_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to
1612_.
In May 1597, Don Francisco de Gama, count of Vidugueyra, grandson to the
discoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India, but carried himself with
so much haughty state that he gained the dislike of all men. During his
government the scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguese
came first into India, as in the month of September news was brought to
Goa that the two first ships of the _Hollanders_ that had ventured to
navigate the Indian seas had been in the port of _Titangone_ and were
bound for the island of _Sunda_. In a grand council held upon this
important event, it was ordered to fit out a squadron of two galleons,
three gallies, and nine other vessels to attack the intruders, and the
command was given on this occasion to Lorenzo de Brito, an ancient and
experienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small damage on the
coast of Malabar and other places, and when off Malacca fell in with six
ships bound from that place for India, commanded by Francisco de Silva.
They immediately engaged and fought the whole of that afternoon and part
of the night. Next morning the engagement was renewed, and was repeated
for eight successive days; till finding themselves too weak, the
Hollanders drew off and made for the port of Queda, many of their men
being slain and most of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted the
smallest of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwards
cast away on the coast of Pegu.
In this same year 1597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron of eight
ships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and provisions for three
years, under the command of the admiral Jacob Cornelius van Nec. The
object of this expedition, besides hostility to the king of Spain, was
that they might purchase the spices and other commodities of Asia at a
cheaper rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Portugal. The
fleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of May 1598; arrived at Madeira
on the 15th, and at the Canaries on the 17th, where they both took in
wine. On the 29th they were in the latitude of 6° S. and passed the line
on the 8th of June; _a wonderful swiftness, to me incredible_! On the
24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three of the ships were
separated in a violent storm and arrived at the island of _Banda_ in
_April_[419]. The other four ships under the admiral discovered the
island of Madagascar on the 24th of August, coming to Cape St Julian on
the 30th of that month. On the 20th of September they came to the island
of _Cerne_ or _Cisne_, in lat. 21° S. to which they gave the name of
_Mauritius_. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude that one of
them carried two men on its back, and birds which were so tame as to
allow themselves to be killed with sticks, whence they concluded that
the island was not inhabited. At Banda they joined the other three
ships, and having laded four with spices they were sent away to Holland,
while the other three went on to the Moluccas. On the 21st January 1598,
they discovered the _Great Java_[420], and touched at the port of
_Tuban_, after which they came to _Madura_ an island in lat. 2° 30' S.
on the 27th of that month. At this place they endeavoured to ransom some
of their countrymen who had been cast away in their former ships, and
some others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pass false
money; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom, they attempted to
rescue them by force; but two boats full of armed men being sunk in the
attempt, they were forced to comply with the terms demanded. They
settled a trade at Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory at
Banda, where they loaded with spice and returned into Holland on the
20th of April 1600. Those who were left in the remaining ship at Amboina
went to Ternate in the Moluccas where they were well received by the
king, and after procuring a lading of cloves returned home.
[Footnote 419: We have no means of correcting the strange chronology of
this voyage, _wonderful_ even in the opinion of De Faria. He names the
Dutch Admiral _Neque_; but as _qu_ in Portuguese is used to mark the
sound of _k_ or hard _c_, we have ventured to give this first successful
rival of the Portuguese trade in India the name of _Van Nec_.--E.]
[Footnote 420: Borneo is probably here meant, as they could not have
been in Banda without seeing both Sumatra and Java.--E.]
Don Alexius de Menezes archbishop of Goa went about this time to visit
the Christians of St Thomas, who lived dispersedly in the mountains of
Malabar, in _Muli_, _Turubuli_, _Maota_, _Batimena_, _Diamper_,
_Pimienta_, _Tetemute_, _Porca_, _Paru_, and _Cartuti_. These Christians
continued stedfast at the faith till about the year 750, yet with some
tincture of error. About the year 810 the second _Thomas_, formerly
mentioned, came to this country, where he repaired the churches that had
been erected by the apostle and restored the true doctrine; but about
the year 900 this church was overrun by the _Nestorian_ heresy. In the
year 890 two _Chaldeans_ came here from _Babylon_, named _Mar Xarsio_
and _Mar Prod_, who divided the district into two bishoprics, and were
ever afterwards prayed to as saints, till our archbishop ordered this to
be discontinued, as he much suspected they had not been legitimately
canonized. After these Chaldeans came one _Mar Joanne_, who was sent by
the Greek Patriarch, and resided at _Cranganor_ where he introduced the
_Chaldean_ ritual. His successor was _Mar Jacob_, who died in 1500, and
was succeeded by _Mar Joannato_. Thus the bishops and heresies continued
among the _Thomists_ till 1536, when Pope Paul IV. appointed Juan
Bermudez patriarch of _Ethiopia_, Simin Sulacca bishop of _Caheremit_
the metropolis of _Mesopotamia_, _Mar Elias_ as patriarch of _Mosul_,
and _Mar Joseph_ bishop of Nineveh, whom he ordered to govern the
Christians of Malabar, with the bishop _Ambrose Montecelli_ for his
coadjutor. By this interference of the Pope there were two patriarchs of
the East, one _orthodox_ at _Mosul_, and the other _heretical_ at
Antioch. Joseph and Ambrose went over to the mountains of Malabar, to
assume the pastoral charge of the Thomists; but the latter separated
from the former and went to Goa, where after reading divinity for some
time he died at Cochin in the year 1557. As Don George Temudo bishop of
Cochin perceived that Joseph _spread the poison of Nestorius_ among his
flock in Malabar, he contrived to have him apprehended and sent in
chains to Portugal, were he was permitted to return to his bishopric on
promise of amendment[421]. On his return he found _Mar Abraham_
officiating as bishop of the Thomists, who had chosen him in the absence
of Joseph; and as Abraham found himself persecuted, or disturbed in the
exercise of his functions by Joseph, he went to Rome where he got a
brief from Paul IV. appointing him bishop of the Thomists, having
engaged to reduce that people to the orthodox faith. Yet neither he nor
Joseph adhered to their engagements, but continued in their heresies.
After this one _Mar Simon_ came to Malabar, saying that he was sent by
the patriarch of Babylon to officiate as bishop of Malabar. He was
received by the queen of Pimienta and placed at _Cartuse_, where he
exercised episcopal functions; till _being carried_ to Lisbon he was
sent thence to Rome, where he was condemned by Pope _Sixtus Quintus_ as
a mere Nestorian and not even a priest. After the death of _Mar Abraham_
his archdeacon governed the diocese, _as no Babylonian prelates dared to
come to Malabar_, Don Alexius, the archbishop of Goa, using his utmost
endeavours to keep out all such heretical prelates, which was the
particular occasion of his present visitation.
[Footnote 421: Under this story we may presume without any lack of
Christian charity, that these promises were extorted by means best known
to the inquisition, that diabolical instrument of the pretended
disciples of the Prince of Peace, and eternal opprobrium of the
Peninsula. With regard to Joseph there was some shadow of excuse, as he
seems to have accepted his appointment from the _orthodox_ pope, though
secretly attached to the _heretical_ Nestorian patriarch.--E.]
This prelate found that, among other errors, the Thomists denied the
virginity of our blessed lady[422]: They rejected the use of images:
they believed the souls of the just did not enjoy the beatific presence
of God till after the general judgment: they allowed only of three
sacraments, baptism, ordination and the eucharist: instead of confession
they used perfuming in their churches: the wine employed in the
sacrament was made from cocoas: their host was a cake made with oil and
salt: their priests were ordained at seventeen years of age, and were
permitted to marry after ordination: fathers, sons, and grandsons
administered the sacrament in the same church: the _Catatorias_ or
_Caffaneras_, so they called the wives of priests, wore a distinguishing
mark to be known by: in matrimony, they used no other formalities except
the consent of parties and consummation: the women observed the time
prescribed by the law of Moses in regard to churching: no sacraments
were administered gratuitously: holy water was mixed with some powder of
frankincense, and some of the soil on which St Thomas was supposed to
have trodden: they used sorcery and witchcraft: In fine, that all was
error, confusion, and heresy.
[Footnote 422: This probably refers to her supposed immaculate purity
even after the birth of the Saviour.--E.]
Don Alexius with much labour and toil convinced them of their errors and
converted them to the true faith, so that whole towns were baptised and
reconciled to the Roman see. He even held a provincial synod at
_Diamper_, all the decrees of which were confirmed by the Pope; and
Francisco Rodriguez, a Jesuit who had assisted the archbishop on this
important visitation, was made bishop of that diocese. On the breaking
up of the synod, Don Alexius visited all the churches in these parts.
While in the country of the queen of _Changanate_, visiting the church
of _Talavecare_, one of the most ancient in those parts, they shewed him
three plates on which were engraven certain privileges and revenues
granted by the king of Ceylon, at the time when the Babylonians _Zabro_
and _Proo_[423], were in that country. At this place likewise Don
Alexius met _Topamuta Pandara_, king of _Gundara_[424] in the
neighbourhood of _Changanate_, to whom he presented a letter from king
Philip giving him the _title of brother_, for having allowed liberty for
the exercise of the Christian religion in his dominions[425].
[Footnote 423: Only a few pages before these men are named _Xanio_ and
_Prod_; but we have no means of ascertaining which are the right
names.--E.]
[Footnote 424: These petty kings of small districts in the South of
India are now known by the titles of Polygars; and the hereditary female
chiefs are stiled _Rana_. It is prostituting the dignity of king to give
that denomination to the chiefs of small villages and trifling
districts, often not so large as parishes in Europe. They are mere
temporary chiefs, occasionally hereditary by sufferance; indeed such
could not possibly be otherwise, when all the larger dominions and even
empires have been in perpetual fluctuation from revolution and conquest
for at least 3000 years.--E.]
[Footnote 425: The history of this ancient Christian church of Malabar
has been lately illustrated by the Christian Researches of Dr Buchannan,
who seems to have opened a door for the propagation of the gospel in
India infinitely promising, if judiciously taken advantage of.--E.]
In the year 1596, a Moor, named _Pate Marcar_ obtained leave from the
zamorin to build a fort in the peninsula of Pudepatam, 77 leagues from
Goa and 33 from Cochin, where was a most convenient station for
piratical paraos, to annoy the trade of the Malabar coast; and having
built a square fort at this place, he went thither with all his kinsmen
and followers, and did much injury to the Portuguese and their allies,
even making incursions upon their maritime possessions, whence, on
several occasions, he carried off much spoil. Pate Marcar soon died, and
was succeeded in the sovereignty of the fort by his nephew Mahomet
Cuneale Marcar, who added greatly to the strength of the fort; and
foreseeing that the Portuguese might seek to be revenged for the
injuries they had sustained, he fortified the town both by sea, and
land, which he named _Cuneale_ after himself. On the land side he made a
deep ditch with a double wall above seven feet thick, flanked at regular
distances with towers called _zarames_, all of which were mounted with
small cannon. Between the two creeks forming the peninsula, he built a
strong wall with two towers to secure the town, and lined the sea-shore
with strong palisades; flanked by two bastions, one of which considerably
larger than the other, was mounted with heavy cannon to defend the
entrance of the harbour, which was farther secured by a boom of masts
strongly chained together. Having thus, as he thought, provided a secure
retreat, he continued his uncle's enterprises against the Portuguese
with much success, assisting all their enemies against them, even
robbing the Malabar traders on the coast, and filled his residence with
rich plunder. The viceroy Albuquerque had endeavoured to destroy this
nest of pirates, so prejudicial to the Portuguese trade, and had even
prevailed on the zamorin to concur in the destruction of Cuneale, so
that a treaty had been entered into, by which the zamorin engaged to
besiege Cuneale by land, while the Portuguese fleet attacked him by sea.
Both parties provided according to stipulation for this joint
expedition; but it was postponed for some time, in consequence of the
change in the government by the arrival of the Count of Vidigueyra as
viceroy, and even by the secret concurrence of the zamorin in the
piracies of Cuneale, who communicated to him a share of the plunder.
At length, however, the zamorin became incensed against Cuneale, who
assumed the title of king of the Malabar Moors, and lord of the Indian
Sea; but chiefly because he had caused the tail of one of his elephants
to be cut off, and had used one of his Nayres in a cruel and scandalous
manner. Laying hold of this favourable opportunity, the viceroy, De
Gama, probably in 1598, renewed the league with the zamorin against
Cuneale, and sent some light vessels under Ferdinand de Noronha to
blockade the entrance into the port of Cuneale, till a larger force
could be provided to co-operate with the zamorin, who was marching to
besiege it by land with 20,000 men and some cannon.
That part of the western coast of India, which is properly called the
coast of Malabar, extends from Cananor to Cochin for the space of 42
leagues. From Cananor it is two leagues to the small island of
_Tremapatan_, within which is a good river; thence half a league to the
river of _Sal_, thence one and a half to the river _Maim_; one to the
town of _Comena_, a small distance beyond which are the towns of
_Motangue, Curiare_, and _Baregare_: thence to the river _Pudepatan_;
two leagues farther the town of _Tiracole_; other two leagues the town
of _Cotulete_; one league from this the river _Capocate_; one league
farther _Calicut_; two more to the river _Chale_; two to the city
_Pananor_; two thence to _Tanor_; two more to _Paranora_; one more to
the famous river _Paniane_; thence nine to _Paliporto_; four to the
river of _Cranganor_; and five more to _Cochin_. At the mouth of the
river _Pudepatan_ the fort of _Cuneale_ is seated in a square peninsula
formed by several creeks, and joined to the land on the south side, the
length of the four sides being about a cannon shot each. Just within the
bar there is sufficient water for ships of some size, which may go about
half way up the port; beyond that it is only fit for _almadias_ or
boats. The river runs first towards the north-east, then turning to the
south forms the peninsula in which the fort is built, the isthmus being
secured by a strong wall about a musket-shot in length, reaching
between the creek and the river, at the mouth of which is the small
island Pinale. The fort was large, strongly built, well manned, and had
abundance of cannon, ammunition, and provisions.
In this emergency, Cuneale was well provided for defence, having a force
of 1500 choice Moors, well armed, whom he distributed to the different
posts. The small vessels under Noronha cannonaded the fort, principally
on purpose to draw off the attention of the Moors, that they might not
interrupt the zamorin on the land side, who was establishing his camp
for the purpose of the siege. At the same time, Noronha scoured the
coast, taking some of the piratical vessels belonging to Cuneale, and
preventing the introduction of provisions into the fort. After some
time, Don Luis de Gama, brother to the viceroy, arrived with four
gallies and 35 smaller vessels, ten more being brought by private
gentlemen at their own charge, and three full of men and ammunition sent
by the city of Cochin. Besides these, there were two large barks mounted
with heavy cannon to batter the fort.
The rajah of Cochin, being apprehensive that the great power which was
now employed against Cuneale might prove his ruin, by uniting the
zamorin his ancient enemy with the Portuguese, circulated a report that
the zamorin had entered into a secret agreement with Cuneale to cut off
the whole Portuguese when engaged in the assault on the fort. The
archbishop of Goa, who was then at Cochin on his way to the Malabar
mountains to visit the Thomist churches, was at first much alarmed by
this report, fearing it might be true; but on mature consideration was
satisfied that it was only a political contrivance of the rajah, and
prudently advised the rajah to desist from the propagation of any such
false reports. He then assured the principal persons of Cochin that
their ships might safely proceed against Cuneale, yet recommended that
they should conduct themselves with much caution. All the fleet being
now united before the fort, it was found that Cuneale had drawn up a
line of armed galliots on the edge of the water under the wall of his
fort, in case of being attacked that way. It was resolved in a council
of war to force an entrance into the river, after which to draw up the
Portuguese vessels in a line with their bows to the shore, that they
might cover the debarkation of the troops for the purpose of assaulting
the fort. This proposition was transmitted to Goa and approved by the
viceroy, yet Don Luis was persuaded by some gentlemen who wished to
disgrace him, to attack on the side of _Ariole_, under pretence that the
passage of the bar might prove fatal. At this time the zamorin was
battering the walls of the town or _petah_, and desired that some
Portuguese might be sent to his assistance. Don Luis being suspicious,
demanded hostages for their safety, and accordingly six principal nayres
were sent, among whom were the rajahs of _Tanor, Chale_, and _Carnere_,
and the chief judge of Calicut. Don Luis then sent 300 Portuguese under
the command of Belchior Ferreyra.
By previous concert, a combined assault was to be made on the night of
the 3d of May, the troops of the zamorin attacking on the land side, and
the Portuguese on the sea front, at the same time, the signal for both
to commence at once being by means of a flaming lance. But Belchior
Calaca, who was appointed to give the signal, mistook the hour, and gave
it too soon, so that every thing fell into confusion. Immediately on
seeing the signal, Ferreyra, who commanded the Portuguese troops along
with the zamorin, fell on with his men and 5000 Nayres, but lost 28 of
his men at the first onset. Luis de Silva, who was appointed to lead the
van of the Portuguese sea attack with 600 men, though ready and
observing the concerted signal, did not move till past midnight, which
was the appointed hour, by which the enemy were left free to resist the
land attack with their forces undivided. At length when it was towards
morning, de Silva passed the creek of _Balyzupe_ with 500 men in 60
almadias or native boats. But immediately on landing de Silva was slain,
and his ensign Antonio Diaz concealed his death by covering his body
with the colours, which he stripped for that purpose from the staff.
Thus landing without commander or colours, the Portuguese fell into
contusion, and the two next in command were both slain. Don Luis de
Gama, leaving his fleet under the next officer, had landed with a
reserve on the other side of the river opposite the fort, but for want
of boats was unable either to cross to assume the command, or to send
assistance. The Portuguese troops were forced to retreat disgracefully
with the loss of 300 men, most of whom were drowned; though even in this
confusion a part of them forced their way into the fort and burnt the
mosque and part of the town, where, they slew 500 Moors and Malabars,
above 20 of whom were men of note. After this discomfiture, Don Luis de
Gamu retired to Cochin with the greater part of the fleet, leaving
Francisco de Sousa to continue the blockade, who persuaded the zamorin
to assault the town, as he believed the defenders had been so much
weakened by the late slaughter that it might be easily carried. But
though the zamorin gave the assault with 2000 men, he was repulsed.
On the receipt of these bad tidings at Goa, Don Luis de Gama was ordered
back to Cuneale, to settle a treaty with the zamorin, and to continue
the siege during the winter, till the Portuguese fleet could return at
the commencement of the next fine season. A treaty to this effect was
accordingly concluded, by one of the articles of which the zamorin
consented that the Christian religion might be preached in his dominions,
and churches erected. After this Don Luis returned to Goa, whence he
went to command at Ormuz, and Ferdinand de Noronha remained before
Cuneale with twelve ships to prevent the introduction of provisions or
other supplies.
Cuneale was so much elated by his success in repelling the Portuguese,
that, in addition to his former title, he stiled himself _Defender of
the Mahometan Faith and Conqueror of the Portuguese_; but when the
season returned for maritime operations on the coast, the viceroy sent
Andrew Furtado against him with three gallies, 54 other vessels, and a
powerful military force. In the mean time Antonio de Noronha continued
to blockade the port all winter, taking several vessels laden with
provisions, and on different occasions slew above 100 Moors who opposed
him in taking fresh water for his ships. While on his way from Goa,
Furtado dissuaded the rajah of _Banguel_ and the queen or _rana_ of
_Olala_ from sending aid to Cuneale as they intended, and cut off five
ships from Mecca that were going with relief to the enemy. When Furtado
came to anchor in the port of Cuneale, he sent to treat with the
zamorin, who had continued the siege on the land side all winter
according to his engagement, and an interview took place between them on
the shore where the zamorin came to meet him. The zamorin was naked from
the waist upwards. Round his middle a piece of cloth of gold was
wrapped, hanging to his knees and fastened by a girdle of inestimable
value, about the breadth of a hand. His arms were covered from the
elbows to the wrists with golden bracelets adorned with rich jewels, and
so heavily laden that two men supported his arms. He wore an
extraordinarily rich chain about his neck, and so many diamonds and
rubies hung from his ears that they were stretched down almost to his
shoulders by their weight. He seemed about 30 years of age, and had a
majestic presence. A little on one side stood the prince, carrying a
naked sword. Behind him were many of his nobles; among whom was father
Francisco Rodriquez, the new bishop of the Thomists in Malabar. The
zamorin and Furtado embraced in token of friendship, on which all the
cannon in the fleet fired a salvo. After this friendly meeting they
retired into the tent of the zamorin, where they had a long conference
about their future operations; and on taking leave, Furtado put a rich
collar about the neck of the zamorin, and they parted in a most amicable
manner.
The rajah of Tanor and other great men were sent by the zamorin on board
the admiral ship, having full powers from their sovereign to treat and
conclude on all things concerning the joint interests of both parties,
and every thing was settled to mutual satisfaction. There now arrived
from Goa and other places, a galley and galleon, with 11 ships and 21
smaller vessels, bringing ammunition and 790 soldiers, upon which
Furtado commenced the active operations of the siege, raising
entrenchments and batteries, and taking absolute possession of every
avenue leading to the fort and peninsula by water. He likewise caused
some advanced works belonging to the enemy to be assaulted, on which
Cuneale came in person to assist in their defence, and for a time
repulsed the assailants, till Furtado landed with a reinforcement, on
which the Portuguese remained victorious, slaying 600 of the Moors, with
the loss of two officers and nine privates on their side. Fort _Blanco_
or the white tower was next assaulted, but with more bravery than
success. Yet Cuneale seeing that he could not much longer hold out,
offered rich presents to the zamarin to admit him to surrender upon
security of his own life and the safety of his garrison. But on this
secret negociation coming to the knowledge of Furtado, he made a furious
assault on the works, which were at the same time assailed on the land
side by 6000 Nayres, by which joint attack the lower town or petah was
taken, plundered, and burnt. Batteries were immediately erected against
the upper town and fort, and as their fire soon ruined the defences,
Cuneale was constrained to surrender at discretion, merely bargaining
that his life should be saved. He accordingly marched out having a black
veil on his head, and carrying his sword with the point downwards, which
he surrendered to the zamorin, who immediately delivered it to Furtado.
According to one of the articles of agreement the spoil was to have
been equally divided; but Furtado dealt generously by the zamorin,
alleging that this was to be understood only in respect to the
artillery, and appeased his own soldiers who expected that reward of
their labour. The fort and all other works were levelled with the
ground, and Furtado returned with the fleet and army to Goa.
Cuneale was about 50 years of age, of a low stature, but strong and well
made. He and his nephew _Cinale_, with other forty Moors of note, were
sent as prisoners on board the fleet, where they well treated; but as
soon as some of them were set on shore at Goa, they were torn in pieces
by the rabble; and Cuneale and his nephew were both publicly beheaded by
order of the viceroy, so that the government and the mob went hand and
hand to commit murder and a flagrant breach of faith. How can those who
are guilty of such enormities give the name of barbarians to the much
more honourable Indians!
In the year 1600, Ayres de Saldanna arrived at Goa as viceroy to
supersede the Count de Vidugueira, who was universally disliked by the
Portuguese inhabitants. The marble statue of the great Vasco de Gama,
his grandfather, stood over the principal gate of the city, fastened to
the wall by a strong bar of iron. At the instigation of some enemies to
the count, a _French_ engineer named Sebastian Tibao applied to the iron
bar during the night _a certain herb_ that has the quality of eating
iron, so that the statue fell down next night, and its quarters were
hung up in different parts of the city. On the day when the count was to
embark for his return to Portugal, a party of armed men went on board
before him, and hung up his effigy at the yard arm, made exactly like
him both in face and habit. Just as he was going on board they returned;
and on seeing the effigy he asked what it was, when someone answered,
"It is your lordship, whom these men have hung up." He made no reply,
but ordered the figure to be thrown into the sea and immediately set
sail; but two days afterwards had to return to port for a new stock of
fowls, as all these he took with him were poisoned. He was better
beloved by the elements than by those whom he had governed; for he went
all the way from India to Lisbon without once needing to furl a sail. By
the constant chafing of the yards on the masts, it was found impossible
to lower the yards in the usual way when the ship arrived at Lisbon,
insomuch that they had to be cut down. Sailing from Goa on the 25th
December 1600, he arrived at Lisbon on the 27th May 1601, having spent
only five months on the voyage.
During the administration of Ayres de Saldana, _Xilimixa_ king of
Aracan, who had possessed himself of the kingdom of Pegu, gave the port
of _Siriam_ to the Portuguese in grateful acknowledgment of their
services. That town and port is at the mouth of the river Siriam which
flows within a league of the city of _Bagou_, the capital of Pegu. This
grant was obtained by Philip Brito de Nicote, who proved false and
ungrateful to the king of Aracan, who had raised him from the lowest
rank to his favour and esteem. By his persuasion, Xilimixa erected a
custom-house at the entry to the river Siriam to increase his revenues;
which Brito meant afterwards to seize, and to build a fort there, on
purpose to give a footing for the Portuguese to conquer the kingdom.
Xilimixa accordingly built the custom-house, which he gave in charge to
one _Bannadala_ who fortified himself and suffered no Portugeuse to enter
there, except a Dominican named Belchior de Luz. Nicote, seeing his
purposes likely to be defeated by Bannadala, determined to gain
possession by force before the works were completed. He had along with
him at this time three Portuguese officers and fifty men, whom he
ordered to surprize the fort and turn out Bannadala, trusting to his
great credit with Xilimixa to bear him out in this procedure. The
Portuguese officers accordingly executed their orders so effectually,
that they used to be called the Founders of the Portuguese dominion in
Pegu, and Salvador Ribeyro their commander was like to have got the
whole credit of the exploit, as some even affirmed that he was its
author, though in reality all was due to Nicote. Bannadala being
expelled from his fort, fortified himself with 1000 men in a
neighbouring island of the river Siriam, and seized the treasures of the
pagoda of Digan to maintain his troops. Xilimixa was much offended by
the conduct of the Portuguese in this affair, and resolved to support
Bannadala, but was dissuaded by the contrivances of Nicote, who
represented that he was about to favour a sacrilegious robber, and
offered to arrange matters with the Portuguese to his entire
satisfaction. He accordingly went to Siriam, where he ordered every
thing to his own mind; and when the fort was nearly finished, he went to
Goa, where he offered to deliver up the fort to the viceroy, whence the
Portuguese might easily conquer the kingdom of his master, to whom he
represented his voyage to Goa as intended to procure an auxiliary force
which would enable him to make a conquest of Bengal. At the same time
Nicote negociated with all the princes in the provinces adjoining the
dominions of Xilimixa, persuading them to confederate with the
Portuguese viceroy, by which means they might easily conquer the kingdom
of Pegu; and several of them sent ambassadors along with him to Goa for
this purpose.
Hardly had Nicote set sail for Goa, when Xilimixa became sensible of his
error in confiding in him, and sent a fleet of war boats down the river
Siriam with 6000 men under Bannadala to expell the Portuguese from their
fort. Salvador Ribeyra met this great armament with only three small
vessels and thirty men, and, without the loss of one man, took forty
vessels of the enemy and put the rest to flight. Then calling in the aid
of the king of _Pram_, Xilimixa beset the fort with 1200 vessels by
water, while 40,000 men surrounded it by land; but as Ribeyra learnt
that the enemy observed no order or discipline, he boldly fell upon them
with his handful of men, and having slain their general put that army to
flight. Bannadala rallied 8000 of the fugitives, with which be again
besieged the fort, lodging his men in good order, and having battered
the place for some days, he ventured to make a fierce assault in the
dead of night; but he was bravely repelled by the Portuguese, and above
1000 of his men were found dead next morning in the ditch. The enemy
continued the siege however for eight months, and though some of the
garrison deserted, Ribeyra defended the place with great resolution; and
to take away all hopes of escape from his men, burnt all the vessels
that were in the port. Hearing of these proceedings, Ayres de Saldanna
the viceroy, sent a considerable reinforcement, along with which came so
many volunteers, ambitions either of honour or profit, that Ribeyra
found himself at the head of 800 men. With these he attacked the enemy,
whom he drove from their works with great slaughter, and Bannadala had
the mortification to see the works which he had been constructing for
almost a year destroyed in a day. After this success, the Portuguese
volunteers withdrew, only 200 that had been sent by the viceroy
remaining in the fort with Ribeyra.
The enemy returned a fourth time against the fort, which they now
assailed with many moving castles and various kinds of fire works, and
soon reduced the fort to great extremity; but were so terrified by a
fiery meteor, that they fled leaving their castles behind, which were
soon reduced to ashes by the garrison. Soon afterwards the Portuguese
obtained a great victory over king _Massinga_ in the province of
_Camelan_; after which the natives flocked to their standard to the
number of above 20,000 men, and proclaimed Nicote king of Pegu, calling
him _Changa_, which signifies good man. Nicote was at this time absent,
but Ribeyra accepted the proffered crown in his name, on which account
it was reported in Spain that Ribeyra had been proclaimed king. Nicote
afterwards, as a loyal subject, received the kingdom in the name of his
sovereign, and was the first of the Portuguese that rose to such high
fortune in Asia. Rodrigo Alvarez de Sequeyra succeeded Ribeyra in
command of the fort of Siriam, and defended it bravely till it took fire
by accident, only the bare walls being left standing.
In the mean time Nicote solicited succours at Goa, where the viceroy
married him to a niece he had born in Goa of a woman of Java; after
which he gave him powerful succours, and sent him to Siriam with six
ships, with the title of Commander of Siriam, and General for the
conquest of Pegu. On his arrival at Siriam, Nicote repaired the fort,
built a church, and sent a splendid present to the king of Aracan who
had sent a complimentary message on his arrival. At Siriam Nicote
regulated the custom-house pursuant to the instructions of the viceroy,
obliging all vessels that traded on the coast of Pegu to make entry at
Siriam, and pay certain duties. As some of the Coromandel traders
refused obedience to these orders, Nicote sent Francisco de Moura
against them with six vessels, who took two ships of Acheen on the coast
of Tanacerim richly laden. As the king of Aracan was desirous of
recovering possession of the fort and custom-house of Siriam, he sent an
ambassador to the king of _Tangu_ with twenty _jalias_ or small ships,
to prevail upon him to join in that enterprize. But Nicote sent
Bartholomew Ferreyra, who command the small craft, who put them to
flight, and they were forced to take refuge in the dominions of the king
of Jangona. Upon this, the enemy collected 700 small vessels and 40,000
men, under the command of the son of the king of Aracan, accompanied by
Ximicalia and Marquetam, sons to the reigning emperor of Pegu. Paul del
Rego went against them with seven ships and a number of war boats, and
defeated the prince with great loss, taking all his vessels, and
obliging him to make his escape by land. After this Paul took the fort
of _Chinim_ with a great number of prisoners, among whom was the wife of
Bannadala.
At this time Nicote was abroad with fourteen small vessels, in which
were 60 Portuguese, and 200 Peguers; and learning that the prince was on
shore with 4000 men, 900 of whom were armed with firelocks, he landed
and attacked him, gaining a complete victory, and even taking the
prince. When the Peguers saw their prince carried off, they were all
eager to have accompanied him into captivity, and entreated to be
received into the Portuguese vessels, such as were refused bewailing
that they could not follow, as prisoners, him whom they had served
faithfully while at liberty. On this occasion Nicote gave a notable
example how brave men ought to use their victories. Remembering that he
had formerly been slave to the prince who was now his prisoner, he
served him with as much respect as he had done formerly; watching him
while asleep, and holding his baskins in his hands with his arms across,
as is done by the meanest servants of princes in that country, and
continually attended him on all occasions.
While these transactions were going on in Pegu, Don Martin Alfonzo de
Castro came to Goa as viceroy, to replace Ayres de Saldanna, in 1604.
Ximilixa, king of Aracan, sent to treat with Nicote for the ransom of
the prince, his son, and accordingly paid 50,000 crowns on that account,
although Nicote was ordered by the viceroy to set the prince free
without any ransom. Ximilixa afterwards besieged Siriam in conjunction
with the king of Tangu, who brought a great army against the town by
land, while Ximilixa shut it up by sea with 800 sail, in which he had
10,000 men. Paul del Rego went against him with 80 small vessels; and
failing of his former success, set fire to the powder and blew up his
ship, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. The siege continued
so long, that the garrison was reduced to extremity, and on the point of
surrendering, when the king of Tangu retired one night with his army
upon some sudden suspicion, on which Ximilixa was likewise obliged to
draw off with his fleet. Several of the neighbouring princes were now so
much alarmed by the success of Nicote, that they solicited his
friendship, and to be admitted into alliance with the king of Portugal.
The first of these was the king of Tangu, and afterwards the king of
Martavan, who gave one of his daughters as a wife to Simon the son of
Nicote. Soon after, the king of Tangu being overcome in battle by the
king of _Ova_, and rendered tributary, Nicote united with the king of
Martavan, and invaded the dominions of Tangu, though in alliance with
that prince, took him prisoner and plundered him of above a million in
gold, although he protested that he was a faithful vassal to the king of
Portugal.
About this time another low adventurer, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, raised
himself by similar arts to great power in Aracan. In the year 1605,
Gonzalez embarked from Portugal for India, and going to Bengal, listed
as a soldier. By dealing in salt, which is an important article of trade
in that country, he soon gained a sufficient sum to purchase a _Jalia_,
or small vessel, in which he went with salt to Dianga, a great port in
Aracan. At this period, Nicote, who had possessed himself of Siriam, as
before related, wishing to acquire Dianga likewise, sent his son with
several small vessels thither on an embassy to the king of Aracan, to
endeavour to procure a grant of that port. Some Portuguese who then
resided at the court of Aracan, persuaded the king that the object of
Nicote in this demand; was to enable him to usurp the kingdom; upon
which insinuation the son of Nicote; and all his attendants were slain,
after which the same was done with the crews of his vessels, and all the
Portuguese inhabitants at Dianga, to the number of about 600 were put to
death, except a few who escaped on board nine or ten small vessels and
put out to sea. Among these was the vessel belonging to Sebastian
Gonzalez, who assumed the command; and as the fugitives were reduced to
great distress, they subsisted by plunder on the coasts of Aracan,
carrying their booty to the ports of the king of Bacala, who was in
friendship with the Portuguese.
Not long before this had died Emanuel de Mattos, who had been commander
of _Bandel_ of _Dianga_, and lord of _Sundiva_[426], an island about 70
leagues in compass, the subordinate command of which he had confided to
a valiant Moor named Fate Khan. On learning the death of Mattos, Fatecan
murdered all the Portuguese on the island of Sundiva, with their wives
and children, and all the Christian natives; and gathering a
considerable force of Moors and Patans, fitted out a fleet of 40 small
vessels, which he maintained by means of the ample revenue of the island
he had now usurped. Understanding that Sebastian Gonzalez and his small
squadron was cruizing near Sundiva, Fatecan went out to seek them with
such assurance of success, that he inscribed upon his colours, "Fate
Khan, by the grace of God, Lord of Sundiva, Shedder of Christian Blood,
and Destroyer of the Portuguese Nation." Sebastian and his companions
had put, into a river called _Xavaspur_, where they quarrelled about the
division of their spoil, and one Pinto sailed away from the rest in
disquiet; but meeting the fleet of Fatecan, who had hoped to surprize
the Christians he returned and gave his companions notice of their
danger. After a severe conflict, the 10 small vessels in which were only
80 Portuguese, proved victorious over the 40 vessels belonging to
Fatecan, though manned with 600 Moors, not a single vessel or man
escaping. After this great victory, the Portuguese agreed to appoint
Sebastian Gonzalez to command over the rest. Sebastian entered into a
treaty with the king of Bacala for his assistance to reduce the island
of Sundiva, engaging to pay him half the revenues of that island, and
accordingly procured from him some vessels, and 200 auxiliary horse.
Having likewise gathered a number of Portuguese from Bengal and other
parts, he saw himself, in March 1609, at the head of 400 Portuguese
troops, and had mustered a fleet of 40 small ships. In consequence of
the delay necessary for making these preparations, the island of Sundiva
was provided for defence, under a brother of the late Fatecan, who had
raised a respectable force of Moors. Sebastian, however, attempted its
conquest, and had nearly been forced to desist for want of provisions
and ammunition, when he was reinforced by a Spaniard named Gaspar de
Pina, who brought 50 men to his aid, after which they carried the fort
by assault, and put all its garrison to the sword. Having formerly been
subject to the Portuguese under de Mattos, the islanders immediately
submitted to Gonzalez, to whom they delivered upwards of 1000 Moors who
were scattered about the country, all of whom he put to death. Thus
Gonzalez became absolute master of the island, and was obeyed by the
natives and Portuguese like an independent prince.
[Footnote 426: It is highly probable, though not mentioned by De Faria,
that this Portuguese was in the service of the king of Aracan, under
whom he had held these offices. Sundiva or Sundeep is a considerable
island to the south-east of the mouth of the Burrampooter, near the
coast of Chittagong, and to the east of the Sunderbunds or Delta of the
Ganges.--E.]
Gonzalez having now a considerable revenue at his command, raised a
respectable military force of 1000 Portuguese, 2000 well armed natives,
and 200 horse, with above 80 sail of small vessels well provided with
cannon. He erected a custom-house, and encouraged the resort of
merchants to his dominions, and became so formidable that the
neighbouring princes courted his alliance. Insolent and ungrateful in
the progress of his power, he not only refused to give half the revenue
of the island to the king of Bacala according to agreement, but made war
upon his benefactor, from whom he conquered the islands of
_Xavaspur_[427] and _Patelabanga_, and other lands from other
neighbouring princes; so that he became suddenly possessed of vast
riches and great power, and acted as an independent sovereign, having
many brave men at his command. But such monsters are like comets that
threaten extensive ruin, yet last only for a short time, or like the
lightning, which no sooner expends its flash but it is gone for ever.
[Footnote 427: Shabapour is an island to the west of Sundeep, at the
principal mouth of the Barrampooter.--E.]
Soon after the elevation of Gonzalez to the sovereignty of Sundiva, a
civil war broke out between the king of Aracan and his brother Anaporam,
because the latter refused to resign a remarkable elephant, to which all
the other elephants of the country were said to allow a kind of
superiority. Being unsuccessful in the contest, Anaporam fled to
Gonzalez for assistance and protection, who demanded his sister as an
hostage. Gonzalez and Anaporam endeavoured, in conjunction, to fight the
king of Aracan, who had an army of 80,000 men, and 700 war elephants;
but being unsuccessful, were obliged to retreat to Sundiva, into which
Anaporam brought his wife and family, with all his treasure, and became
a subject of Gonzalez, who soon afterwards had the sister of Anaporam
baptized, and took her to wife. Anaporam soon died, not without
suspicion of poison; and Gonzalez immediately seized all his treasures
and effects, though he had left a wife and son. To stop the mouths of
the people on this violent and unjust procedure, he wished to have
married the widow of Anaporam to his brother Antonio Tibao, who was
admiral of his fleet, but she refused to become a Christian. Sebastian
continued the war against the king of Aracan with considerable success;
insomuch that on one occasion his brother Antonio, with only five sail,
defeated and captured 100 sail belonging to Aracan. At length the king
of Aracan concluded peace, and procured the restoration of his brother's
widow, whom he married to the rajah of Chittigong.
At this time, the Moguls undertook the conquest of the kingdom of
_Balua_[428], and as Gonzalez considered this conquest might prove
dangerous to his ill-got power, Balua being adjoining to his own
territories, he entered into a league with the king of Aracan for the
defence of that country. Accordingly, the king of Aracan took the field
with an immense army, having 80,000 of his own native subjects, mostly
armed with firelocks, 10,000 Peguers who fought with sword and bucklers,
and 700 elephants with castles carrying armed men. Besides these, he
sent 200 sail of vessels to sea, carrying 4000 men, ordering this fleet
to join that of Gonzalez, and to be under his command. According to the
treaty, Gonzalez, with the combined fleet, was to prevent the Moguls
from passing to the kingdom of Balua, till the king of Aracan could
march there with his army for its protection; besides which it was
agreed, when the Moguls were expelled from Balua, that half the kingdom
was to be given up to Gonzalez; who, on this occasion, gave as hostages,
for the safety of the Aracan fleet, and the faithful performance of his
part of the treaty, a nephew of his own, and the sons of some of the
Portuguese inhabitants of Sundiva.
[Footnote 428: There still is a town named _Bulloah_, to the east of the
Barrampooter and directly north of Sundeep, which may then have given
name to a province or small principality, of which Comillah is now the
chief town.--E.]
According to treaty, the king of Aracan entered the kingdom of Balua
with his army, and expelled the Moguls; but Gonzalez did not perform his
part of the agreement in preventing the Moguls from penetrating into
that kingdom, some alleging that he had been bribed by the Moguls to
allow them a free passage, while, according to others, he did so from
revenge against the king of Aracan, for the Portuguese who had been
slain by that king in _Bangael_ of _Dianga_[429]. However this may have
been, Gonzalez was guilty of a most execrable treachery, as, by leaving
open the mouth of the river _Dangatiar_, he left a free passage to the
Moguls. After this he went with his fleet into a creek of the island
_Desierta_[430], and assembling all the captains of the Aracan vessels on
board his ship, he murdered them all, seized all their vessels, and
killed or made slaves of all their men, after which he returned to
Sundiva. Soon afterwards the Moguls returned in great force to the
kingdom of Balua, where they reduced the king of Aracan to such straits
that he made his escape with great difficulty on an elephant, and came
almost alone to Chittigong. Immediately upon this discomfiture of the
Aracan army, which was utterly destroyed by the Moguls in Balua,
Gonzalez plundered and destroyed all the forts on the coast of Aracan,
which were then unprovided for defence, as depending on the peace and
alliance between their king and Gonzalez; he even went against the city
of Aracan, where he burnt many merchant vessels, and acquired great
plunder, and destroyed a vessel of great size, richly adorned, and
containing several splendid apartments like a palace, all covered with
gold and ivory, which the king kept as a pleasure-yacht for his own use.
Exasperated against Gonzalez for his treachery, the king ordered the
nephew of that lawless ruffian, who was in his power as a hostage, to be
be impaled. But Gonzalez, being a person utterly devoid of honour, cared
not at whose cost he advanced his own interests; yet the guilt of so
many villanies began to prey upon his conscience, and he became
apprehensive of some heavy punishment falling upon him, which he had
little means to avert, as all men considered him a traitor unworthy of
favour; those of Aracan, because he had betrayed them to the Moguls; and
the Moguls, because he had been false to those that trusted him. He
afterwards met his just reward under the government of Don Jerom de
Azevedo[431].
[Footnote 429: Perhaps the island now called Balonga on the coast of
Aracan.--E.]
[Footnote 430: Probably a desert or uninhabited island among the
Sunderbunds, in the Delta of the Ganges. Indeed the whole geography of
this singular story is obscure, owing to the prodigious change in
dominion and names that have since taken place in this part of
India.--E.]
[Footnote 431: Owing to the want of interest in the transactions of
these times, as related in the Portuguese Asia, and the confused
arrangement of De Faria, we have in this place thrown together the
principal incidents in the extraordinary rise of these two successful
adventurers, Nicote and Gonzalez, leaving their fate to be mentioned in
the succeeding section.--E.]
The Hollanders, becoming powerful at the Molucca islands, and forming an
alliance with these islanders, who were weary of the avarice and tyranny
of the Portuguese, expelled them from Amboyna and established themselves
at Ternate, whence the Portuguese had been formerly expelled by the
natives. By the aid of the king of Ternate, the Hollanders likewise,
about 1604, got possession of the fort of Tidore, whence about 400
Portuguese were permitted to retire by sea to the Phillipine islands,
where they were hospitably received by Don Pedro de Cunna, who commanded
there for the Spaniards. In February 1605, Cunna sailed from the
Philippines with 1000 Spanish and 400 native troops, and recovered the
fort of Ternate, chiefly owing to the bravery of Joam Rodriguez Camelo,
who commanded a company of Portuguese in this expedition. De Cunna
thence proceeded for Tidore, which he likewise reduced, by which
conquest the Molucca islands became subject to Spain.
The viceroy, Don Alfonso de Castro, dying in 1607, was succeeded as
governor by Alexias de Menezes, archbishop of Goa, pursuant to a patent
of succession. Next year, 1608, Don Joam Pereyra Frojas, count de Feyra,
was sent out from Portugal as viceroy of India, but died on the voyage.
After administering the government for two years and a half, the
archbishop was succeeded as governor by Andrew Furtado de Mendoza in
1609, who was soon afterwards superseded in the same year by Ruy Lorenzo
de Tavora, who came out from Portugal as viceroy. At this time, Don
Jerome de Azevedo commanded in Ceylon, who, with an army of 700
Portuguese troops and 25,000 Cingalese took and burnt the city of Candy,
on which the sovereign of that central dominion made peace with the
Portuguese, consenting to the ministry of the Franciscans in his
dominions, and even placed two of his sons in their hands, to be
instructed in the Christian religion.
About this time, a large _English_ ship and a ketch had an engagement
with two Portuguese ships beyond the Cape of Good Hope, which escaped
after suffering a severe loss. These English ships went afterwards to
Surat, where they were found by Nunno de Cunna, who had four well-manned
galleons, but ill provided with gunners, who were ignorant and cowardly.
On descrying these large ships, though the English had reason to be
afraid of their number, they undervalued them as heavy sailors, and
immediately engaged and fought them till evening, killing 30 of the
Portuguese. The engagement recommenced at day-light next morning, and
two of the Portuguese galleons, endeavouring to run on board the large
English ship, got aground, on which the pink or ketch, belonging to the
enemy, kept firing its cannon upon one of the grounded galleons, till it
floated off with the evening tide. The other two galleons fought the
large English ship all day. On the third day, all the four galleons
being afloat, endeavoured to board the enemy, who relied on their cannon
and swiftness, and sailed away to Castelete, a bay of the pirates near
Diu. De Cunna followed them thither, and again fought them for two days,
in all which time the Portuguese ships could never board them by reason
of their unwieldy bulk. At length the English stood away, shewing black
colours in token that their captain was slain. In these long indecisive
actions, the English and Portuguese both lost a number of men. The
English made for Surat, followed still by De Cunna; on which they left
that port, and De Cunna returned to Goa.