CHAPTER VII

THE STUART PERIOD

1603-1640

One of the first acts of King James on his accession to the English

throne was to strengthen the hands of the already powerful Company of

Stationers. Hitherto all Primers and Psalters had been the exclusive

privilege of the successors of Day and Seres, while Almanacs and

Prognostications, another large and profitable source of revenue, had

been the property of James Roberts and Richard Watkins. But now, by the

royal authority, these two valuable patents were turned over to the

Stationers to form part of their English stock. At the same time, the

privileges of Robert Barker, son and successor to Christopher Barker,

and king's printer by reversion, were increased by grants for printing

all statutes, hitherto the monopoly of other printers. On the other

hand, Robert Barker did not retain the sole possession of the royal

business as men like Berthelet and Pynson had been wont to do, but had

joined with him in the patent John Norton, who had a special grant for

printing all books in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and John Bill, who

probably obtained his share by purchase. These three men were thus the

chief printers during the early part of this reign.

Robert Barker had been made free of the Stationers' Company in 1589,

when he joined his father's assigns, George Bishop and Ralph Newbery, in

the management of the business. He was admitted to the livery of the

Company in 1592, and upon his father's death succeeded to the office of

King's printer by reversion. In 1601-2 he was warden of the Company, and

filled the office of Master in 1605. Some time before 1618 he sold his

moiety of the business to Bonham Norton and John Bill, and this

arrangement was confirmed by Royal Charter in 1627.

Upon the death of Bonham Norton, Barker's name again appears in the

imprint of the firm, and he continued printing until about 1645. It is

said by Ames (vol. ii. p. 1091), and has been repeated by all writers

since his day, that Robert Barker was committed to the King's Bench

Prison in 1635, and that he remained a prisoner there until his death in

1645. No confirmation of this can be found in the State Papers; indeed

the fact that he accompanied Charles I. to Newcastle in 1636, and was

printing in other parts of England until 1640, proves that he could not

have been in prison the whole of the time from 1635 to 1645.

Robert Barker's work was almost entirely of an official character, the

printing of the Scriptures, Book of Common Prayer, Statutes and

Proclamations.

His work was very unequal, and his type, mostly of black letter, was not

of the best.

His most important undertaking was the so-called 'authorised version' of

the Bible in 1611. As a matter of fact it never was authorised in any

official sense. The undertaking was proposed at a conference of divines,

held at Hampton Court in 1604. The King manifested great interest in the

scheme, but did not put his hand in his pocket towards the expenses, and

the divines who undertook the translation obtained little except fame

for their labours, while the whole cost of printing was borne by Robert

Barker. Like all previous editions of the Scriptures in folio, this

Bible of 1611 was printed in great primer black letter. It was preceded

by an elaborately engraved title-page, the work of C. Boel of Richmond,

and had also an engraved map of Canaan, partly the work of John Speed.

The type and ornaments were the same as had been used to print the first

edition of the 'Bishops' Bible,' the initial letter to the Psalms

containing the arms of Whittingham and Cecil.

[Illustration: FIG. 30.--From the Bible of 1611.]

Barker also possessed the handsome pictorial initial letters which had

been used by John Day, and many of the ornaments and initials previously

in the office of Henry Bynneman.

John Norton was the son of Richard Norton, a yeoman of Billingsley,

county Shropshire; he was nephew of William Norton, and cousin of Bonham

Norton, and was thus connected by marriage with the sixteenth century

bookseller, William Bonham. He was three times Master of the Stationers'

Company, in 1607, 1610, and 1612. On his death, in 1612, he left £1000

to the Company of Stationers, not as is generally stated as a legacy of

his own, but rather as trustee of the bequest of his uncle, William

Norton. The bulk of his property he left to his cousin, Bonham Norton

(P. C. C. 5 Capell).

His press will always be remembered for the magnificent edition of the

_Works of St. Chrysostom_, in eight folio volumes, printed at Eton in

1610, at the charge of Sir Henry Savile, the editor. The late T. B.

Reed, in his _History of the Old English Letter Foundries_ (p. 140),

speaks of this edition as 'one of the most splendid examples of Greek

printing in this country,' and further describes the types with which it

was printed as 'a great primer body, very elegantly and regularly cast,

with the usual numerous ligatures and abbreviations which characterised

the Greek typography of that period' (p. 141).

[Illustration: FIG. 31.--Dedication of Savile's _St. Chrysostom_. Eton,

1610.]

The work is said to have cost its promoter £8000.

The title-page to the first volume was handsomely engraved, and a highly

ornamental series of initial letters were used in it.

Another Greek work that Norton completed at Eton in the same year was

the _Sancti Gregorii Nazianzeni in Julianum Invectivae duae_, in quarto.

In addition to his patent for printing Greek and Latin books, Norton

also acquired from Francis Rea his patent for printing grammars, and by

his will he directed a sum of money to be paid out of the profits of

this patent to his wife Joyce.

John Bill was the son of Walter Bill, husbandman, of Wenlock, county

Salop, and on the 25th July 1592 he apprenticed himself to John Norton.

In 1601 he was admitted a freeman of the Company.

He appears to have been a man of shrewd business ability and some

scholarship, as we find him writing in Latin to Dr. Wideman of Augsburg

on the subject of books. He was also looked upon by the Government as an

authority on matters concerning his business. Under his partnership with

Bonham Norton, he secured a large share in the Royal business. John

Norton bequeathed him a legacy of £10, and a similar sum to his wife.

John Bill died in 1632, and on the 26th August of that year the whole of

his stock was assigned to Mistress Joyce Norton, the widow of John

Norton, and Master Whittaker. The list fills upwards of two pages of

Arber's _Transcripts_ (vol. iv. pp. 283-285), and includes the following

notable works:--

Beza's _Testament_ in Latin, Camden's _Britannia_, Comines' _History_,

Cornelius Tacitus, Du Moulin's _Defence of the Catholique Faith_,

Gerard's _Herball_, Goodwin's _History of Henry VIII._, Plutarch's

_Works_, Rider's _Dictionary_, Spalato's _Sermons_, Usher's _Gravissimæ

questiones_, Verstegan's _Restitution of Decayed Intelligence_.

The reversion of John Norton's patent for Greek and Latin books had been

granted in 1604 to Robert Barker (Dom. S. P. 1604), but the year

following Norton's death it was granted to Bonham Norton for thirty

years (Dom. S. P. I., vol. 72, No. 5), and he also seems to have

acquired the patent for printing grammars.

Bonham Norton was the only son of William Norton, stationer of London,

who died in 1593, by his wife Joan, the daughter of William Bonham. He

took up his freedom on the 4th February 1594, and was Master of the

Stationers' Company in the years 1613, 1626, and 1629, and must have

been one of the richest men in the trade. He was joined with Thomas

Wight in a patent for printing _Abridgements of the Statutes_ in 1599,

and later with John Bill in a share of the Royal printing-house. He is

frequently mentioned in wills and other documents of this period. At the

time of John Norton's death Bonham had a family of five sons and four

daughters. He died intestate on the 5th April 1635, and administration

of his estate was granted to his son John on the 28th May 1636 (Admon,

Act Book 1636).

On the 9th May 1615 an order was made by the Court of the Stationers'

Company, upon complaint made by the master printers of the number of

presses then at work, that only nineteen printers, exclusive of the

patentees, _i.e._ Robert Barker, John Bill, and Bonham Norton, should

exercise the craft of printing in the city of London. There is nothing

in the work of these men, judged as specimens of the printer's art, to

interest us, but there were some whose work was of very much better

character than others.

Richard Field, the successor of Thomas Vautrollier, and a

fellow-townsman of Shakespeare, has already been spoken of in an earlier

chapter. He printed many important books between 1601-1624, had two

presses at work in 1615, and was Master of the Company in 1620. He

maintained the high character that Vautrollier had given to the

productions of his press.

Felix Kingston was the son of John Kingston of Paternoster Row, and was

admitted a freeman of the Stationers' Company on the 25th of June 1597,

being translated from the Company of Grocers. Throughout the first half

of the seventeenth century his press was never idle. He was Master of

the Company in 1637.

Edward Aide was the son of John Aide of the Long Shop in the Poultry. He

had two presses, and printed very largely for other men, but his type

and workmanship were poor.

William and Isaac Jaggard are best known as the printers of the works of

Shakespeare. They were associated in the production of the first folio

in 1623, which came from the press of Isaac Jaggard and Edward Blount,

at the charges of William Jaggard, Edward Blount, J. Smethwicke, and

William Aspley; the editors being the poet's friends, J. Heminge and H.

Condell.

In addition to being the first collected edition of Shakespeare's works,

this was in many respects a remarkable volume. The best copies measure

13-1/2 x 8-1/2''. The title-page bears the portrait of the poet by

Droeshout. The dedicatory epistle is in large italic type, and is

followed by a second epistle, 'To the Readers,' in Roman. The verses in

praise of the author, by Ben Jonson and others, are printed in a second

fount of italic, and the Contents in a still smaller fount of the same

letter. The text, printed in double columns, is in Roman and Italic,

each page being enclosed within printer's rules. Of these various

types, the best is the large italic, which somewhat resembles Day's

fount of the same letter. That of the text is exceedingly poor, while

the setting of the type and rules leaves much to be desired. The

arrangement and pagination are erratic. The book, like many other

folios, was made up in sixes, and the first alphabet of signatures is

correct and complete, while the second runs on regularly to the

completion of the Comedies on cc.2. The Histories follow with a fresh

alphabet, which the printer began as 'aa,' and continued as 'a' until he

got to 'g,' when he inserted a 'gg' of eight leaves, and then continued

from 'i' to 'x' in sixes to the end of the Histories. The Tragedies

begin with _Troilus and Cresside_, the insertion of which was evidently

an afterthought, as there is no mention of it in the 'Contents' of the

volume, and the signatures of the sheets are ¶ followed by ¶¶ six leaves

each. Then they start afresh with 'aa' and proceed regularly to 'hh,'

the end of the _Macbeth_, the following signature being 'kk,' thus

omitting the remainder of signature 'hh' and the whole of 'ii.' In a

series of interesting letters communicated to _Notes and Queries_ (8 S.

vol. viii. pp. 306, 353, 429), the make up of this volume is explained

very plausibly. The copyright of _Troilus and Cresside_ belonged to R.

Bonian and H. Walley, who apparently refused at first to give their

sanction to its publication. But by that time it had been printed, and

the sheets signed for it to follow _Macbeth_, so that it had to be taken

out. Arrangements having at last been made for its insertion in the

work, it was reprinted and inserted where it is now found. It is also

surmised that the original intention was to publish the work in three

parts, and to this theory the repetition of the signatures lends colour.

One of the most interesting presses of the early Stuart period, both for

the excellence of its work and the nature of the books that came from

it, was that of William Stansby. This printer took up his freedom on the

7th January 1597, after serving a seven years' apprenticeship with John

Windet. The following April he registered a book entitled _The Polycie

of the Turkishe Empire_. This little quarto was, however, printed for

him by his old master, John Windet, and there is no further entry in the

registers until 1611, or fourteen years after the date at which he took

up his freedom.

It would appear that Stansby began to print in 1609 with an edition of

Greene's _Pandosto_, which was not registered. In 1611 he purchased the

copyright in the books of John Windet for 13s. 40d., but three of them

the Company added to its stock, with the undertaking that Stansby should

always have the printing of them. One of these books was _The Assize of

Bread_. On the 23rd February 1625 the whole of William East's copies,

including music, was assigned over to him. This list of books is the

longest to be found in the registers, and covers every branch of

literature.

About this time Stansby got into trouble with the Company for printing a

seditious book, and his premises were nailed up, but eventually they

were restored to him, and he continued in business until 1639, when his

stock was transferred to Richard Bishop, and eventually came into the

hands of John Haviland and partners.

Among his more important works may be mentioned the second and

subsequent editions of Hooker's _Ecclesiastical Politie_, in folio; the

_Works_ of Ben Jonson, 1616, folio; Eadmer's _Historia Novorum_,1623,

folio; Selden's _Mare Clausum_, 1635, folio; Blundeville's _Exercises_,

1622, quarto; Coryate's _Crudities_,1611, quarto.

He possessed a considerable stock of type, most of it good. Some of the

ornamental headbands and initial letters that he used were of an

artistic character, and were used with good effect. An instance of this

may be seen in his edition of Hooker, 1611, which has an engraved

title-page by William Hole, showing a view of St. Paul's. The page of

Contents is surrounded on three sides by a border made up of odds and

ends of printers' ornaments, yet, in spite of its miscellaneous

character, the effect is by no means bad. The border to the title-page

of the fifth book was one of a series that formed part of the stock of

the Company, and were lent out to any who required them. Stansby's

presswork was uniformly good, and in this respect alone he may be ranked

among the best printers of his time.

Another of the printers referred to in the list was somewhat of a

refractory character, a printer of popular books at the risk of

imprisonment, a class of men who were to figure largely in the events of

the next few years. Nicholas Okes is known best, perhaps, as the printer

of some of the writings of Dekker, Greene, and Heywood; but in 1621 he

printed, without license, _Wither's Motto_, a tract from the pen of

George Wither, which had been published by John Marriot a short time

before. This satire aroused the ire of the Government, and all connected

with it at once made the acquaintance of the nearest jail. In the State

Papers for that year are preserved the examination of the author, the

booksellers, and the printer, Nicholas Okes. One of the witnesses

declared that Okes told him that he had printed the book with the

consent of the Company, and that the Master (Humphrey Lownes) had

declared that if he was committed they would get him discharged. Another

declared that Okes had printed two impressions of 3000 each, using the

same title-page as that to the first edition, and that one of the

wardens of the Company (Matthew Lownes) continued to sell the book, and

called for more copies. The only defence Okes made was that he believed

the book to be duly licensed, and when challenged as to why he printed

Marriot's name on the title-page, declared he simply printed the book as

he found it. (S. P. Dom. James I., vol. cxxii. Nos. 12 _et seq._)

On the 10th December 1623 an end was put for the time to the disputes

that had for so long a period been raised by the Stationers' Company to

the rights of the printers of the University of Cambridge.

The Company's last attempt to suppress Cantrell Legg, and prevent him

from printing grammars and prayer-books, led to an appeal to the King,

who made short work of the matter by ordering the two parties to come to

an agreement. The terms of the settlement were:--

1. That all books should be sold at reasonable prices.

2. That the University should be allowed to print, conjointly with the

London stationers, all books except the Bible, Book of Common Prayer,

grammar, psalms, psalters, primers, etc., but they were only to employ

one press upon privileged books.

3. That the University should print no almanacs then belonging to the

Stationers, but they might print prognostications brought to them

first.

4. That the Stationers should not hinder the sale of University books.

5. That the University printer should be at liberty to sell all grammars

and psalms that he had already printed, and such as had been seized by

the Company were to be restored.

To the last clause a note was added to the effect that Bonham Norton was

prepared to buy them at reasonable prices.

On the accession of Charles I. plague paralysed trade and made gaps in

the ranks of the Stationers' Company. During the autumn of 1624 and the

following year several noted printers died, probably from this cause.

Chief among these were George Eld, Edward Aide, and Thomas Snodham. Eld

was succeeded by his partner, Miles Flessher or Fletcher, and Aide by

his widow, Elizabeth. Thomas Snodham had inherited the business of

Thomas East. The copyright in these passed to William Stansby, one of

his executors; but the materials of the office, that is the types,

woodcut letters, and ornaments, and the presses, were sold to William

Lee for £165, and shortly afterwards passed into the possession of

Thomas Harper. They included a fount of black letter, and several founts

of Roman and Italic of all sizes, and one of Greek letter, all of which

had belonged to Thomas East, and were by this time the worse for wear.

But the plague was at the worst only a temporary hindrance; the

censorship of the press the printers had always with them, and this,

which had been comparatively mildly used during the late reign, was now

in the hands of men who wielded it with severity. During the next

fifteen years the printers, publishers, and booksellers of London were

subjected to a persecution hitherto unknown. During that time there were

few printers who did not know the inside of the Gatehouse or the

Compter, or who were not subjected to heavy fines. For the literature of

that age was chiefly of a religious character, and its tone mainly

antagonistic to Laud and his party. All other subjects, whether

philosophical, scientific, or dramatic, were sorely neglected. The later

works of Bacon, the plays of Shirley and Shakerley Marmion, and a few

classics, most of which came from the University presses, are sparsely

scattered amongst the flood of theological discussion. The history of

the best work in the trade in London is practically the history of three

men--John Haviland, Miles Fletcher, and Robert Young, who joined

partnership and, in addition to a share in the Royal printing-house,

obtained by purchase the right of printing the _Abridgements to the

Statutes_, and bought up several large and old-established

printing-houses, such as those of George Purslowe, Edward Griffin, and

William Stansby. Bernard Alsop and Thomas Fawcett were also among the

large capitalists of this time, while Nathaniel Butter, Nicholas

Bourne, and Thomas Archer were also interested in several businesses

beside their own. From the press of Haviland came editions of Bacon's

_Essays_, in quarto, in 1625, 1629, 1632; of his _Apophthegmes_, in

octavo, in 1625; of his _Miscellanies_, an edition in quarto, in 1629,

and his _Opera Moralia_ in 1638. From the press of Fletcher came the

_Divine Poems_ of Francis Quarles, in 1633, 1634, and 1638, and the

_Hieroglyphikes of the life of Man_, by the same author, in 1638; while

amongst Young's publications, editions of _Hamlet_ and _Romeo and

Juliet_ appeared in 1637. Bernard Alsop and his partner printed the

plays of Beaumont and Fletcher, Decker, Greene, Lodge, and Shirley, the

poems of Brathwait, Breton, and Crashaw, and the writings of Fuller and

More.

But the most notable books of this period were not those enumerated

above, but rather those which brought their authors, printers, and

publishers within the clutches of the law, and the story of the struggle

for freedom of speech is one of the most interesting in the history of

English printing. Three men--Henry Burton, rector of St. Matthews,

Friday Street; William Prynne, barrister of Lincoln's Inn; and John

Bastwick, surgeon, are generally looked upon as the chief of the

opposition to Laud and his party; but there were a number of other

writers on the same subject, whose works brought them into the Court of

High Commission. Thus, on the 15th February 1626, Benjamin Fisher,

bookseller, John Okes, Bernard Alsop, and Thomas Fawcett, printers, were

examined concerning a book which they had caused to be printed and sold,

called _A Short View of the Long Life and reign of Henry the Third_, of

which Sir Robert Cotton was the author. Fisher stated in his evidence

that five sheets of this book were printed by John Okes, and one other

by Alsop and Fawcett, which in itself is an indication of the immense

difficulty that must have attended the discovery of the printers of

forbidden books. The manuscript Fisher declared he had bought from

Alsop, who, in his turn, said that he bought it of one Ferdinando Ely,

'a broker in books,' for the sum of twelvepence, and printed what was

equivalent to a thousand copies of the one sheet delivered to him,

'besides waste.' Nicholas Okes declared that his son John had printed

the book without his knowledge and while he (Nicholas) was a prisoner in

the Compter. Ferdinando Ely was a second-hand bookseller in Little

Britain.

No very serious consequences seem to have followed in this instance; but

in the following year (1628), Henry Burton was charged by the same

authorities with being the author of certain unlicensed books, _The

Baiting of the Pope's Bull_, _Israel's Fast_, _Trial of Private

Devotions_, _Conflicts and Comforts of Conscience_, _A Plea to an

Appeal_, and _Seven Vials_. The first of these was licensed, but the

remainder were not. They were said to have been printed by Michael

Sparke and William Jones; Sparke was a bookseller, carrying on business

at the sign of the Blue Bible, in Green Arbour, in little Old Bayley,

and he employed William Jones to print for him. The parties were then

warned to be careful, but on 2nd April 1629 Sparke was arrested and

thrown into the Fleet, and with him, at the same time, were charged

William Jones, Augustine Mathewes, printers, and Nathaniel Butter,

printer and publisher. Butter's offence was the issuing of a newspaper

or pamphlet called _The Reconciler_; Sparke was charged with causing to

be printed another of Burton's works, entitled _Babel no Bethel_, and

Spencer's _Musquil Unmasked_; while Augustine Mathewes was accused of

printing, for Sparke, William Prynne's _Antithesis of the Church of

England_. Each party put in an answer, and of these, Michael Sparke's is

the most interesting. He declared that the decree of 1586 was contrary

to Magna Charta, and an infringement of the liberties of the subject,

and he refused to say who, beside Mathewes, had printed Prynne's book;

it afterwards turned out to be William Turner of Oxford, who confessed

to printing several other unlicensed books. A short term of imprisonment

appears to have been the punishment inflicted on the parties in this

instance.

Both in 1630 and 1631 several other printers suffered imprisonment from

the same cause, and Michael Sparke, who appears to have given out the

work in most cases, was declared to be more refractory and offensive

than ever.

In 1632 appeared William Prynne's noted book, _The Histrio-Mastix_, _The

Player's Scourge or Actor's Tragedie_, a thick quarto of over one

thousand closely printed pages, which bore on the title-page the

imprint, '_printed by E. A. and W. J. for Michael Sparke_.' This book,

as its title implies, was an attack on stage-plays and acting. There was

nothing in it to alarm the most sensitive Government, and even the

licenser, though he afterwards declared that the book was altered after

it left his hands, could find nothing in it to condemn. But, as it

happened, there was a passage concerning the presence of ladies at

stage-plays, and as the Queen had shortly before attended a masque, the

passage in question was held to allude to her, and accordingly Prynne,

Sparke, and the printers--one of whom was William Jones--were thrown

into prison, and in 1633 were brought to trial before the Star Chamber.

The printers appear to have escaped punishment; but Prynne was condemned

to pay a fine of £1000, to be degraded from his degree, to have both his

ears cropped in the pillory, and to spend the rest of his days in

prison; while Sparke was fined £500, and condemned to stand in the

pillory, but without other degradation.

During this year John Bastwick also issued two books directed against

Episcopacy, both of which are now scarce. One was entitled _Elenchus

Religionis Papisticæ_, and the other _Flagellum Pontificis_. They were

printed abroad, and as a punishment their author was condemned to

undergo a sentence little less severe than that passed upon Prynne, who,

in spite of his captivity, continued to write and publish a great number

of pamphlets. Amongst these was one entitled _Instructions to Church

Wardens_, printed in 1635. In the course of the evidence concerning this

book, mention was made of a special initial letter C, which was said to

represent a pope's head when turned one way, and an army of soldiers

when turned the other, and to be unlike any other letter in use by

London printers at that time.

For printing this and other books, Thomas Purslowe, Gregory Dexter, and

William Taylor of Christchurch were struck from the list of master

printers.[11]

In 1637 appeared Prynne's other notorious tract, _Newes from Ipswich_, a

quarto of six leaves, for which he was fined by the Star Chamber a

further sum of £5000, and condemned to lose the rest of his ears, and to

be branded on the cheek with the letters S. L. (_i.e._ scurrilous

libeller), a sentence that was carried out on the 30th June of this year

with great barbarity. The imprint to this tract ran 'Printed at

Ipswich,' but its real place of printing was London, and perhaps the

name of Robert Raworth, which occurs in the indictment, may stand for

Richard Raworth, the printer whom Sir John Lambe declared to be 'an

arrant knave.' Or the printer may have been William Jones,[12] who about

this time was fined £1000 for printing seditious books.

In 1634 the King wrote to Archbishop Laud to the effect that Doctor

Patrick Young, keeper of the King's library, who had lately published

the _Clementis ad Corinthios Epistola prior_ in Greek and Latin, and in

conjunction with Bishop Lindsell of Peterborough, now proposed to make

ready for the press one or more Greek copies every year, if Greek types,

matrices, and money were forthcoming. The King expressed his desire to

encourage the work, and therefore commanded the Archbishop that the fine

of £300, which had been inflicted upon Robert Barker and Martin Lucas in

the preceding year, for what was described as a base and corrupt

printing of the Bible in 1631 (the omission of the word 'not' from the

seventh commandment, which has earned for the edition the name of the

_Wicked_ Bible), should be converted to the buying of Greek letters. The

King further ordered that Barker and Lucas should print one work every

year at their own cost of ink, paper, and workmanship, and as many

copies as the Archbishop should think fit to authorise. The Archbishop

thereupon wrote to the printers, who expressed their willingness to fall

in with the scheme, and a press, furnished with a very good fount of

Greek letter, was established at Blackfriars. But the result was not

what might have been expected. Partly owing to the political troubles

that followed its foundation, and partly perhaps to delay on the part of

the printers, the only important works that came from this press were

Dr. Patrick Young's translation of the book of Job, from the Codex

Alexandrinus, a folio printed in 1637, and an edition in Greek of the

Epistles of St. Paul, with a commentary by the Bishop of Peterborough,

also a folio, which came from the same press in 1636. The Greek letter

used in this office cannot be compared for beauty or delicacy of outline

with that which Norton had used in the _Chrysostom_ of 1610.

On the 11th July 1637 was published another Star Chamber Decree

concerning printers. Professor Arber, in his fourth volume (p. 528),

states that the appearance of a tract entitled _The Holy Table, Name and

Thing_ must ever be associated with this decree; but it may be doubted

whether it was not rather to general causes, such as the growing power

of the press, the long-continued attack upon the Prelacy by

pamphleteers, which no fear of mutilation or imprisonment could stop,

than any one particular tract, which led to that severe and crushing

edict.

This act, which was published on the 11th July 1637, consisted of

thirty-three clauses, and after reciting former ordinances, and the

number of 'libellous, seditious, and mutinous' books that were then

daily published, decreed that all books were to be licensed: law books

by the Lord Chief Justices and the Lord Chief Baron; books dealing with

history, by the principal Secretaries of State; books on heraldry, by

the Earl Marshal; and on all other subjects, by the Archbishop of

Canterbury, the Bishop of London, or the Chancellors or Vice-Chancellors

of the two Universities. Two copies of every book submitted for

publication were to be handed to the licensee, one of which he was to

keep for future reference. Catalogues of books imported into the country

were to be sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London, and

no consignments were to be opened until the representatives of one of

these dignitaries and of the Stationers' Company were present. The name

of the printer, the author, and the publisher was to be placed in every

book, and, with a view to encouraging English printing, it was decreed

further that no merchant or bookseller should import any English book

printed abroad. No person was to erect a printing-press, or to let any

premises for the purpose of carrying on printing, without first giving

notice to the Company, and no joiner or carpenter was to make a press

without similar notice.

The number of master printers was limited by this decree to twenty, and

those chosen were:--

Felix Kingston.

Adam Islip.

Thomas Purfoote.

Miles Fletcher.

Thomas Harper.

John Beale.

John Raworth.

John Legate.

Robert Young.

John Haviland.

George Miller.

Richard Badger.

Thomas Cotes.

Marmaduke Parsons.

Bernard Alsop.

Richard Bishop.

Edward Griffin.

Thomas Purslowe.

Rich. Hodgkinsonne.

John Dawson.

Each of these was to be bound in sureties of £300 to good behaviour. No

printer was allowed to have more than two presses unless he were a

Master or Warden of the Company, when he might have three. A Master or

Warden might keep three apprentices but no more, a master printer on the

livery might have two, and the rest one only; but every printer was

expected to give work to journeyman printers when required to do so,

because it was stated that it was they who were mainly responsible for

the publication of the libellous, seditious, and mutinous books referred

to. All reprints of books were to be licensed in the same way as first

editions. The Company were to have the right of search, and four

typefounders, John Grismand, Thomas Wright, Arthur Nichols, and

Alexander Fifield were considered sufficient for the whole trade.

Finally, a copy of every book printed was to be sent to the Bodleian

Library at Oxford. The penalties for breaking this decree included

imprisonment, destruction of stock, and a whipping at the cart's tail.

The twenty printers appointed by this decree were the subject of much

investigation by Sir John Lamb, whose numerous notes and lists

concerning them, as reprinted in the third volume of Professor Arber's

transcripts from documents at the Record Office, are an invaluable

acquisition to the history of the English press. It will be seen that

four of the chief offenders of the previous ten or eleven years, namely

William Jones, Nicholas Okes, Augustine Mathewes, and Robert or Richard

Raworth, were absolutely excluded, their places being taken by Marmaduke

Parsons, Thomas Paine, and a new man, Thomas Purslowe, probably the son

of Widow Purslowe. Conscious perhaps that their positions were in

jeopardy, all four petitioned the Archbishop to be placed among the

number, but in vain, and another man who was excluded at the same time

was John Norton, a descendant of a long family of printers of that name,

and who had served his apprenticeship in the King's printing-house. Only

one of those who had at times come before the High Commission Court was

pardoned, and allowed to retain his place. This was Bernard Alsop.

The clause requiring all reprints to be licensed caused a good deal of

murmuring, as did also that which forbade haberdashers, and others who

were not legitimate booksellers, to sell books.

The small number of type-founders allowed to the trade has also been a

subject of much comment by writers on this subject; but judging from the

evidence of Arthur Nicholls, one of the four appointed, the number was

quite sufficient. Nicholls was the founder of the Greek type used in the

new office of Blackfriars, and his experience was certainly not likely

to encourage other men to set up in the same trade. At the time when he

was appointed one of the four founders under the decree, he could not

make a living by his trade, and though he does not expressly state the

fact, his evidence seems to imply that English printers at that time

obtained most of their type from abroad, and it is beyond question that

they had long since ceased to cast their own letter.

Drastic as this decree was, it practically remained a dead letter, for

the reason that in the troublous times that followed within the next

five years, the Government had their hands full in other directions, and

were obliged to let the printers alone.

Between this date and the year 1640, there was very little either of

interest or value that came from the English press. The memory of rare

Ben Jonson induced Henry Seile, of the Tiger's Head in Fleet Street, to

publish in 1638 a quarto with the title _Jonsonus Virbius: or the Memory

of Ben Jonson. Revived by the friends of the Muses_, and among the

contributors were Lord Falkland, Sir John Beaumont the younger, Sir

Thomas Hawkins, Henry King, Edmund Waller, Shackerley Marmion, and

several others. The printer's initials are given as E. P., but these do

not suit any of those who were authorised under the decree of the year

before, and they may refer to Elizabeth Purslowe. That there was a

considerable number of persons who, in spite of the Puritan tendencies

of the age, loved a good play, is clearly seen from the number turned

out during the years 1638, 1639, and 1640 by Thomas Nabbes, Henry

Glapthorne, James Shirley, and Richard Brome. These of course were

mostly quartos, very poorly printed, and chiefly from the presses of

Richard Oulton, John Okes, and Thomas Cotes. Of collected works, there

came out in small octavo form the _Poems_ of Thomas Carew from the press

of John Dawson in 1640, and a collection of Shakespeare's Poems from the

press of Thomas Cotes in the same year. There were also published in

1640 from the press of Richard Bishop, who had succeeded to the business

of William Stansby, Selden's _De Jure Naturali et Gentium juxta

disciplinam Ebræorum_, in folio, and William Somner's _Antiquities of

Canterbury_, one of the earliest and best of the contributions to county

bibliography.

Having now brought the record of the London press down to the time when

it became engulphed in the chaos of civil war, it is time to turn to the

University presses of Oxford and Cambridge.

Since the year 1585, these were the only provincial presses allowed by

law, and removed as they were from the turmoil of conflicting parties,

and the severity of trade competition, in which the London printers

lived, their work showed more uniformity of excellence, and on the whole

surpassed that of the London printers.

Down to the year 1617 Oxford appears to have had but one printer, John

Barnes; but in that year we find two at work, John Lichfield and William

Wrench, the latter giving place the following year to James Short. In

1624 the two Oxford printers were John Lichfield and William Turner--the

second, as we have seen, being notorious as the printer of unlicensed

pamphlets for Michael Sparke the London publisher; but in spite of this

we find him holding his position until 1640, though in the meantime John

Lichfield had been succeeded in business by his son, Leonard. In the

introduction to his bibliography of the Oxford Press, Mr. Falconer Madan

has given a list of the most important books printed at Oxford between

1585 and 1640, which we venture to reprint here with a few additions:--

1599. Richard de Bury's _Philobiblon_.

1608. Wycliff's _Treatises_.

1612. Captain John Smith's _Map of Virginia_.

1621. Burton's _Anatomy of Melancholy_.

1628. Field _On the Church_.

1633. Sandys' _Ovid_.

1634. _The University Statutes_.

1635. Chaucer's _Troilus and Cressida_ in English and Latin.

1638. Chillingworth's _Religion of Protestants_.

1640. Bacon's _Advancement and Proficience of Learning_.

As we have noted, the University of Cambridge had after a long struggle

established its claim to print editions of the Scriptures and other

works, and like its sister University turned out some of the best work

of that period.

A notable book from this press was Phineas Fletcher's _Purple Island_, a

quarto published in 1633. The title-page was printed in red and black,

in well-cut Roman of four founts, with the lozenge-shaped device of the

University in the centre, the whole being surrounded by a neat border

of printers' ornaments. Each page of the book was enclosed within rules,

which seems to have been the universal fashion of the trade at this

period, and at the end of each canto the device seen on the title-page

was repeated. The Eclogues and Poems had each a separate title-page, and

two well-executed copper-plate engravings occur in the volumes.

We must not close this chapter without noting that in 1639 printing

began in the New England across the sea. The records of Harvard College

tell us that the Rev. Joseph Glover 'gave to the College a font of

printing letters, and some gentlemen of Amsterdam gave towards

furnishing of a printing-press with letters forty-nine pounds, and

something more.' Glover himself died on the voyage out from England, but

Stephen Day, the printer whom he was bringing with him, arrived in

safety and was installed at Harvard College. The first production of his

press was the _Freeman's Oath_, the second an Almanac, the third,

published in 1640, _The Psalms in Metre, Faithfully translated for the

Use, Edification, and Comfort of the Saints in Publick and Private,

especially in New England_. This, the first book printed in North

America, was an octavo of three hundred pages, of passably good

workmanship, and is commonly known as the Bay Psalter--Cambridge, the

home of Harvard College, lying near Massachusetts Bay. Stephen Day

continued to print at Cambridge till 1648 or 1649, when he was succeeded

in the charge of the press by Samuel Green, whose work will be mentioned

at the end of our next chapter.

[Footnote 11: _Domestic State Papers_, vol. 357, No. 172, 173; vol. 371,

No. 102.]

[Footnote 12: _Domestic State Papers_, vol. 354, No. 180.]

A Short History of English Printing, 1476-1898 · 第 7 / 11 章