ALEXANDER.
The Crimean war restored the people to their national life.
"Sebastopol!" said a general officer to me just now, "Sebastopol
perished, that our country might be free." The Tartar kingdom, founded
by Ivan the Terrible, reformed by Peter the Great, existed in the
spirit, even where it clothed itself in Western names and forms, until
the allies landed from their transports. Routed on the Alma, beaten at
Balaclava, that kingdom made her final effort on the heights of
Inkermann; hurling, in Tartar force and fashion, her last "great
horde" across that Baidar valley, in the rocks and caves of which a
remnant of the tribes of Batu Khan and Timour Beg still lingers;
fighting in mist and fog, on wooded slope and stony ridge, her gallant
and despairing fight. What followed Inkermann was detail only. Met and
foiled that wintry day, she reeled and bled to death. A grave was made
for her, as one may say, not far from the spot on which she fought and
fell. Before the landing-place in Sebastopol sprang the walls and
frowned the guns of an imperial fort--the strongest pile in Russia,
perhaps in Europe; rising tier on tier, and armed with two hundred and
sixty guns; a fort in the fire of which no ship then floating on the
sea could live. It bore the builder's name--the name of Nicolas,
Autocrat of all the Russians; a colossal sovereign, who for thirty
years had awed and stifled men like Genghis Khan. That fort became a
ruin. The guns were torn to rags, the walls were shivered into dust.
No stone was left in its place to tell the tale of its former pride;
and it is even now an easier task to trace the outlines of Kherson,
dead for five hundred years, than to restore, from what remains of
them, the features of that proud, imperial fort. The prince, the
fortress, and the kingdom fell; their work on earth accomplished to
the final act. This ruin is their grave.
Asiatic Russia passed away, and European Russia struggled into life.
Holding under the "Great Cham," the Duke of Moscow was in ancient
times a dependent prince, like the Hospodar of Valachia, like the
Pasha of Egypt in modern days. Doing homage, paying tribute to his
Tartar lord, the duke ruled in his place, coined money in his name,
adopted his dress and habits, fought his battles, and took into pay
his officers and troops. Cities which the Tartar could not reach, his
vassal crushed.
The Tartar system was a village system, as it is with every pastoral
and predatory race; a village for the followers, and a camp or
residence for the prince. The Russian system was a mixed system, as it
was in Germany and France; a village for the husbandman, a town for
the boyar, merchant, and professional man. The old Russian towns were
rich and free; ruled by codes of law, by popular assemblies, and by
elected dukes. Novgorod, Moscow, Pskoff, Vladimir, Nijni, were models
of a hundred prosperous towns; but when the Duke of Moscow wrested his
independence from the khan in the seventeenth century, he took up the
Tartar policy of weakening the free cities, and centring all authority
in his camp. That camp was Moscow, which Ivan put under martial law,
and governed, in Asiatic fashion, by the stick. The court became a
Tartar court. The dress and manners of Bakchi Serai were imitated in
the Kremlin; women were put into harems; the Tartar distinction of
white and black (noble and ignoble) was established. From the time
when the grand dukes became Tsars they were called White, the peasants
Black; and the poor of every class, whether they lived in towns or
villages, were styled, in contempt, as their Moslem masters had always
styled them, Christians--bearers of the cross--a name which descended
to the serfs, and clung to them so long as a serf existed on Russian
soil.
In leaving Moscow, Peter the Great was only acting like the Crim
Tartar who had changed his camp from Eski-Crim to Bakchi Serai. The
camp was his country, and where he rested for a season was his camp.
In Old Russia, as in Germany and France, authority was historical; in
Crim-Tartary, as in Turkey and Bokhara, it was personal. Ivan the
Terrible introduced, and Peter the Great extended, the personal
system. In her better days Russia had a noble class, as well as a
citizen class and a peasant class; but these signs of a glorious past
were gradually put away. "No man is noble in my empire, unless I make
him so," said Peter. "No man is noble in my empire, except when I
speak to him, and only while I speak to him," said Paul. The governors
of provinces became pashas, with the right of living on the districts
they were sent to rule; that is to say, of taking from the people
meat, drink, house, dogs, horses, women, at their sovereign will.
Though softened from time to time, here by fine phrases, there by
mystic patriotism, this Tartar system lived into the present reign.
Under this system, the prince was every thing, the people nothing; the
army a horde, the nobility an official mob, the Church a department of
police, the commons a herd of slaves.
Nicolas prized that system, and being a man of powerful frame and
daring mind, he carried it forward to a point from which it had been
falling back since the reign of Peter the Great. Unlike Peter, Nicolas
saw no use in Western science and Western arts. He hated railways, he
abhorred the press. He made his court a camp; he dressed his students
in uniform; he turned education into drill. He was the State, the
Church, the Army, all in one. Desiring to shut up his empire, as the
Khans of Khiva and Bokhara close their states, he drew a cordon round
his frontier, over which it was nearly as difficult for a stranger to
enter as for a subject to escape; and while he occupied the throne,
his country was almost as much a mystery to mankind as the realm of
Prester John. With mystery came distrust, for the unknown is always
feared; and Europe lay in front of this Tartar prince, exactly as in
former ages Moscow lay before Timour Beg. A system such as Nicolas
loved could not exist in presence of free and powerful states; and
Europe had to march upon the armies of Nicolas, even as Ivan the
Terrible had to march upon the troops of Yediguer Khan.
The system was Mongolian, not Slavonic; and the mighty sovereign who
upheld it, and perished with it, will be regarded in future ages as
the prince who was at once the last Asiatic emperor and the last
European khan.
When Alexander the Second came to his sceptre, what was his estate?
His empire was a wreck. The allies were upon his soil; his ports were
closed; his ships were sunk; his armies were held at bay. Looking from
the Neva to the Thames, he could not see one friend on whom in his
trouble he could call for help. The system was perfect; the isolation
was complete. But why had that system, reared at such a price,
collapsed so thoroughly at the point where it seemed to be most
strong?
His armies counted a million men. Why were these hosts unable to
protect their soil? They were at home; they knew the country; they
were used to its windy plains, its summer heats, and its wintry snows.
They were fighting, too, for every thing that men hold dear on earth.
When Alexander compared his million men against the forces of his
rivals actually in the field, his wonder grew into amazement. These
soldiers of his foes were weak in number, far from home, and fighting
only for pride and pay. How were such armies able to maintain
themselves on Russian ground?
Before the Emperor Nicolas died, he read the truth--read it in the
light of his burning towns, his wasting armies, and his fruitless
cannonades. He found that he and his million troops were matched
against a hundred millions of eager and adventurous foes. Free nations
were all against him; and the serf nation which he ruled so sternly
was not for him. Russia was not with him. Here he was weak, with an
incurable fret and sore. The serfs, the Old Believers, and the
sectaries of every name, were all against him, looking on his system
as a foreign, not to say an abominable thing, and praying night and
day that the hour of their deliverance from his rule might quickly
come. No people stood behind the soldiery in his war against the
Western Powers.
In spite of genius, valor, enterprise, success, an army fighting for
itself, unwarmed by popular applause, is sure in the end to fail. The
discovery that he and his troops were fighting against the world of
free thought and liberal science killed him. When the blow was dealt,
and his pride was gone, Nicolas is said to have confided to his son
Alexander the causes of his failure as he had come to see them, and to
have urged the prince to pursue another and more liberal course. Who
can say whether this is true or not, for who can know the secrets of
that dying bed?
Yet every man can see that the new sovereign acted as if some such
warning had been given. He began his reign with acts of mercy.
Hundreds of prison doors were opened, thousands of exiles were
released from bonds. An honorable peace was made with the Western
Powers, and the dream of marching on Stamboul was brushed aside. An
empire of seventy millions was found big enough to hold her own.
Alexander proved that he had none of the Tartar's lust of territory by
giving up part of Bessarabia for the sake of peace.
Secured on his frontiers, Alexander turned his eyes on the people and
the provinces committed to his care. A vast majority of his countrymen
were serfs. Not one in ten could read; not one in fifty could sign his
name. Great numbers of his people stood aloof from the Official
Church. The serfs were much oppressed by the nobles; the Old Believers
were bitterly persecuted by the monks; yet these two classes were the
bone and sinew of the land. If strength was sought beyond the army and
the official classes, where could he find it, save among these serfs
in the country, these Old Believers in the towns? In no other places.
How could such populations, suffering as they were from physical
bondage and religious hate, be reconciled to the empire, added to the
national force?
Studying the men over whom he was called to rule, the Emperor went
down among his people; living on their river banks and in their rural
communes; passing from the Arctic to the Caspian Sea, from the Vistula
to the Ural mines; kneeling with them at Solovetsk and Troitsa;
parleying with them on the roadside and by the inland lake; observing
them in the forest and in the mine; until he felt that he had seen
more of the Russian soil, knew more of the Russian people, than any of
the ministers about his court.
In the light of knowledge thus carefully acquired, he opened the great
question of the serfs; and feeling strong in his minute acquaintance
with his country, had the happy courage to insist on his principle of
"liberty with land," against the views of his councils and committees
in favor of "liberty without land."
Before that act was carried out in every part, he began his great
reform in the army. He put down flogging, beating, and striking in the
ranks. He opened schools in the camp, cleared the avenues of
promotion, and raised the soldier's condition on the moral, not less
than on the material side.
The universities were then reformed in a pacific sense. Swords were
put down, uniforms laid aside, and corporate privileges withdrawn.
Education was divorced from its connection with the camp. Lay
professors occupied the chairs, and the young men attending lectures
stood on the same level with their fellows, subject to the same
magistrate, amenable to the common code. The schools became free, and
students ceased to be feared as "servants of the Tsar."
This change was followed by that immense reform in the administration
of justice which transferred the trial of offenders from the police
office to the courts of law; replacing an always arbitrary and often
corrupted official by an impartial jury, acting in union with an
educated judge.
At the same period he opened those local parliaments, the district
assemblies and the provincial assemblies, which are training men to
think and speak, to listen and decide--to believe in argument, to
respect opposing views, and exercise the virtues required in public
life.
In the wake of these reforms came the still more delicate question of
Church reform; including the relations of the Black clergy to the
White; of the Orthodox clergy, whether Black or White, to the Old
Believers; of the Holy Governing Synod to Dissenters; as also the
influence which the Church should exercise over secular education, and
the supremacy of the canon law over the civil law.
Each of these great reforms would seem, in a country like Russia, to
require a lifetime; yet under this daring and beneficent ruler they
are all proceeding side by side. Opposed by the three most powerful
parties in the empire--the Black Clergy, who feel that power is
slipping from their hands--the old military chiefs, who think their
soldiers should be kept in order by the stick--the thriftless nobles,
who prefer Homberg and Paris to a dull life on their estates--the
Emperor not the less keeps steadily working out his ends. What wonder
that he is adored by peasants, burghers, and parish priests, by all
who wish to live in peace, to till their fields, to mind their shops,
and to say their prayers!
A free Russia is a pacific Russia. By his genius and his occupation, a
Russian is less inclined to war than either a Briton or a Gaul; and as
the right of voting on public questions comes to be his habit, his
voice will be more and more cast for the policy that gives him peace.
In one direction only he looks with dread--across that opening of the
Eastern Steppe through which he has seen so many hordes of his enemies
swarm into his towns and fields. Through that opening he has
pushed--is now pushing--and will push his way, until Khiva and Bokhara
fall into his power, as Tashkend and Kokan have fallen into his power.
Why should we English regret his march, repine at his success? Is he
not fighting, for all the world, a battle of law, of order, and of
civilization? Would not Russia at Bokhara mean the English at Bokhara
also? Would not roads be made, and stations built, and passes guarded
through the steppe for traders and travellers of every race? Could any
other people undertake this task? Why then should we cry down the
Moscovite? Even in our selfish interests, it would be well for us to
have a civilized neighbor on our frontier rather than a savage tribe;
a neighbor bound by law and courtesy, instead of a savage khan who
murders our envoy and rejects our trade!
Russia requires a hundred years of peace; but she will not find that
peace until she has closed the passage of her Eastern Steppe by
planting the banner of St. George on the Tower of Timour Beg.
Meantime, the reforming Emperor holds his course--a lonely man, much
crossed by care, much tried by family afflictions, much enduring in
his public life.
One dark December day, near dusk, two Englishmen hail a boat on the
Neva brink, and push out rapidly through the bars of ice towards that
grim fortress of St. Peter and St. Paul, in which lie buried under
marble slab and golden cross the emperors and empresses (with one
exception) since the reign of Peter the Great. As they are pushing
onward, they observe the watermen drop their oars and doff their caps;
and looking round, they see the imperial barge, propelled by twenty
rowers, athwart their stern. The Emperor sits in that barge alone; an
officer is standing by his side, and the helmsman directs the rowers
how to pull. Saluting as he glides past their boat, the Emperor jumps
to land, and muffling his loose gray cloak about his neck, steps
hastily along the planks and up the roadway leading to the church. No
one goes with him. The six or eight idlers whom he meets on the road
just touch their hats, and stand aside to let him pass. Trying the
front door of that sombre church, he finds it locked; and striding off
quickly to a second door, he sees a man in plain clothes, and beckons
to him. The door is quickly opened, and the lord of seventy millions
walks into the church that is to be his final home. The English
visitors are near. "Wait for an instant," says the man in plain
clothes; "the Emperor is within;" but adds, "you can step into the
porch; his majesty will not keep you long." The porch is parted from
the church by glass doors only, and the English visitors look down
upon the scene within. Long aisles and columns stretch and rise before
them. Flags and trophies, won in a hundred battles, fought against the
Swede and Frank, the Perse and Turk, adorn the walls, and here and
there a silver lamp burns fitfully in front of a pictured saint.
Between the columns stand, in white sepulchral rows, the imperial
tombs--a weird and ghastly vista, gleaming in that red and sombre
light.
Alone, his cap drawn tightly on his brow, and muffled in his loose
gray coat, the Emperor passes from slab to slab; now pausing for an
instant, as if conning an inscription on the stone, now crossing the
nave absorbed and bent; here hidden for a moment in the gloom, there
moving furtively along the aisle. The dead are all around him--Peter,
Catharine, Paul--fierce warriors, tender women, innocent babes, and
overhead the dust and glory of a hundred wars. What brings him hither
in this wintry dusk? The weight of life? The love of death? He stops,
unbonnets, kneels--at the foot of his mother's tomb! Once more he
pauses, kneels--kneels a long time, as it in prayer; then, rising,
kisses the golden cross. That slab is the tomb of his eldest son!
A moment later he is gone.
THE END.
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