by
painting and oyntments so tanne their skinnes, that after a yeare or two,
no weather will hurt them.
_The industrie of their women._
The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, warres, and such man-like
exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise, which is the
cause that the women be very painefull, and the men often idle. The women
and children doe the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots,
morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals,
plant their corne, gather their corne, beare all kind of burdens, and such
like.
_How they strike fire._
_The order of dyet._ {MN}
Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a hole
of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire
mosse, leaves, or any such like dry thing, that will quickly burne. {MN}
In March and Aprill they live much upon their fishing wires; and feed on
fish, Turkies, and Squirrels. In May and June they plant their fields, and
live most of Acornes, Walnuts, and fish. But to amend their dyet, some
disperse themselves in small companies, and live upon fish, beasts, crabs,
oysters, land Tortoises, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In June,
July, and August, they feed upon the rootes of Tocknough berries, fish,
and greene wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their
dyet, even as the deere & wilde beasts they seeme fat and leane, strong
and weake. Powhatan their great King, and some others that are provident,
rost their fish and flesh upon hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe
it till scarce times.
_How they make their bowes and arrowes._
_Their knives._ {MN}
For fishing, hunting, and warres they use much their bow and arrowes. They
bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their
arrowes are made some of straight young sprigs, which they head with bone,
some 2 or 3 ynches long. These they use to shoot at Squirrels on trees.
Another sort of arrowes they use made of Reeds. These are peeced with
wood, headed with splinters of christall, or some sharpe stone, the
spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. {MN} For his knife he hath
the splinter of a Reed to cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also,
he will joynt a Deere, or any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels,
&c. To make the noch of his arrow he hath the tooth of a Beaver, set in a
sticke, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His arrow head he quickly
maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracert, of any
splint of a stone, or glasse in the forme of a heart, and these they glew
to the end of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deere, and the tops of
Deeres hornes boyled to a jelly, they make a glew that will not dissolve
in cold water.
_Their Targets and Swords._
For their warres also they use Targets that are round and made of the
barkes of trees, and a sword of wood and at their backes, but oftentimes
they use for swords the horne of a Deere put through a peece of wood in
forme of a Pickaxe. Some a long stone sharpned at both ends, used in the
same manner. This they were wont to use also for hatchets, but now by
trucking they have plentie of the same forme of yron. And those are their
chiefe instruments and armes.
_Their boats_
_How they spin._ {MN-1}
_Their fish hookes._ {MN-2}
Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by burning and
scratching away the coales with stones and shels, till they have made it
in forme of a [II.32.] Trough. Some of them are an elne deepe, and fortie
or fiftie foote in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most
ordinary are smaller, and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their
bignesse. In stead of Oares, they use Paddles and stickes, with which they
will row faster then our Barges. {MN-1} Betwixt their hands and thighes,
their women use to spin the barkes of trees, Deere sinewes, or a kind of
grasse they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a thread very even and
readily. This thread serveth for many uses. As about their housing,
apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantitie as
formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. {MN-2}
Their hookes are either a bone grated as they noch their arrowes in the
forme of a crooked pinne or fish-hooke, or of the splinter of a bone tyed
to the clift of a little sticke, and with the end of the line, they tie on
the bait. They use also long arrowes tyed in a line, wherewith they
shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack use staves like unto
Javelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the
water. They have also many artificiall wires, in which they get abundance
of fish.
_How they hunt._
In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being their
ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a pleasure and are
very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall ranging, and
travell, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with
Deere, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Roots, and Berries. At their huntings they
leave their habitations, and reduce themselves into companies, as the
Tartars doe, and goe to the most desert places with their families, where
they spend their time in hunting and fowling up towards the mountaines, by
the heads of their rivers, where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the
rivers the grounds are so narrowe, that little commeth here which they
devoure not. It is a marvell they can so directly passe these deserts,
some 3 or 4 dayes journey without habitation. Their hunting houses are
like unto Arbours covered with Mats. These their women beare after them,
with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they use. When they
come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to shew his
dexteritie, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their
wives. Fortie yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the marke, and
120 is their best at Random. At their huntings in the deserts they are
commonly two or three hundred together. Having found the Deere, they
environ them with many fires, & betwixt the fires they place themselves.
And some take their stands in the midsts. The Deere being thus feared by
the fires, and their voyces, they chase them so long within that circle,
that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They use also to
drive them into some narrow poynt of land, when they find that advantage;
and so force them into the river, where with their boats they have
Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they have shot a Deere by land, they follow
him like blond-hounds by the bloud, and straine, and oftentimes so take
them. Hares, Partridges, Turkies, or Egges, fat or leane, young or old,
they devoure all they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings
they found me in the discovery of the head of the river of Chickahamania,
where they slew my men, and tooke me prisoner in a Bogmire, where I saw
those exercises, and gathered these Observations.
_One Salvage hunting alone._
One Salvage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deere slit on the one
side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to
the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eyes, eares, and every
part as artificially counterfeited as they, can devise. Thus shrowding
his body in the skinne by stalking, he approacheth the Deere, creeping on
the ground from one tree to another. If the Deere chance to find fault, or
stand at gaze, he turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to
seeme like a Deere, also gazing and licking himselfe. So watching his best
advantage to approach, having shot him, he chaseth him by his bloud and
straine till he get him.
_Their Consultations._
_Their enemies._ {MN-1}
_Massawomekes._ {MN-2}
_Their offer of subjection._ {MN-3}
When they intend any warres, the Werowances usually have the advice of
their Priests and Conjurers, and their allies, and ancient friends, but
chiefely the Priests determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some
[II.33.] lustie fellow, they appoint Captaine over every nation. They
seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and
principally for revenge. {MN-1} They have many enemies, namely, all their
westernly Countries beyond the mountaines, and the heads of the rivers.
Upon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habitation
is at Rasauweak, unto whom the Mowhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the
Monahassanughs, the Monasickapanoughs, and other nations pay tributes.
Upon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a people called Mannahoacks.
To these are contributers the Tauxanias, the Shackaconias, the Ontponeas,
the Tegninateos, the Whonkenteaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassianungaes, and
divers others, all confederates with the Monacans, though many different
in language, and be very barbarous, living for the most part of wild
beasts and fruits. Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the
river Patawomeke, the Salvages report inhabit their most mortall enemies,
{MN-2} the Massawomekes, upon a great salt water, which by all likelihood
is either some part of Cannada, some great lake, or some inlet of some
sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation
and very populous. For the heads of all those rivers, especially the
Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes are
continually tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they generally
complained, and very importunate they were with me, and my company to free
them from these tormentors. {MN-3} To this purpose they offered food,
conduct, assistance, and continuall subjection. Which I concluded to
effect. But the councell then present emulating my successe, would not
thinke it fit to spare me fortie men to be hazzarded in those unknowne
regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12, and so was
lost that opportunitie. Seaven boats full of these Massawomekes wee
encountred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobacco
pipes, Platters, Bowes, and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much
exceeded them of our parts, and their dexteritie in their small boats,
made of the barkes of trees, sowed with barke and well luted with gumme,
argueth that they are seated upon some great water.
Against all these enemies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to
fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, trecheries, or surprisals.
Yet the Werowances women and children they put not to death, but keepe
them Captives. They have a method in warre, and for our pleasures they
shewed it us, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient.
_Their manner of Battell._
Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner they could
devise, they divided themselves into two Companies, neare a hundred in a
company. The one company called Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either army
had their Captaine. These as enemies tooke their stands a musket shot one
from another; ranked themselves 15 a breast, and each ranke from another
4 or 5 yards, not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles. So the
Reare could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the
fields: from either part went a messenger with these conditions, that
whosoever were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in two
dayes after should live, but their wives and children should be prize for
the Conquerours. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they
approached in their orders; On each flanke a Serjeant, and in the Reare an
Officer for Lieutenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and
singing after their accustomed tune, which they onely use in Warres. Upon
the first flight of arrowes they gave such horrible shouts and screeches,
as so many infernall hell-hounds could not have made them more terrible.
When they had spent their arrowes, they joyned together prettily, charging
and retyring, every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they
catched their enemies by the hayre of the head, and downe he came that was
taken. His enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines, and
still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans
decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe Moone; they
unwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes, on
whom they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselves
[II.34.] among the fresh men, whereupon the Powhatans retired, with all
speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, tooke that advantage to
retire againe to their owne battell, and so each returned to their owne
quarter. All their actions, voyces, and gestures, both in charging and
retiring were so strained to the height of their qualitie and nature, that
the strangenesse thereof made it seeme very delightfull.
_Their Musicke._
_Their entertainment._ {MN}
For their Musicke they use a thicke Cane, on which they pipe as on a
Recorder. For their warres they have a great deepe platter of wood. They
cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut,
which meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with a small rope they
twitch them together till it be so tought and stiffe, that they may beat
upon it as upon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments are Rattles made of
small gourds, or Pumpeons shels. Of these they have Base, Tenor,
Countertenor, Meane, and Treble. These mingled with their voyces sometimes
twenty or thirtie together, make such a terrible noise as would rather
affright, then delight any man. {MN} If any great commander arrive at the
habitation of Werowance, they spread a Mat as the Turkes doe a Carpet for
him to sit upon. Upon another right opposite they sit themselves. Then doe
all with a tunable voice of shouting bid him welcome. After this doe two
or more of their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their love.
Which they doe with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweat
till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. So that a
man would take them to be exceeding angry, or stark mad. Such victuall as
they have, they spend freely, and at night where his lodging is appointed,
they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and oyle, to be his
bed-fellow.
_Their trade._
Their manner of trading is for copper, beads, and such like, for which
they give such commodities as they have, as skins, foule, fish, flesh,
and their Country Corne. But their victualls are their chiefest riches.
_Their Physicke._
_Their Chirurgery._ {MN-1}
_Their charms to cure._ {MN-2}
Every spring they make themselves sicke with drinking the juyce of a roote
they call Wighsacan, and water; whereof they powre so great a quantitie,
that it purgeth them in a very violent manner; so that in three or foure
dayes after, they scarce recover their former health. Sometimes they are
troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; {MN-1}
for cure whereof they build a Stove in the forme of a Dove-house with
mats, so close that a few coales therein covered with a pot, will make the
patient sweat extreamely. For swellings also they use small peeces of
touchwood, in the forme of cloves, which pricking on the griefe they
burne close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their
mouth. With this roote Wighsacan they ordinarily heale greene wounds. But
to scarrifie a swelling, or make incision, their best instruments are some
splinted stone. Old ulcers, or putrified hurts are seldome seene cured
amongst them. {MN-2} They have many professed Phisicians, who with their
charmes and Rattles, with an infernall rout of words and actions, will
seeme to sucke their inward griefe from their navels, or their grieved
places; but of our Chirurgians they were so conceited, that they beleeved
any Plaister would heale any hurt.
But 'tis not alwayes in Phisicians skill,
To heale the Patient that is sicke and ill:
For sometimes sicknesse on the Patients part,
Proves stronger farre then all Phisicians art.
Of their Religion.
_Their God._ {MN-1}
_How they bury their Kings._ {MN-2}
There is yet in Virginia no place discovered to be so Savage, in which
they have not a Religion, Deere, and Bow, and Arrowes. All things that are
able to doe them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kinde
of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our Ordnance,
peeces, horses, &c. {MN-1} But their chiefe God they worship is the
Devill. Him they call [II.35.] Okee, and serve him more of feare then
love. They say they have conference with him, and fashion themselves as
neare to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they have his
image evill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines
of copper, and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the
deformitie may well suit with such a God. {MN-2} By him is commonly the
sepulcher of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried upon
hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their joynts and
necke they hang bracelets, or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, as
they use to weare, their inwards they stuffe with copper beads, hatchets,
and such trash. Then lappe they them very carefully in white skins, and so
rowle them in mats for their winding sheets. And in the Tombe which is an
arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of
wealth their Kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples
and bodies are kept by their Priests.
_Their ordinary burials._
For their ordinary burials, they dig a deepe hole in the earth with sharpe
stakes, and the corpse being lapped in skins and mats with their jewels,
they lay them upon stickes in the ground, and so cover them with earth.
The buriall ended, the women being painted all their faces with blacke
cole and oyle, doe sit twenty-foure houres in the houses mourning and
lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling, as may expresse their
great passions.
_Their Temples._
In every Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Priest, two or
three or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at
Uttamussack at Pamaunkee, neare unto which is a house, Temple, or place of
Powhatans.
Upon the top of certaine red sandy hils in the woods, there are three
great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Devils, and Tombes of
their Predecessors. Those houses are neare sixtie foot in length built
arbour-wise, after their building. This place they count so holy as that
but the Priests & Kings dare come into them; nor the Salvages dare not goe
up the river in boats by it, but they solemnly cast some peece of copper,
white beads, or Pocones into the river, for feare their Okee should be
offended and revenged of them.
Thus, Feare was the first their Gods begot:
Till feare began, their Gods were not.
_Their ornaments for their Priests._
In this place commonly are resident seaven Priests. The chiefe differed
from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be
knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in
their eares to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest
were certaine attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen, or 16,
or more snakes skins and stuffed them with mosse, and of Weesels and other
Vermines skins a good many. All these they tie by their tailes, so as all
their tailes meete in the toppe of their head like a great Tassell. Round
about this Tassell is as it were a crowne of feathers, the skins hang
round about his head, necke, and shoulders, and in a manner cover his
face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as ugly as they can
devise, in their hands they had every one his Rattle, some base, some
smaller. Their devotion was most in songs, which the chiefe Priest
beginneth and the rest followed him, sometimes he maketh invocations with
broken sentences by starts and strange passions, and at every pause, the
rest give a short groane.
Thus seeke they in deepe foolishnesse,
To climbe the height of happinesse.
_The times of solemnities._
It could not be perceived that they keepe any day as more holy then other;
But onely in some great distresse of want, feare of enemies, times of
triumph and gathering together their fruits, the whole Country of men,
women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their
devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire, in the house or fields, and
all to sing and dance about it [II.36.] with Rattles and shouts together,
foure or five houres. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and about him
they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands, as if he would
keepe time, and after their songs and dauncings ended they goe to their
Feasts.
Through God begetting feare,
Mans blinded minde did reare
A hell-god to the ghosts;
A heaven-god to the hoasts;
Yea God unto the Seas:
Feare did create all these.
_Their conjurations._
They have also divers conjurations, one they made when I was their
prisoner; of which hereafter you shall reade at large.
_Their altars._
_Sacrifices to the water._ {MN}
They have also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances, but these
stand from their Temples, some by their houses, others in the woods and
wildernesses, where they have had any extraordinary accident, or
incounter. And as you travell, at those stones they will tell you the
cause why they were there erected, which from age to age they instruct
their children, as their best records of antiquities. Upon these they
offer bloud, Deere suet, and Tobacco. This they doe when they returne from
the Warres, from hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also
another superstition that they use in stormes, when the waters are rough
in the Rivers and Sea coasts. {MN} Their Conjurers runne to the water
sides, or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcryes and
invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the
water, to pacifie that God whom they thinke to be very angry in those
stormes. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take the
first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are knowne
to use.
_Their solemn Sacrifices of children, which they
call Black-boyes._
_Those Black-boyes are made so mad with a kind of drinke,
that they will doe any mischiefe, at the command of
their Keepers._ {MN}
In some part of the Country they have yearely a sacrifice of children.
Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some ten myles from James Towne, and
thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene ten and
fifteene yeares of age they painted white. Having brought them forth, the
people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with Rattles.
In the afternoone they put those children to the roote of a tree. By them
all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado in his hand,
made of reeds bound together. This made a lane betweene them all along,
through which there were appointed five young men to fetch these children:
so every one of the five went through the guard to fetch a childe each
after other by turnes, the guard fiercely beating them with their
Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receiving all, defending the
children with their naked bodies from the unmercifull blowes, that pay
them soundly, though the children escape. All this while the women weepe
and cry out very passionately, providing mats, skins, mosse, and dry wood,
as things fitting their childrens funerals. After the children were thus
passed the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches & boughs, with
such violence that they rent the body, and made wreaths for their heads,
or bedecked their hayre with the leaves. What els was done with the
children, was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as
dead, where they made a great feast for all the company. {MN} The
Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered that the
children were not all dead, but that the Okee or Divell did sucke the
bloud from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were
dead, but the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the young men till nine
moneths were expired, during which time they must not converse with any,
and of these were made their Priests and Conjurers. This sacrifice they
held to be so necessary, that if they should omit it, their Okee or
Devill, and all their other Quiyoughcosughes, which are their other Gods,
would let them have no Deere, Turkies, Corne, nor fish, and yet besides,
he would make a great slaughter amongst them.
_Their resurrection._ {MN}
They thinke that their Werowances and Priests which they also esteeme
Quiyoughcosughes, {MN} when they are dead, goe beyond the mountaines
towards the setting of the sunne; and ever remaine there in forme of their
Okee, [II.37.] with their heads painted with oyle and Pocones, finely
trimmed with feathers, and shall have beads, hatchets, copper, and Tobacco,
doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the
common people they suppose shall not live after death, but rot in their
graves like dead dogs.
To divert them from this blind Idolatry, we did our best endevours,
chiefly with the Werowance of Quiyoughcohanock, whose devotion,
apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded any in those Countries,
with whom although we could not as yet prevaile, to forsake his false
Gods, yet this he did beleeve that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our
Gunnes did their Bowes & Arrowes, and many times did send to me to James
Towne, intreating me to pray to my God for raine, for their Gods would not
send them any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore soules
sacrifice themselves to the Devill, not knowing their Creator; and we had
not language sufficient, so plainly to expresse it as make them understand
it; which God grant they may.
For, Religion 'tis that doth distinguish us,
From their bruit humor, well we may it know;
That can with understanding argue thus,
Our God is truth, but they cannot doe so.
Of the manner of the Virginians Government.
_A description of Powhatan._ {MN-1}
_His attendance and watch._ {MN-2}
Although the Country people be very barbarous, yet have they amongst them
such government, as that their Magistrates for good commanding, and their
people for due subjection, and obeying, excell many places that would be
counted very civill. The forme of their Common-wealth is a Monarchiall
government, one as Emperour ruleth over many Kings or Governours. Their
chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of his principall
place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock.
Some Countries he hath which have beene his ancestors, and came unto him
by inheritance, as the Country called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuck,
Pamaunkee, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories
expressed in the Mappe, they report have beene his severall Conquests. In
all his ancient inheritances, he hath houses built after their manner like
arbours, some 30. some 40. yards long, and at every house provision for
his entertainement according to the time. At Werowcomoco on the Northside
of the river Pamaunkee, was his residence, when I was delivered him
prisoner, some 14 myles from James Towne, where for the most part, he was
resident, but at last he tooke so little pleasure in our neare
neighbourhood, that he retired himselfe to Orapakes, in the desert betwixt
Chickahamania and Youghtanund. {MN-1} He is of personage a tall well
proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat gray, his beard so
thinne, that it seemeth none at all, his age neare sixtie; of a very able
and hardy body to endure any labour. {MN-2} About his person ordinarily
attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Countrey doth afford.
Every night and watch upon the foure quarters of his house are foure
Sentinels, each from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe houre one
from the Corps du guard doth hollow, shaking his lips with his finger
betweene them; unto whom every Sentinell doth answer round from his stand:
if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him
extreamely.
_His treasury._
A myle from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, he hath a house in which he
keepeth his kinde of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle, and beads,
which he storeth up aqainst the time of his death and buriall. Here also
is his store of red paint for oyntment, bowes and arrowes, Targets and
clubs. This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length, frequented onely by
Priests. At the foure corners [II.38.] of this house stand foure Images as
Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the third like a Leopard, and
the fourth like a giantlike man, all made evill favouredly, according to
their best workemanship.
_His wives._
_His successors._ {MN}
He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed, one
sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one
sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is weary of his
women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserve them at his hands.
When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat,
bringeth him water in a wooden platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth
with a bunch of feathers to wipe them in stead of a Towell, and the
feathers when he hath wiped are dryed againe. {MN} His kingdomes descend
not to his sonnes nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof he hath
3. namely, Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their
decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and
after them to the heires male or female of the eldest sister, but never to
the heires of the males.
_Their authoritie._ {MN-1}
_The tenor of their lands._ {MN-2}
_His manner of punishments._ {MN-3}
He nor any of his people understand any letters, whereby to write or
reade, onely the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. {MN-1} Yet when he
listeth his will is a law and must be obeyed: not onely as a King, but as
halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour Kings whom they call
Werowances, are tyed to rule by customes, and have power of life and death
at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance, which we call
and construe for a King, is a common word, whereby they call all
commanders: for they have but few words in their language, and but few
occasions to use any officers more then one commander, which commonly they
call Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine. {MN-2} They all know
their severall lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, foule, or hunt
in, but they hold all of their great their lands. Werrowance Powhatan,
unto whom they pay tribute of skinnes, beads, copper, pearle, deere,
turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey
in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare and
adoration, all these people doe obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they
present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least frowne of his brow,
their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: and no marvell, for he is
very terrible & tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. {MN-3} For
example, he caused certaine malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then
having of many fires gathered great store of burning coales, they rake
these coales round in the forme of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast
the offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads of them
that offend him, to be laid upon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one
with clubbes beats out their braines. When he would punish any notorious
enemy or malefactor, he causeth him to be tyed to a tree, and with Mussell
shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth off his joynts one after another,
ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with
shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe they
rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus themselves
reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary correction is to
beate them with cudgels. We have seene a man kneeling on his knees, and at
Powhatans command, two men have beate him on the bare skin, till he hath
fallen senselesse in a sound, and yet never cry nor complained. And he
made a woman for playing the whore, sit upon a great stone, on her bare
breech twenty-foure houres, onely with corne and water, every three dayes,
till nine dayes were past, yet he loved her exceedingly: notwithstanding
there are common whores by profession.
In the yeare 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank his neare
neighbours and subjects. The occasion was to us unknowne, but the manner
was thus. First he sent divers of his men as to lodge amongst them that
night, then the Ambuscadoes environed all their houses, and at the houre
appointed, they all fell to the spoyle, twenty-foure men they slew, the
long haire of the one side of their heads, with the skinne cased off with
shels or reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women, and the
children, and the Werowance. All these they presented to Powhatan. The
Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and doe him service.
[II.39.] The lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line
betwixt two trees. And thus he made ostentation of his triumph at
Werowocomoco, where he intended to have done as much to mee and my
company.
And this is as much as my memory can call to minde worthy of note; which
I have purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth and
qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander
the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company
where they can finde none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce
ever ten myles from James Towne, or at the most but at the falles; yet
holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions
were nothing, exclaime of all things, though they never adventured to know
any thing; nor ever did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens
labours. Being for most part of such tender educations, and small
experience in Martiall accidents, because they found not English Cities,
nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed
dainties, with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and Alehouses in
every breathing place, neither such plentie of gold and silver and
dissolute libertie, as they expected, had little or no care of any thing,
but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure
their meanes to returne for England. For the Country was to them a misery,
a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and their actions there
according.
Some other there were that had yearely stipends to passe to and againe for
transportation: who to keepe the mysterie of the businesse in themselves,
though they had neither time nor meanes to know much of themselves; yet
all mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing
times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much more,
then all the true actors could by their experience. And those with their
great words deluded the world with such strange promises, as abused the
businesse much worse then the rest. For the businesse being builded upon
the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the money and
meanes have still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the planters so
farre absent, who could contradict their excuses? which, still to
maintaine their vaine glory and estimation, from time to time have used
such diligence as made them passe for truths, though nothing more false.
And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the
wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a
dissembling heart.
There were many in Virginia meerely projecting, verball, and idle
contemplators, and those so devoted to pure idlenesse, that though they
had lived two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie it selfe
could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of James
Towne, and those witty spirits, what would they not affirme in the behalfe
of our transporters, to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their
good words in England, to get their passes. Thus from the clamors, and the
ignorance of false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in
Virginia: and our ingenious verbalists were no lesse plague to us in
Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of twentie
or thirtie of the best onely preserved in Christianitie by their industry
the idle livers of neare two hundred of the rest: who living neere ten
moneths of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it selfe
afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the Salvages,
the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of
victuall; in all that time I lost but seaven or eight men, yet subjected
the salvages to our desired obedience, and received contribution from
thirtie five of their Kings, to protect and assist them against any that
should assault them, in which order they continued true and faithfull, and
as subjects to his Majestie, so long after as I did governe there, untill
I left the Countrey: since, how they have revolted, the Countrie lost, and
againe replanted, and the businesses hath succeded from time to time, I
referre you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that have
beene more diligent in such Observations.
John Smith writ this with his owne hand.
[II.40.] Because many doe desire to know the manner of their
Language, I have inserted these few words.
Ka katorawinos yowo, What call you this.
Nemarough, a man.
Grenepo, a woman.
Marowanchesso, a boy.
Yehawkans, Houses.
Matchcores, Skins, or garments.
Mockasins, Shooes.
Tussan, Beds.
Pokatawer, Fire.
Attawp, A bow.
Attonce, Arrowes.
Monacookes, Swords.
Aumouhhowgh, A Target.
Pawcussacks, Gunnes.
Tomahacks, Axes.
Tockahacks, Pickaxes.
Pamesacks, Knives.
Accowprets, Sheares.
Pawpecones, Pipes.
Mattassin, Copper.
Ussawassin, Iron, Brass,
Silver, or any white mettall.
Musses, Woods.
Attasskuss, Leaves, weeds,
or grasse.
Chepsin, Land.
Shacquohocan, A stone.
Wepenter, A cookold.
Suckahanna, Water.
Noughmass, Fish.
Copotone, Sturgeon.
Weghshaughes, Flesh.
Sawwehone, Bloud.
Netoppew, Friends.
Marrapough, Enemies.
Maskapow, the worst of the enemies.
Mawchick chammay, The best of friends.
Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan
uttasantasough, In how many daies
will there come hither any more
English Ships.
Their Numbers.
Necut, 1. Ningh, 2. Nuff, 3.
Yowgh, 4. Paranske, 5.
Comotinch, 6. Toppawoss, 7.
Nusswash, 8, Kekatawgh, 9.
Kaskeke, 10.
They count no more but by
tennes as followeth.
Case, how many.
Ninghsapooeksku, 20.
Nussapooeksku, 30.
Yowghapooeksku, 40.
Parankestassapooeksku, 50.
Comatinchtassapooeksku, 60.
Nussswashtassapooeksku, 70.
Kekataughtassapooeksku, 90.
Necuttoughtysinough, 100.
Necuttweunquaough, 1000.
Rawcosowghs, Dayes.
Keskowghes, Sunnes.
Toppquough, Nights.
Nepawweshowghs, Moones.
Pawpaxsoughes, Yeares.
Pummahumps, Starres.
Osies, Heavens.
Okees, Gods.
Quiyoughcosoughs, Pettie
Gods, and their affinities.
Righcomoughes, Deaths.
Kekughes, Lives.
Mowchick woyawgh tawgh noeragh
kaqueremecher, I am very hungry?
what shall I eate?
Tawnor nehiegh Powhatan,
Where dwels Powhatan.
Mache, nehiegh yourowgh, Orapaks,
Now he dwels a great way hence at
Orapaks.
Vittapitchewayne anpechitchs nehawper
Werowacomoco, You lie, he staid
ever at Werowacomoco.
Kator nehiegh mattagh neer
uttapitchewayne, Truely he is there
I doe not lie.
Spaughtynere keragh werowance mawmarinough
kekaten wawgh peyaquaugh, Run you then
to the King Mawmarynough and bid him come
hither.
Utteke, e peya weyack wighwhip, Get you
gone, & come againe quickly.
Kekaten Pokahontas patiaquagh niugh
tanks manotyens neer mowchick
rawrenock audowgh, Bid Pokahontas
bring hither two little Baskets, and
I will give her white Beads to make
her a Chaine.
FINIS.
THE THIRD BOOKE. [III.41.]
The Proceedings
And Accidents of The English Colony in
Virginia, Extracted from the Authors
following, by William Simons,
Doctour of Divinitie.
Chapter I.
A.D. 1606.
_Sir Thomas Smith, Treasurer._
It might well be thought, a Countrie so faire (as Virginia is) and a
people so tractable, would long ere this have beene quietly possessed, to
the satisfaction of the adventurers, & the eternizing of the memory of
those that effected it. But because all the world doe see a defailement;
this following Treatise shall give satisfaction to all indifferent
Readers, how the businesse hath bin carried: where no doubt they will
easily understand and answer to their question, how it came to passe there
was no better speed and successe in those proceedings.
_The first mover of the action._
_Orders for government._ {MN}
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers of this plantation,
having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found small
assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Captaine John Smith,
Mr. Edward-maria Wingfield, Mr. Robert Hunt, and divers others, who
depended a yeare upon his projects, but nothing could be effected, till by
their great charge and industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of
the Nobilitie, Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Majestie by his letters
patents, gave commission for establishing Councels, to direct here; and to
governe, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare,
and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of 40.
and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation of the company was committed to
Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised for the Westerne
parts of America. {MN} But their orders for government were put in a box,
not to be opened, nor the governours knowne untill they arrived in
Virginia.
On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Blackwall, but by
unprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all
which time, Mr. Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few
expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from his
habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and notwithstanding the stormy
weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better then
Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst us) suggested against him, all
this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the
busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any
affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous [III.42.]
designes (could they have prevailed) had even then overthrowne the
businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water
of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted
examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention.
A.D. 1607.
_Monica an unfrequented Isle full of Birds._ {MN-1}
_Their first landing._ {MN-2}
_Matters of government._ {MN-3}
We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages at Dominica; three
weekes we spent in refreshing our selves amongst these west-India Isles;
in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as well
as over the fire. {MN-1} And at a little Isle called Monica, we tooke from
the bushes with our hands, neare two hogs-heads full of Birds in three or
foure houres. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time,
where, with a lothsome beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn, Tortoises,
Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in
search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the
Marriners had 3 dayes passed their reckoning and found no land, so that
Captaine Ratliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the
helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider
of all good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme to hull all night,
did drive them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their
expectations, for never any of them had seene that coast. {MN-2} The first
land they made they called Cape Henry; where thirtie of them recreating
themselves on shore, were assaulted by five Salvages, who hurt two of the
English very dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders
read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, John Smith, Edward Wingfield,
Christopher Newport, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were
named to be the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a
yeare, who with the Councell should governe. {MN-3} Matters of moment were
to be examined by a Jury, but determined by the major part of the
Councell, in which the President had two voyces. Untill the 13 of May they
sought a place to plant in, then the Councell was sworne, Mr. Wingfield
was chosen President, and an Oration made, why Captaine Smith was not
admitted of the Councell as the rest.
_The discovery of the Falles & Powhatan._ {MN-1}
_The Fort assaulted by Salvages._ {MN-2}
Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive the Fort, the rest
cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide clapbord
to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often
visited us kindly. The Presidents overweening jealousie would admit no
exercise at armes, or fortification, but the boughs of trees cast together
in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary paines and diligence of
Captaine Kendall, Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were sent to
discover the head of the river: {MN-1} by divers small habitations they
passed, in six dayes they arrived at a Towne called Powhatan, consisting
of some twelve houses, pleasantly seated on a hill; before it three
fertile Isles, about it many of their cornefields, the place is very
pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called
Powhatan, and his people Powhatans, to this place the river is navigable:
but higher within a myle, by reason of the Rockes and Isles, there is not
passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falles, the people in all
parts kindly intreated them, till being returned within twentie myles of
James towne, they gave just cause of jealousie, but had God not blessed
the discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had then beene an
end of that plantation; {MN-2} for at the Fort, where they arrived the
next day, they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and
had it not chanced a crosse barre shot from the Ships strooke down a bough
from a tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all
beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and their armes in dry fats.
Captain Smith Reinstated
_Captain Newports return for England._ {MN}
Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the
Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults,
and ambuscadoes of the Salvages; & our men by their disorderly stragling
were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well
escaped. What toyle we had, with so small a power to guard our workemen
adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our businesse, to
relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our
Corne, &c, I referre to the Readers consideration. Six weekes being spent
in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired onely for our [III.43.]
transportation) was to return with the ships. Now Captaine Smith who all
this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a
prisoner upon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying
his repute) who fained he intended to usurpe the government, murther the
Councell, and make himselfe King, that his confederats were dispersed in
all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it,
would affirme it, for this he was committed as a prisoner: thirteene
weekes he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should
returne they pretended out of their commisserations, to referre him to the
Councell in England to receive a check, rather then by particulating his
designes make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or utterly
overthrow his reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and
publikely defied the uttermost of their crueltie, he wisely prevented
their policies, though he could not suppresse their envies, yet so well he
demeaned himselfe in this businesse, as all the company did see his
innocency, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him,
accused his accusers of subornation; many untruthes were alledged against
him; but being so apparently disproved, begat a generall hatred in the
hearts of the company against such unjust Commanders, that the President
was adjudged to give him 200 L. so that all he had was seized upon, in part
of satisfaction, which Smith presently returned to the Store for the
generall use of the Colony. Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung
from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good Doctrine and
exhortation of our Preacher Mr. Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine
Smith to be admitted of the Councell; the next day all received the
Communion, the day following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, {MN}
and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; leaving in Virginia
100. the 15 of June 1607.
By this observe;
Good men did ne'r their Countries ruine bring.
But when evill men shall injuries beginne;
Not caring to corrupt and violate
The judgements-seats for their owne Lucr's sakes
Then looke that Country cannot long have peace,
Though for the present it have rest and ease.
THE FIRST COLONISTS
A.D. 1607.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
The names of them that were the first Planters,
were these following.
Councel.
Mr. Edward Maria Captaine John Smith.
Wingfield. Captaine John Ratliffe.
Captaine Bartholomew Captaine John Martin.
Gosnoll. Captaine George Kendall.
Gent.
Mr. Robert Hunt Preacher. John Penington.
Mr. George Percie. Jeremy Alicock.
Anthony Gosnoll. George Walker.
George Flower. Thomas Studley.
Cap. Gabriell Archer. Richard Crofts.
Robert Fenton. Nicholas Houlgrave.
Robert Ford. Thomas Webbe.
[III.44.] William Bruster. John Waller.
Edward Harrington. John Short.
Dru Pickhouse. William Tankard.
Thomas Jacob. William Smethes.
John Brookes. Francis Snarsbrough.
Ellis Kingston. Richard Simons.
Thomas Sands. Edward Brookes.
Benjamin Beast. Richard Dixon.
Jehu Robinson. John Martin.
Thomas Mouton. Roger Cooke.
Eustace Clovill. Anthony Gosnold.
Stephen Halthrop. Tho: Wotton, Chirurg.
Kellam Throgmorton. John Stevenson.
Edward Morish. Thomas Gore.
Nathaniell Powell. Henry Adling.
Edward Browne. Francis Midwinter.
Robert Behethland. Richard Frith.
Carpenters.
William Laxon. Thomas Emry.
Edward Pising. Robert Small.
Labourers.
John Laydon. Old Edward.
William Cassen. Henry Tavin.
George Cassen. George Goulding.
Thomas Cassen. John Dods.
William Rodes. William Johnson.
William White. William Unger.
Jam: Read, Blacksmith. Edward Brinto, Mason.
Jonas Profit, Sailer. William Love, Taylor.
Tho: Cowper, Barber. Nic: Scot, Drum.
Will: Garret, Bricklayer. Wil: Wilkinson, Chirurg.
Samuell Collier, boy. James Brumfield, boy.
Nat. Pecock, boy. Richard Mutton, boy.
With divers others to the number of 100.
Chap. II.
What happened till the first supply.
_The occasion of sickness._
_The sailors abuses._ {MN-1}
_A bad President._ {MN-2}
_Plentie unexpected._ {MN-3}
Being thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten dayes scarce
ten amongst us could either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknes and
sicknes oppressed us. And thereat none need marvaile, if they consider the
cause and reason, which was this; whilest the ships stayed, our allowance
was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of Bisket, {MN-1} which the
sailers would pilfer to sell, give, or exchange with us, for money,
Saxefras, furres, or love. But when they departed, there remained neither
taverne, beere house, nor place of reliefe, but the common Kettell. Had we
beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might have
beene canonized for Saints; But our President would never have beene
admitted, for ingrossing to his private, Oatmeale, Sacke, Oyle, Aquavitae,
Beefe, Egges, or what not, but the Kettell; that indeed he allowed equally
to be distributed, and that was halfe a pint of wheat, and as much barley
boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weekes
in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so that we might
truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our drinke was water, our
lodgings Castles in the ayre: with this lodging and dyet, our extreame
toile in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and
our continuall labour in the extremitie of the heat had so weakned us, as
were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native Countrey,
or any other place in the world. From May, to September, those that
escaped, lived upon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this time we
buried, {MN-2} the rest seeing the Presidents projects to escape these
miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want
nor sicknes) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established
Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead) Kendall deposed, Smith newly
recovered, Martin and Ratcliffe was by his care preserved and relieved,
and the most of the souldiers recovered, with the skilfull diligence of Mr.
Thomas Wotton our Chirurgian generall. But now was all our provision
spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the
fury of the Salvages; {MN-3} when God the patron of all good indevours, in
that desperate extremitie so changed the hearts of the Salvages, that they
brought such plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted.
And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councell to send forth
men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will shew them
plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such ill conceits; first, the
fault [III.45.] of our going was our owne, what could be thought fitting
or necessary we had, but what we should find, or want, or where we should
be, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two moneths,
with victuall to live, and the advantage of the spring to worke; we were at
Sea five moneths, where we both spent our victuall and lost the
opportunitie of the time, and season to plant, by the unskilfull
presumption of our ignorant transporters, that understood not at all, what
they undertooke.
Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene subject to such
accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties, but
nothing so difficult as to establish a Common wealth so farre remote from
men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so untoward as neither doe well
themselves, nor suffer others. But to proceed.
_The building of James Towne._ {MN-1}
_The beginning of Trade abroad._ {MN-2}
The new President and Martin, being little beloved, of weake judgement in
dangers, and lesse industrie in peace, committed the managing of all
things abroad to Captaine Smith: {MN-1} who by his owne example, good
words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde thatch, some
to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe alwayes bearing the
greatest taske for his owne share, so that in short time, he provided most
of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. This done, seeing the
Salvages superfluitie beginne to decrease (with some of his workemen)
shipped himselfe in the Shallop to search the Country for trade. The want
of the language, knowledge to mannage his boat without sailes, the want of
a sufficient power, (knowing the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for
his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no
discouragement. {MN-2} Being but six or seaven in company he went downe
the river to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a tarnished
man, and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne, a peece of
bread, for their swords and muskets, and such like proportions also for
their apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was nothing to be
had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced, though
contrary to his Commission: Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore,
whereat they all fled into the woods. So marching towards their houses,
they might see great heapes of corne: much adoe he had to restraine his
hungry souldiers from present taking of it, expecting as it hapned that
the Salvages would assault them, as not long after they did with a most
hydeous noyse. Sixtie or seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some
white, some party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing
out of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made of skinnes,
stuffed with mosse, all painted and hung with chaines and copper) borne
before them: and in this manner being well armed, with Clubs, Targets,
Bowes and Arrowes, they charged the English, that so kindly received them
with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God,
and divers lay sprauling on the ground; the rest fled againe to the woods,
and ere long sent one of their Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and
redeeme their Okee. Smith told them, if onely six of them would come
unarmed and loade his boat, he would not only be their friend, but restore
them their Okee, and give them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets besides: which
on both sides was to their contents performed: and then they brought him
Venison, Turkies, wild foule, bread, and what they had, singing and
dauncing in signe of friendship till they departed. In his returne he
discovered the Towne and Country of Warraskoyack.
Thus God unboundlesse by his power,
Made them thus kind, would us devour.
_Amoris, a Salvage his best friend slaine for loving us.
The discovery of Chickahamine._
_Another project to abandon the country._ {MN-1}
_John Robinson and Thomas Emry slaine._ {MN-2}
Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded but
from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinnace
to be provided with things fitting to get provision for the yeare
following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4. journies and discovered
the people of Chickahamania: yet what he carefully provided the rest
carelessly spent. Wingfield and Kendall living in disgrace, seeing all
things at randome in the [III.46.] absence of Smith, the companies
dislike of their Presidents weaknes, and their small love to Martins never
mending sicknes, strengthened themselves with the sailers, and other
confederates to regaine their former credit and authority, or at least
such meanes abord the Pinnace, (being fitted to saile as Smith had
appointed for trade) to alter her course and to goe for England. Smith
unexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had
to prevent it, till with store of sakre and musket shot he forced them
stay or sinke in the river, which action cost the life of captaine
Kendall. These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were
better forgotten, yet all men of good judgement will conclude, it were
better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines
beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The President and
captaine Archer not long after intended also to have abandoned the
country, which project also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith. {MN-1}
The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he victuall, nor his
souldiers more to abandon the Country, then he to keepe it. But finding
plentie of Corne in the river of Chickahamania where hundreds of Salvages
in divers places stood with baskets expecting his comming. And now the
winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese,
duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease,
pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as
far as we could eate them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists
desired to goe for England. But our Comaedies never endured long without a
Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, for
not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and taxed by the
Councell, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage hee
proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder he
made his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her
in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should goe a shore
till his returne: himselfe with two English and two Salvages went up
higher in a Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore,
whose want of government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the
Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed
not to have cut of the boat and all the rest. {MN-2} Smith little dreaming
of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, twentie
myles in the desert, had his two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by
the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who finding
he was beset with 200. Salvages, two of them hee slew, still defending
himselfe with the ayd of a Salvage his guid, whom he bound to his arme
with his garters, and used him as a buckler, yet he was shot in his thigh
a little, and had many arrowes that stucke in his cloathes but no great
hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner. When this newes came to James
towne, much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued.
Sixe or seven weekes those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange
triumphes and conjurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe
amongst them, as he not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but
procured his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such
estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more then their
owne Quiyouckosucks. The manner how they used and delivered him is as
followeth.
_Captaine Smith taken prisoner._
The Salvages having drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Smith was
gone, prosecuting that opportunity they followed him with 300. bowmen,
conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisions searching the
turnings of the river, found Robinson and Emry by the fire side; those
they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then finding the Captaine, as is said,
that used the Salvage that was his guide as his shield (three of them
being slaine and divers other so gauld) all the rest would not come neere
him. Thinking thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them, as he
marched, more then his way, slipped up to the middle in an oasie creeke &
his Salvage with him, yet durst they not come to him till, being neere
dead with cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their
composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men
were slaine. [III. 47.] Diligently they chafed his benummed limbs. He
demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him Opechankanough, King of
Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they
marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so
plainely, and yet not touch it, because of the glasse that covered them.
But when he demonstrated by that Globe-like Jewell, the roundnesse of the
earth, and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how
the Sunne did chase the night round about the world continually; the
greatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of
complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like
matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within
an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could stand about
him prepared to shoot him, but the King holding up the Compass in his
hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and in a triumphant
manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly feasted,
and well used.
_The order they observed in their triumph._
Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing themselves all in fyle,
the King in the middest had all their Peeces and swords borne before him.
Captaine Smith was led after him by three great Salvages, holding him fast
by each arme: and on each side six went in fyle with their Arrowes nocked.
But arriving at the Towne (which was but onely thirtie or fortie hunting
houses made of Mats, which they remove as they please, as we our tents)
all the women and children staring to behold him, the souldiers first all
in fyle performed the forme of a Bissom so well as could be, and on each
flanke, officers as Serjeants to see them keepe their orders. A good time
they continued this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dauncing
in such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes
and screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrowes,
and at his backe a club; on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne, or some
such matter for his vambrace; their heads and shoulders painted red, with
Oyle and Pocones mingled together, which Scarlet-like colour made an
exceeding handsome shew; his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird
with her wings abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white
shell, a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayles of their
snaks tyed to it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the
King stood in the middest guarded, as before is said, and after three
dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where
thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard him, and ere long more bread and
venison was brought him then would have served twentie men, I thinke his
stomacke at that time was not very good; what he left they put in baskets
and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the meate againe before
him, all this time not one of them would eate a bit with him, till the
next morning they brought him as much more, and then did they eate all the
old, & reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him thinke
they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to defend him
from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, in requitall of some
beads and toyes Smith had given him at his first arrivall in Virginia.
_How he should have been slaine at Orapacks._
Two dayes after a man would have slaine him (but that the guard prevented
it) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to recover the
poore man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at James towne he
had a water would doe it, if they would let him fetch it, but they would
not permit that; but made all the preparations they could to assault James
towne, craving his advice, and for recompence he should have life,
libertie, land, and women. In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to
them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction
to affright the messengers, and without fayle send him such things as he
writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficultie and danger, he told
the Salvages, of the Mines, great-gunnes, and other Engins exceedingly
affrighted them, yet according to his request they went to James towne, in
as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes
returned with an answer.
_How he saved James towne from being surprised._
_How they did Conjure him at Pamuankee._ {MN}
But when they came to James towne, seeing men sally out as he had told them
they would, they fled; yet in the night they came againe to the same place
where he had told them they should receive an answer, and such things
[III.48] as he had promised them, which they found accordingly, and with
which they returned with no small expedition, to the wonder of them all
that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speake:
then they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanients, the
Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients upon the rivers of
Raphanock, and Patawomek, over all those rivers, and backe againe by
divers other severall Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamaunkee, {MN}
where they entertained him with most strange and fearefulle Conjurations.
As if neare led to hell,
Amongst the Devils to dwell.
Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house,
and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other; on the one they caused
him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and presently came
skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled with
oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all their
tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a
tassell; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the
skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner
covered his face; with a hellish voyce and a rattle in his hand. With most
strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the
fire with a circle of meale; which done, three more such like devils came
rushing in with the like antique tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red:
but all their eyes were painted white, and some red stroakes like
Mutchato's, along their cheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a
pretty while, and then came in three more as ugly as the rest; with red
eyes, and white stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat
downe right against him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe
Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song,
which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe five wheat cornes: then
strayning his armes and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his
veynes swelled, he began a short Oration: at the conclusion they all gave
a short groane; and then layd down three graines more. After that, began
their song againe, and then another Oration, ever laying downe so many
cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire; that done, they
tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that purpose, continuing
still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they layd
downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor
they did either eate or drinke, and then they feasted merrily, with the
best provisions they could make. Three dayes they used this Ceremony; the
meaning whereof they told him was to know if he intended them well or no.
The circle of meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the
bounds of the Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to
be flat and round, like a trencher, and they in the middest. After this
they brought him a bagge of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved till
the next spring, to plant as they did their corne; because they would be
acquainted with the nature of that seede.
Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, with as many
platters of bread, foule, and wild beasts; as did environ him, he bid him
wellcome; but not any of them would eate a bit with him, but put up all
the remainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings
women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts, as a due by
Custome, to be merry with such fragments.
But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes,
Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.
_How Powhatan entertained him._
_How Pocahontas saved his life_ {MN}
At last they brought him to Meronocomo, where was Powhatan their Emperor.
Here more then two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him,
as he had beene a monster; till Powhatan and his trayne had put themselves
in their greatest braveries. Before a fire upon a seat like a bedsted, he
sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun skinnes, and all the
tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18
yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes of [III.49] men, and
behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red;
many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but every one
with something: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At
his entrance before the King, all the people gave a great shout. The
Queene of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands,
and another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towell to dry
them; having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a
long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were
brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged
him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs,
to beate out his braines, {MN} Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when
no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne
upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he
should live to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for
they thought him as well of all occupations as themselves. For the King
himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots; plant,
hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest.
They say he bore a pleasant shew,
But sure his heart was sad.
For who can pleasant be, and rest,
That lives in feare and dread:
And having life suspected, doth
It still suspected lead.
_How Powhatan sent him to James Towne._ {MN-1}
_The third project to abandon the Countrey._ {MN-2}
Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most fearefull
manner he could, caused Capt. Smith to be brought forth to a great house
in the woods, and there upon a mat by the fire to be left alone. {MN-1}
Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was made the
most dolefullest noyse he ever heard; then Powhatan more like a devill
then a man with some two hundred more as blacke as himselfe, came unto him
and told him now they were friends, and presently he should goe to James
towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a grynd-stone, for which he would
give him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteeme him as his
sonne Nantaquoud. So to James towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That
night they quarterd in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all
this long time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put to one death or
other: for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine
providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with
compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith
having used the Salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed Rawhunt,
Powhatans trusty servant two demi-Culverings & a millstone to carry
Powhatan: they found them some-what too heavie; but when they did see him
discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree
loaded with Isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling downe, that
the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare. But at last we regained
some conference with them, and gave them such toyes; and sent to Powhatan,
his women, and children such presents, as gave them in generall full
content. {MN-2} Now in James Towne they were all in combustion, the
strongest preparing once more to run away with the Pinnace; which with the
hazzard of his life, with Sakre falcon and musket shot, Smith forced now
the third time to stay or sinke. Some no better then they should be, had
plotted with the President, the next day to have put him to death by the
Leviticall law, for the lives of Robinson and Emry, pretending the fault
was his that had led them to their ends: but he quickly tooke such order
with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles till he sent some of
them prisoners for England. Now ever once in foure or five dayes,
Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved
many of their lives, that els for all this had starved with hunger.
Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,
The sweete asswager of all other griefe.
_A true proofe of Gods love to the action._
His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at Werawocomoco,
[III.50.] and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, (which till that time
was unknowne) so revived their dead spirits (especially the love of
Pocahontas) as all mens feare was abandoned. Thus you may see what
difficulties still crossed any good indevour: and the good successe of the
businesse being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet
you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it. As for the
insufficiency of them admitted in Commission, that error could not be
prevented by the Electors; there being no other choise, and all strangers
to each others education, qualities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a
shame to our Nation to have any mention made of those inormities, let them
peruse the Histories of the Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations, where
they may see how many mutinies, disorders, and dissentions have
accompanied them, and crossed their attempts: which being knowne to be
particular mens offences; doth take away the generall scorne and contempt,
which malice, presumption, covetousnesse, or ignorance might produce; to
the scandall and reproach of those, whose actions and valiant resolutions
deserve a more worthy respect.
_Of two evils the lesse was chosen._ {MN}
Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to have concluded with
any of those severall projects, to have abandoned the Countrey, with some
ten or twelve of them, who were called the better sort, and have left Mr.
Hunt our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, worthy, and
industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton, and some 27 others of his
Countrymen to the fury of the Salvages, famine, and all manner of
mischiefes, and inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in all to keepe
possession of this large Country;) or {MN} starve himselfe with them for
company, for want of lodging: or but adventuring abroad to make them
provision, or by his opposition to preserve the action, and save all their
lives; I leave to the censure of all honest men to consider. But
We men imagine in our Jolitie,
That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be.
But then anone wee alter this againe,
If happily wee feele the sence of paine;
For then we're turn'd into a mourning vaine.
Written by Thomas Studley, the first Cape Merchant in Virginia, Robert
Fenton, Edward Harrington, and J. S.
Chap. III.
The Arrivall of the first supply, with their
Proceedings, and the Ships returne.
A. D. 1607
_The Phoenix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indies._ {MN}
All this time our care was not so much to abandon the Countrey; but the
Treasurer and Councell in England, were as diligent & carefull to supply
us. Two good ships they sent us, with neare a hundred men, well furnished
with all things could be imagined necessary, both for them and us; The one
commanded by Captaine Newport: the other by Captaine Francis Nelson, an
honest man, and an expert Marriner. {MN} But such was the lewardnesse of
his Ship (that though he was within the sight of Cape Henry) by stormy
contrary winds was he forced so farre to Sea, that the West Indies was the
next land, for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water.
But Newport got in and arrived at James Towne, not long after the
redemption of Captaine Smith. To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every
other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serve them
from hand to mouth: part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their
Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clarke set the price
himselfe, how they should sell: so he had inchanted these poore [III.51.]
soules being their prisoner; and now Newport, whom he called his Father
arriving, neare as directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an
Oracle, and had them at that submission he might command them what he
listed. That God that created all things they knew he adored for his God:
they would also in their discourses tearme the God of Captaine Smith.
_Their opinion of our God._
Thus the Almightie was the bringer on,
The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone.
_Smiths revisting Powhatan_ {MN}
But the President and Councell so much envied his estimation among the
Salvages, (though we all in generall equally participated with him of the
good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages understandings (by
their great bounty in giving foure times more for their commodities then
Smith appointed) that their greatnesse and authoritie as much exceeded
his, as their bountie and liberalitie. Now the arrivall of this first
supply so overjoyed us, that wee could not devise too much to please the
Marriners. We gave them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures.
But in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of
Copper, which before was sould us for an ounce: thus ambition and
sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the
greatnesse of Capt. Newport, (wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan)
especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could
prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him: so that this great Savage
desired also to see him. A great coyle there was to set him forward. {MN}
When he went he was accompanied with Captaine Smith, & Mr. Scrivener, a
very wise understanding Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the
Councell, with thirtie or fortie chosen men for their guard. Arriving at
Werowocomoco, Newports conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and
suspitions of trecheries, which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with
twentie men well appointed, undertooke to encounter the worst that could
happen: Knowing
All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus
Both one while scourgeth, and that helpeth us.
Gent.
Nathaniell Powell, Richard Wyffin.
Robert Behethland. John Taverner.
Michell Phittiplace. William Dyer.
William Phittiplace. Thomas Coe.
Anthony Gosnoll. Thomas Hope.
Anas Todkill.
_Powhatan his entertainment._ {MN-1}
_The exchange of a Christian for a Salvage._ {MN-2}
These, with nine others (whose names I have forgotten) comming a-shore,
landed amongst a many of creekes, over which they were to passe such poore
bridges, onely made of a few cratches, thrust in the ose, and three or
foure poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like, tyed together
onely with barkes of trees, that it made them much suspect those bridges
were but traps. Which caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe over
first, keeping some of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men were
passed, to make a guard for himselfe and the rest. But finding all things
well, by two or three hundred Salvages they were kindly conducted to their
towne. {MN-1} Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the utmost of his
greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of joy, Orations of
protestations; and with the most plenty of victualls he could provide to
feast them. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbrodered
(after their rude manner with pearle and white Beads) his attyre a faire
robe of skinnes as large as an Irish mantell: at his head and feete a
handsome young woman: on each side his house sat twentie of his
Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of
white beads about each of their neckes. Before those sat his chiefest men
in like order in his arbour-like house, and more then fortie platters of
fine bread stood as a guard in two fyles on each side the doore. Foure or
five hundred people made a guard behinde them for our passage; and
Proclamation was made, none upon paine of death to presume to doe us any
wrong or discourtesie. With many pretty Discourses to renew their old
acquaintance, [III.52] this great King and our Captaine spent the time,
till the ebbe left our Barge aground. Then renewing their feasts with
feates, dauncing and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night
with Powhatan. The next day Newport came a shore and received as much
content as those people could give him: {MN-2} a boy named Thomas Salvage
was then given unto Powhatan, whom Newport called his sonne; for whom
Powhatan gave him Namontack his trustie servant, and one of a shrewd,
subtill capacitie. Three or foure dayes more we spent in feasting,
dauncing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himselfe so proudly, yet
discreetly (in his salvage manner) as made us all admire his naturall
gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subjects did;
he bespake Newport in this manner.
_Powhatans speech._
_Differences of opinion._ {MN-1}
_James towne burnt._ {MN-2}
_A ship Idely loytering 14. weekes._ {MN-3}
_The effect of mere verbalists._ {MN-4}
_A needlesse charge._ {MN-5}
_A return to England._ {MN-6}
Captaine Newport it is not agreeable to my greatnesse, in this pedling
manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you also a great Werowance.
Therefore lay me downe all your commodities together; what I like I will
take, and in recompence give you what I thinke fitting their value.
Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father,
knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, tould us his intent was but
onely to cheate us; yet Captaine Newport thinking to out brave this
Salvage in ostentation of greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with his
bountie, as to have what he listed, it so hapned, that Powhatan having his
desire, valued his corne at such a rate, that I thinke it better cheape in
Spaine: for we had not foure bushells for that we expected to have twentie
hogsheads. {MN-1} This bred some unkindnesse betweene our two Captaines;
Newport seeking to please the unsatiable desire of the Salvage, Smith to
cause the Salvage to please him; but smothering his distast to avoyd the
Salvages suspition, glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who
fixed his humor upon a few blew beades. A long time he importunately
desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as being
composed of a most rare substance of the coulour of the skyes, and not to
be worne but by the greatest kings in the world. This made him halfe madde
to be the owner of such strange Jewells: so that ere we departed, for a
pound or two of blew beades, he brought over my king for 2. or 300.
Bushells of corne; yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we
found of Opechankanough king of Pamaunkee, whom also he in like manner
fitted (at the like rates) with blew beads, which grew by this meanes, of
that estimation, that none durst weare any of them but their great kings,
their wives and children. And so we returned all well to James towne,
{MN-2} where this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidentally
fired their quarters and so the towne, which being but thatched with
reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their Pallisado's, (though eight
or ten yards distant) with their Armes, bedding, apparell, and much
private provision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his Library and
all he had but the cloathes on his backe: yet none never heard him repine
at his losse. This happned in the winter in that extreame frost, 1607.
{MN-3} Now though we had victuall sufficient I meane onely of Oatmeale,
meale and corne, yet the Ship staying 14. weekes when shee might as wel
have beene gone in 14. dayes, spent a great part of that, and neare all
the rest that was sent to be landed. When they departed what there
discretion could spare us, to make a little poore meale or two, we called
feastes, to relish our mouthes: of each somwhat they left us, yet I must
confesse, those that had either money, spare clothes credit to give billes
of paiment, gold rings, furrs, or any such commodities, were ever welcome
to this removing taverne, such was our patience to obay such vile
Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15 times the value, suffering
them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast, least we
should incurre the censure of factious and seditious persons: and then
leakage, ship-rats, and other casuallties occasioned them losse, but the
vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receave with all our
hearts to make up the account, highly commending their providence for
preserving that, least they should discourage any more to come to us. Now
for all this plenty our ordynary was but meale and water, so that this
great charge little releeved our wants, whereby with the extremitie of the
bitter cold frost and those [III.53.] defects, more then halfe of us dyed;
I cannot deny but both Smith and Skrivener did their best to amend what
was amisse, but with the President went the major part, that there hornes
were to short. {MN-4} But the worst was our guilded refiners with their
golden promises made all men their slaves in hope of recompences; there
was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold,
loade gold, such a bruit of gold, that one mad fellow desired to be buried
in the sands least they should by there art make gold of his bones: little
neede there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay, there wages run
on, our victualls consume 14. weekes, that the Mariners might say, they
did helpe to build such a golden Church that we can say the raine washed
neere to nothing in 14. dayes. {MN-5} Were it that captaine Smith would
not applaude all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to
the sight of their trialls nor golden consultations, I know not; but I
have heard him oft question with Captaine Martin & tell him, except he
could shew him a more substantiall triall, he was not inamoured with their
durty skill, breathing out these and many other passions, never any thing
did more torment him, then to see all necessary busines neglected, to
fraught such a drunken ship with so much guilded durt. Till then we never
accounted, Captaine Newport a refiner, {MN-6} who being ready to set saile
for England, & we not having any use of Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions,
Admiralls, Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor
Justices of peace, sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer home with
him, that had ingrossed all those titles, to seeke some better place of
imployment.
Oh cursed gold those, hunger-starved movers,
To what misfortunes lead'st thou all those lovers!
For all the China wealth, nor Indies can
Suffice the minde of an av'ritious man.
Chap. IIII.
The Arrivall of the Phoenix; her returne; and
other Accidents.
_The rebuilding James Towne._ {MN-1}
_Sixtie appointed to discover the Monacans._ {MN-2}
The authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin, and the still sickly
President, the sale of the Stores commodities maintained his estate, as an
inheritable revenew. {MN-1} The spring approaching, and the Ship
departing, Mr. Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided betwixt them the
rebuilding James towne; the repairing our Pallizadoes; the cutting downe
trees; preparing our fields; planting our corne, and to rebuild our
Church, and recover our Store house. All men thus busie at their severall
labours, Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phoenix; lost (I say) for
that we all deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so well he had
mannaged his ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles to feede his company, that
his victuall to that we had gotten, as is said before, was neare after our
allowance sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he freely
imparted it, which honest dealing (being a Marriner) caused us admire him:
we would not have wished more then he did for us. Now to relade this ship
with some good tydings, the President (not holding it stood with the
dignitie of his place to leave the Fort) gave order to Captaine Smith to
discover and search the commodities of the Monacans Countrey beyond the
Falls. {MN-2} Sixtie able men was allotted them, the which within six
dayes, Smith had so well trained to their armes and orders, that they
little feared with whom they should incounter: yet so unseasonable was the
time, and so opposit was Captaine Martin to any thing, but onely to
fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith
rather desired to relade her with Cedar, (which was a present dispatch)
then either with durt, or the hopes and reports of an uncertaine
discovery, which he would performe when they had lesse charge and more
leisure.
But, The God of Heav'n, He eas'ly can [III. 54.]
Immortalize a mortall man,
With glory and with fame.
The same God, ev'n as eas'ly may
Afflict a mortall man, I say,
With sorrow and with shame.
Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned.
_An ill example to sell swords to Salvages._
_The Presidents weaknesse._ {MN-1}
_Smiths attempt to suppresse the Salvages insolences._ {MN-2}
_Powhatans excuse._ {MN-3}
Powhatan (to expresse his love to Newport) when he departed, presented him
with twentie Turkies, conditionally to returne him twentie swords, which
immediately was sent him; now after his departure he presented Captaine
Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humor obeyed in not
sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his people with twentie
devices to obtaine them. At last by ambuscadoes at our very Ports they
would take them perforce, surprise us at worke, or any way; which was so
long permitted, they became so insolent there was no rule; the command
from England was so strait not to offend them, {MN-1} as our
authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing then
peace-breakers. This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced they
medled with Captaine Smith, {MN-2} who without farther deliberation gave
them such an incounter, as some he so hunted up and downe the Isle, some
he so terrified with whipping, beating, and imprisonment, as for revenge
they surprised two of our forraging disorderly souldiers, and having
assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to
redeliver seven Salvages, which for their villanies he detained prisoners,
or we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out
amongst them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred their insolencies,
they brought them his two men, desiring peace without any further
composition for their prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all
beleeve, by severall vollies of shot one of their companions was shot to
death, because they would not confesse their intents and plotters of those
villanies. And thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed onely
by Powhatan to obtaine him our weapons, to cut our owne throats, with the
manner where, how, and when, which we plainly found most true and
apparant: {MN-3} yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter
Pocahontas with presents to excuse him of the injuries done by some rash
untoward Captaines his subjects, desiring their liberties for this time,
with the assurance of his love for ever. After Smith had given the
prisoners what correction he thought fit, used them well a day or two
after, & then delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake onely he fayned to
have saved their lives, and gave them libertie. The patient Councell that
nothing would move to warre with the Salvages, would gladly have wrangled
with Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet none was slaine to any mans
knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and obedience, as his very
name would sufficiently affright them; where before, wee had sometime
peace and warre twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke, but we had some
trecherous villany or other.
_A ship fraught with Cedar._
The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of
the Master, and Captaine Smith, she was quickly reladed: Master Scrivener
was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort; the Ship being
ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being alwayes very sickly, and
unserviceable, and desirous to injoy the credit of his supposed Art of
finding the golden Mine, was most willingly admitted to returne for
England. For
He hath not fill'd his lapp,
That still doth hold it oap.
From the writings of Thomas Studley,
and Anas Todkill.
1608.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
Their Names that were landed in this Supply. [III. 55.]
Mathew Scrivener appointed to be one of the Councell.
Gent.
Michaell Phittiplace. Doctor Russell.
William Phittiplace. Jeffrey Abbot.
Ralph Morton. Edward Gurgana.
Richard Wyffing. Richard Worley.
John Taverner. Timothy Leeds.
William Cantrell. Richard Killingbeck.
Robert Barnes. William Spence.
Richard Fetherstone. Richard Prodger.
George Hill. Richard Pots.
George Pretty. Richard Mullinax.
Nathaniell Causy. William Bayley.
Peter Pory. Francis Perkins.
Robert Cutler. John Harper.
Michaell Sicklemore. George Forest.
William Bentley. John Nichols.
Thomas Coe. William Grivell.
Labourers.
Raymond Goodison. Nicholas Ven.
William Simons. Francis Perkins.
John Spearman. Richard Gradon.
Richard Bristow. Rawland Nelstrop.
William Perce. Richard Savage.
James Watkins. Thomas Savage.
John Bouth. Richard Milmer.
Christopher Rods. William May.
Richard Burket. Vere.
James Burre. Michaell.
Bishop Wiles.
Taylers.
Thomas Hope. William Yong.
William Ward. William Beckwith.
John Powell. Larence Towtales.
Apothecaries.
Thomas Field. John Harford.
Danl: Stallings, Jeweller. Richard Belfield,
Will: Dawson, a refiner. a Goldsmith.
Abram Ransack, a refiner. Post Ginnat, a Chirurg.
Wil: Johnson, a Goldsmith. John Lewes, a Cooper.
Peter Keffer, a gunsmith. Robert Cotton, a Tobacco
Rob: Alberton, a perfumer. pipe-maker.
Richard Dole, a Blacksmith.
And divers others to the number of 120.
DISCOVERY OF THE CHESAPEAKE
A.D. 1608.