_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from_ 1564 _to
the year_ 1571.
On the death of the count of Redondo, Juan de Mendoza late governor of
Malacca succeeded to the command in India with, the title of governor. A
short while before his accession, some Malabar pirates had committed
hostilities on the coast of Calicut upon the Portuguese; and when
complaints were carried to the zamorin, he alleged that these had been
done contrary to his authority by rebels, and that the Portuguese were
welcome to punish them at their pleasure. The late viceroy had
accordingly sent Dominic de Mosquita to make reprisals, who took above
twenty sail of Malabar vessels, the crews of which he barbarously put to
death. Immediately after the accession of Mendoza to the government an
ambassador was sent to him from the zamorin, complaining of the conduct
of Mosquita; when the governor, in imitation of the answer given on a
similar occasion by the zamorin, said that it had probably been done by
Portuguese rebels whom he might punish if taken. As Mosquita came to Goa
while the Calicut ambassadors were still there, the governor thought it
expedient to apprehend him in their presence; but as soon as they were
departed, he released Mosquita and rewarded him. His conduct, however,
soon afterwards occasioned a long war with the zamorin. Mendoza only
enjoyed the government for six months, as, in the beginning of September
1564, Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa with the title of viceroy.
It is the received opinion in India, that the apostle St. Thomas was
slain at _Antmodur_, a mountain about a league and half from Meliapour,
where were two caves into which he used to retire for prayer and
meditation. The nearest of these caves now belongs to the Jesuits, and
the other has been converted into a church dedicated to our Lady of the
Mount. According to the legend, the apostle being one day at prayers in
the former of these caves, opposite to a cleft which let in the light, a
bramin thrust in a spear at the hole and gave the saint a mortal wound,
part of the spear breaking off and remaining in his body. The saint had
just strength enough remaining to go into the other cave, where he died
embracing a stone on which a representation of the cross was engraved.
His disciples removed his body, and buried it in the church which he had
built, where the body was afterwards found by Emanuel de Faria and the
priest Antonio Penteado, who were sent thither on purpose by king
Emanuel. When, in the year 1547, the Portuguese were clearing out the
cave or oratory in which the apostle died, a stone was found which seems
to have been that he clung to at his death. This stone is about a yard
long and three quarters broad, of a grey colour with some red spots. On
its middle there is a carved porch, having letters between two borders,
and within two banisters, on which are two twisted figures resembling
dogs in a sitting posture. From their heads springs a graceful arch of
five borders, between every two of which are knobs resembling heads. In
the hollow of this arch or portal is a pedestal of two steps, from the
upper of which rises a branch on each side, and over these, as if hung
in the air, is a cross, said to resemble that of the military order of
Alcantara; but in the print the ends resemble three crescents with their
convex sides outwards and their points meeting, like those in many old
churches in Europe. Over all is a dove on the wing, as if descending to
touch the cross with its beak.
When, in the year 1551, this oratory was repaired and beautified, this
stone was solemnly set up and consecrated; and when the priest was
reading the gospel, it began to turn black and shining, then sweated,
and returned to its original colour, and plainly discovered, the red
spots of blood, which were before obscure. The letters on this stone
could not be understood till the year 1561, when a learned bramin said
they consisted of 36 hieroglyphic characters, each containing a
sentence, and explained them to this effect: "In the time of the son of
Sagad the gentile, who reigned 30 years, the _one only_ GOD came upon
earth, and was incarnate in the womb of a virgin. He abolished the law
of the Jews, _whom he punished for the sins of men._[374], after he had
been thirty-three years in the world, and had instructed _twelve_
servants in the truth which he preached. A king of three crowns
_Cheraldcone, Indalacone, Cuspindiad, and Alexander_; king of
_Ertinabarad_, with _Catharine_ his daughter, and many virgins, with six
families, voluntarily followed the law of _Thomas_, because the law of
truth, and he gave them the sign of the cross to adore. Going up to the
place of _Antenodur_, a bramin thrust him through with a lance, and he
died embracing this cross which was stained with his blood. His
disciples carried him to _Maiale_, where they buried him in his own
church with the lance still in his body. And as we, the above mentioned
kings, saw this, we carved these letters." Hence it may be inferred,
that _Maiale_ was the ancient name of _Meliapour_, now called _St
Thomas_. This stone afterwards sweated sometimes, which, till the year
1561, was a good omen, but has since been a bad one.
[Footnote 374: Probably Mr Stephens may have mistranslated this passage,
which might be more appropriately read, _who put him to death for the
sins of men_. This clumsy legend of St Thomas may amuse our readers; but
probably derives its principal features from the contrivances of the
Jesuits.--E.]
There were likewise found three brass plates, about a span long and half
a span broad, shaped like scutcheons, having rings on the top. On one
side was engraven a cross and peacock, the ancient arms of Meliapour,
and on the other side certain characters which were explained by another
learned bramin to the following effect: "_Boca Rajah_ son of _Campula
Rajah_, and grandson of _Atela Rajah_, who confesses one GOD without
beginning, creator of all things, who is greater than the beast
_Chigsan_, and one of five kings who has conquered ninety and nine, who
is strong as one of the eight elephants that support the world, and hath
conquered the kingdoms of Otia, Tulcan, and Canara, cutting his enemies
to pieces with his sword." This is the Inscription on one of these
plates. The others contain grants of lands to St Thomas, directed by the
king to himself, and calling him _Abidarra Modeliar;_ whence it may be
inferred, that these kings reigned at the time when Christ was
crucified. One of these grants begins thus: "After the year 1259, in
the first year called _Icarana Rachan_, and on the 12th day of the new
moon of the good year, I give in alms to the saint _Abidarra Modeliar,"_
&c. The other begins in this manner: "This is a token of alms-deeds to
purchase Paradise. All kings that perform them shall obtain much more
than they give; and he who disannuls them shall remain 60,000 years with
the worms in hell," &c.
It has been disputed by what road St Thomas came into India. The heathen
history says, that he and Thaddeus being in Mesopotamia, they parted at
the city of Edessa, whence St Thomas sailed with certain merchants to
the island of Socotora where he converted the people, and then passed
over to Mogodover Patana, a city of Paru, in Malabar, where he built a
church. When at this place, a heathen, who had struck St Thomas in the
king's presence, going to fetch water had his hand bitten off by a
tiger; and running to the palace to tell his misfortune, a dog followed
him with the hand in his mouth, on which the saint set on his hand
again, so that no mark remained. He went afterwards to Calicut, where he
converted king _Perimal_. There is an account that he went to the Moguls
country, where Chesitrigal then reigned, whence going into China, he
returned through Thibet into India, and went to Meliapour, where he
ended his days.
In the year 800, a rich Armenian Christian, named Thomas Cananeus,
arrived at Mogodover or Patana. Having acquired the favour of the king
by his presents, he received a grant of Cranganor and the city of
Patana, in which there were scarcely any vestiges remaining of the
church there established by St Thomas. On these foundations the Armenian
built a new church, and another at Cranganor, which he dedicated to St
Thomas, and which is still standing on the outside of the Portuguese
fort. He likewise built two other churches, one dedicated to the Holy
Virgin, and the other to St Cyriacus. All of these have been erroneously
ascribed to St Thomas, when in fact they were the works of Thomas
Cananeus, the Armenian. It may reasonably be believed that the temple or
pagoda, into which Vasco de Gama entered, as he went from Calicut to the
palace of the zamorin, may have been one of these churches, because the
image of the Virgin was there called Mary by the heathens. It is
believed that one of the three kings who went to Bethlem, at the
nativity of our Lord, was king of Malabar. The heathens celebrate yearly
a festival in honour of St Thomas, for the preservation of their ships,
because formerly, every year, many of them used to be lost while sailing
to Parvi.
From this long digression we return to the government of the viceroy Don
Antonio de Noronha, who arrived in the beginning of September 1564, as
formerly mentioned. In consequence of the cruelties exercised on the
Moors of Malabar by Mesquita, as formerly mentioned, those of Cananor
had besieged the Portuguese fort at that place, and had destroyed above
thirty vessels which were under its protection. After a siege of some
endurance, the Portuguese fleet destroyed many of the paraos belonging
to the enemy, while the besieged garrison of Cananor killed great
numbers of their assailants, besides cutting down above 40,000 palm
trees[375] to the infinite injury of the natives, who depend upon these
trees as their principal sustenance. The natives were so exasperated at
this that, collecting forces from all the surrounding districts, to the
amount of 90,000 men, they assaulted and even scaled the walls of the
fort and city; but after fighting from day-break to sunset, during which
time they lost about 5000 men, they were forced to retire to their camp,
resolving to protract the siege, or rather to convert the siege into a
strict blockade. In the farther prosecution of this war, the Portuguese
utterly destroyed the city belonging to Adderajao[376], who commanded
the besieging enemy, and cut down a large wood of palm trees, making
great slaughter of the enemy, without any loss on their own side, so
that the natives were constrained to raise the siege.
[Footnote 375: Assuredly cocoa-nut trees. This explains a circumstance
repeatedly mentioned on former occasions, of the Portuguese anxiously
cutting down the woods in their war with the natives on the coast of
India.--E.]
[Footnote 376: From the name of the commander of the enemy, probably
_Adde Rajah_, and other circumstances, they were most likely _Nagres_,
and other native Malabars, though called Moors in the text of De
Faria.--E.]
About this time the fort of Daman, towards the frontier of Guzerat, was
threatened by a detachment of 3000 Mogul horse. Juan de Sousa stood
immediately on his defence, and sent advice to the viceroy and the
neighbouring commanders of his danger, trusting however to the strength
of his defences, and particularly to a pallisade or _bound hedge_, which
he had made of the plant named _lechera_ or the _milk plant_, which
throws out when cut a milky liquor which is sure to blind any one if it
touches their eyes. On receiving reinforcements, De Sousa marched out
against the Moguls, who were encamped about three leagues from Daman;
but they fled precipitately, leaving their camp and baggage, in which
the Portuguese found a rich booty.
During the year 1566, the trade of India was reduced to a very low ebb,
owing to a desolating war in the rich and extensive kingdom of Bisnagar,
which then reached from the frontiers of Bengal to that of Sinde. The
kings of the Decan, Nizam al Mulk, Adel Khan, and Cuttub Shah, envious
of the power and grandeur of the king of Bisnagar, entered into a league
to partition his dominions among themselves, and took the field with
50,000 horse and 300,000 foot. To repel this formidable invasion, the
king of Bisnagar, who was then ninety-six years of age, met his enemies
with an army double their numbers. At first the confederates seemed to
have the worst of the war; but fortune favoured them in the end, and the
ancient king of Bisnagar was defeated and slain. The confederates spent
five months in plundering the capital of Bisnagar, although the natives
had previously carried off 1550 elephants loaded with money and jewels
to the value of above an hundred millions of gold, besides the royal
chair of state, which was of inestimable value. Among his share of the
plunder Adel Khan got a diamond as large as an ordinary egg, with
another of extraordinary size though smaller, and other jewels of
prodigious value. The dominions of the old king were partitioned by the
victors among his sons and nephews.
In the year 1567, the great poet Camoens being extremely poor though he
had served sixteen years in India, was prevailed upon to go to Sofala
along with Pedro Barreto, who was going there with the command, and
promised to do great things for him; but after waiting long and
receiving nothing, Camoens resolved to return to Portugal in a ship
which put in at Sofala, in which was Hector de Silveyra and other
gentlemen. Barreto, however, opposed his departure, having promised him
promotion without any intentions of doing so, but only to procure his
company for his own gratification, and now detained him under pretence
of a debt of two hundred ducats. Silveyra and the other Portuguese
gentlemen paid this money and brought Camoens away, so that it may be
said, that the person of Camoens and the honour of Barreto were both
sold for that money. Camoens arrived at Lisbon in 1569, at which time
the plague raged in that city; so that in flying from one plague our
great and famous poet fell into another.
In 1568, Don Antonio de Noronha was succeeded as viceroy of India by Don
Luis de Ataide, count of Atougaia, who arrived at Goa in the October of
that year. At this time Itimi Khan held the administration of the
Kingdom of Guzerat, having by great artifice persuaded the chiefs that
his own son was son of the former king; but the kingdom was in great
confusion. One Rustum Khan had usurped Baroch, in which he was besieged
by the Moguls, and being in alliance with the Portuguese, a force was
sent to his assistance, which succeeded in obliging the Moguls to raise
the siege; but Rustum now forgot his promises, and refused to become
tributary. At Surat the government had been usurped by one Agalu Khan,
who was loading two large ships at that port without licence from the
Portuguese viceroy; on which the commander of the Portuguese fort at
Daman seized both ships, which were valued at 100,000 ducats. Nunno
Vello de Pereyra, who had gone from Daman to clear the bay of Cambaya
from pirates that infested the Portuguese trade, burnt two villages and
several vessels, and carried away many prisoners. He then landed with
400 men, and went against a body of Moguls who had taken post on the
mountain of Parnel, about three leagues from Daman, a place almost
impregnable by its situation and the strength of its works. Although
unacquainted with the strength of the place or the number of its
defenders, who exceeded 8000 men, Nunno immediately began to climb up
the steep ascent, whence the enemy rolled down great stones upon the
assailants. The soldiers however clambered up on their hands and knees,
and reached the first entrenchment which they carried after a vigorous
opposition; but were forced to retire from the fort after a desperate
assault, in which the Portuguese lost seven men. In their retreat the
Portuguese carried off a considerable quantity of provisions, with fifty
horses and several camels and oxen, and were pursued on their retreat by
500 of the enemy, 100 of whom were cavalry. From Daman, to which he had
retreated, Nunno marched again against the enemy, having now 100
Portuguese and 50 native horse, with 650 foot, half Portuguese, and half
native, and three pieces of cannon. In this new, attempt, they had to
climb the mountain by roads never trod before, and against considerable
opposition from the enemy, who had five pieces of cannon. After three
days of severe labour and almost continual fighting, in which he lost
eight men, six of whom were slain and two made prisoners, Nunno at
length gained the summit of the mountain, and planted his cannon against
the fort, which he battered with such fury, that the enemy abandoned it
on the sixth night, and the fort was razed.
In the year 1580, a dangerous war broke out in India against the
Portuguese, by a confederacy which had been negotiating for five years
with wonderful secrecy. The confederated princes were Adel Khan, Nizam
al Mulk, the Zamorin, and the king of Acheen, and they flattered
themselves in the hope of extirpating the Portuguese from India, making
themselves so sure of success, that they agreed beforehand on the
division of their expected conquests. Adel Khan was to have Goa, Onor,
and Barcalor; Nizam al Mulk to have Chaul, Daman, and Basseen; and
Cananor, Mangalor, Cochin, and Chale were to become the share of the
Zamorin. At the same time, the king of Acheen was to attack Malacca,
that the Portuguese, assailed at once on every important point, might be
incapable of sending succours to the different places. Adel Khan was so
confident of success, that he had assigned the different offices at Goa
among his chiefs, and had even allotted among them certain Portuguese
ladies, who were celebrated for their beauty.
In pursuance of this league, Adel Khan took the field to besiege Goa,
and Nizam al Mulk marched against Chaul. In this great emergency, it was
recommended by many to abandon Chaul for the greater security of Goa;
but the viceroy undauntedly resolved to defend both. Don Francisco
Mascarenhas was sent with six hundred men in four gallies and five small
vessels for the relief of Chaul, about the beginning of September, and
the viceroy took proper precautions for the defence of Goa. The pass of
Benastarim was committed to the care of Ferdinand de Sousa y
Castellobranco with 120 men. Paul de Lima had charge of Rachol with
sixty, and fifteen hundred native troops were distributed in different
parts of the island under approved commanders. At this time there were
only 700 Portuguese troops in Goa, which were kept as a body of reserve,
whenever their services might be most wanted. The defence of the city
was confided to the monks and clergy, to the number of 300, assisted by
1000 slaves. Juan de Sousa with 50 horse was ready to give assistance
where wanted. Don George de Menezes had the defence of the river with 25
vessels; and the viceroy, having procured ammunition and provisions from
all quarters, took post about the middle of December on the bank of the
river.
These measures of defence were hardly completed, when several bodies of
the enemy were seen descending from the _gauts_, and taking up a camp at
Ponda, under the command of Nori Khan, general of the army of Adel Khan.
About the end of December, Nori Khan advanced from Ponda, and encamped,
facing the pass of Benastarim, where he pitched the royal tents of Adel
Khan, who spent eight days in descending the gauts, so vast was the army
which now came against Goa. At night, so many fires were lighted up to
illuminate the passes of the mountain, that, though at a great distance,
the multitudes of the enemy could be distinctly seen from the island.
The army of Adel Khan, on this occasion, amounted to 100,000 fighting
men, of whom 36,000 were horse, with 2140 war-elephants, and 350 pieces
of cannon, most of which were of an extraordinary size; and some barks
were brought upon mules to be launched into the river to assist in
getting into the island. The chief commanders of this vast army were
Nori Khan, Rumer Khan, and Coger Khan; the former of whom commanded in
chief under the king, and the other two had charge of advanced posts on
the side of the river. Their encampment was so extensive and regularly
arranged that it resembled a regularly built city. Adel Khan took up his
quarters at Ponda with 4000 horse, 6000 musqueteers, 300 elephants, and
220 pieces of cannon. Rumer Khan, Coger Khan, and Mortaz Khan were
stationed near the mouth of the _Ganja_ channel, with 3000 horse, 130
elephants, and nine cannon. Nori Khan commanded opposite the island of
_Juan Lopez_ with 7000 horse, 130 elephants, and eight large cannon.
Camil Khan and Deliren Khan faced the pass of Benastarim with 9000
horse, 200 elephants, and 32 pieces of battering artillery. Solyman Aga
took post on a hill above Benastarim with 1500 horse and two
field-pieces. Anjoz Khan, opposite the island of _Juan Rangel_, with
2500 horse, 50 elephants, and six cannon. Xatiaryiatan in sight of
_Sapal_, with 1500 horse, six elephants, and six cannon. Daulate Khan,
Xetiatimanaique, Chiti Khan, and Codemena Khan faced the pass of Agazaim
with 9000, 200 elephants, and 26 cannon. The rest of the army, with
innumerable followers, covered the mountains to a vast extent,
sufficient to strike terror into the boldest spirits.
Having carefully examined the dispositions of the enemy, and naturally
considering the means he possessed for defence, now somewhat increased
by the arrival of reinforcements from different quarters, the viceroy
made a new distribution of his force to various posts, his force in all
amounting to 1600 men; besides several small armed vessels, which were
directed to guard the river, and to relieve the several posts as
occasion offered or required[377]. The enemy spent their first efforts
against the fort at the pass of Benastarim, where they did considerable
damage by the constant fire of their heavy guns; but whatever injury
they did during the day was repaired in the ensuing night. Such was the
extent of their cannonade, that only in one small post, occupied by
Alvaro de Mendoza with ten men, 600 bullets were picked up, some of
which were two spans diameter. The Portuguese were unable to answer with
any thing like a correspondent fire, but, being well directed, their
shot did great execution, and the small armed vessels plied from place
to place with much diligence, doing great injury with their small guns.
One night an officer of the enemy was seen with a great number of
torches passing a height opposite the fort of Benastarim, having a
number of young women dancing before him. On this occasion, Ferdinand de
Sousa caused a cannon to be so exactly pointed among them, that the
officer, with several of his torch-bearers and two couple of the dancers
were seen to fly into the air. As this was the time for dispatching the
homeward-bound trade to Portugal, the governor was anxiously advised to
stop that fleet, as it would deprive him of 400 men, who might be of
great use in defending Goa; but ambitions of acquiring greater glory by
conquering every difficulty, he ordered the ships to sail at their usual
time, alleging that their cargoes were much wanted in Portugal, and that
he trusted he should have a sufficient force remaining to defend the
seat of government.
[Footnote 377: In the original, there is along enumeration of
twenty-four several posts, with the names of the officers commanding
each, and the numbers in their respective detachments; all here omitted
as uninteresting.--E.]
The Portuguese had often the boldness to cross over and attack the enemy
in their posts in the main-land, whence they brought away many prisoners
and many heads of those they slew, with various arms and standards. On
one occasion, Don George de Menezes who commanded the armed vessels, and
Don Pedro de Castro who landed with 200 Portuguese, made so great
slaughter that the viceroy sent two carts loaded with heads to the city,
to animate the inhabitants with this barbarous proof of the energy of
the defence. One night Gaspar and Lancelot Diaz penetrated four or five
miles up the country with eighty men, burnt two villages with many
detached houses, and brought away many prisoners, many heads of the
slain enemy, and much cattle. At another time these two brothers, with
one hundred and thirty men, attacked the quarters of Coger Khan and
Rumer Khan, where they made great havock, and destroyed all the
preparations they had made for passing over into the island of Juan
Lopez. The enemy were astonished at the exploits performed by such small
numbers, and still more so when they learnt that the viceroy had sent
off Don Diego de Menezes with his squadron to the Malabar coast, and Don
Ferdinand de Vasconcellos with four gallies and two small vessels, on an
expedition to destroy Dabul.
Don Ferdinand burnt two large ships belonging to Mecca at that place,
where he likewise landed and destroyed several villages, and would even
have done the same to Dabul if he had not been opposed by his officers.
On his return to Goa he attacked the quarters of Anjoz Khan, which were
three miles from the post of the viceroy. He forced an entrance with
great slaughter of the enemy; but his men falling into confusion for the
sake of plunder, the enemy rallied and fell upon them, so that they were
constrained to seek their safety in flight, with some loss, while Don
Ferdinand was weakened with loss of blood and wearied by the weight of
his armour, so that he was surrounded and slain. On this occasion 40 of
the Portuguese were slain, and the ship of Don Ferdinand was taken by
the enemy; but the viceroy sent Don George de Menezes with 100 men, who
set the ship on fire, and brought away her guns.
At this time the zamorin made proposals for renewing the peace, either
in hopes of deriving some advantage during the present state of affairs,
or of covering his real designs of hostility; but the viceroy replied,
that he would not yield a single point of difference, and even
persisted in that resolution, although the queen of _Quarcopa_ declared
war at Onor. Even under all the difficulties of his situation, the
viceroy sent succours to Onor to oppose this new enemy, to the great
astonishment of Adel Khan, who thought the force in Goa had been already
too small for defence against his numerous army. At this time likewise,
the viceroy sent reinforcements to the Moluccas and Mozambique, both of
which places were much straitened by the enemy. The grand object of the
enemy was to get across into the island of Goa, for which purpose the
great general Nori Khan began to construct a bridge, in which he
employed a vast number of workmen; but the viceroy fell upon them and
made great havock, destroying all their preparations and materials. It
was reported that Adel Khan designed to go over into the island in
person, and that he was extremely desirous to get possession of a fine
horse belonging to the viceroy, for which he had formerly offered a
large sum of money. On this being made known to the viceroy, he sent the
horse as a present to Adel Khan, with a complimentary message, saying
"that it would give him much satisfaction to see his majesty on the
island." Adel Khan accepted the horse, and caused him to be bedded with
silken quilts, under a canopy of cloth of gold, to be covered with
embroidered damask, and all his caparisons to be ornamented with massy
gold, while his provender was mixed with preserves and other dainties.
But the horse was soon afterwards killed by a cannon-ball.
After the siege had continued above two months to the beginning of
March, during which time many of the buildings in the island had been
beaten down by the cannon of the enemy, who had lost numbers of their
men, Adel Khan began to despair of success, especially as the Portuguese
were now considerably increased in strength by the arrival of several
squadrons from different places. He wished, therefore, for peace, yet
was loath to propose it himself; but the viceroy was acquainted with his
most secret councils, as he used all possible means to procure
intelligence from the hostile camp, where he had in his pay several
renegado Portuguese who served under Adel khan, and had even corrupted
the favourite wife of Adel Khan. He so converted these secret advices to
advantage, that he contrived to get a treaty of pacification begun
without its appearing who was its author, and at length even Adel Khan
stooped to make proposals. Still, however, the siege was continued unto
the month of April, at which time considerable reinforcements arrived at
Goa, under Don George de Menezes, who brought back 1500 men from the
Moluccas, and Lorenzo de Barbuda from Cochin. At one time, 3000 of the
enemy began to enter the island of Juan Lopez, but were repulsed with
great slaughter by 120 men under two Portuguese commanders. In many
expeditions from the island, the Portuguese attacked the various posts
of the enemy on the main-land, mostly by night, ruining the works they
had thrown up, burning the villages, and destroying great numbers of
their men. Yet though Adel Khan had hardly any hopes of ultimate
success, he caused gardens to be laid out at his quarters, and made such
other demonstrations as if he had resolved to dwell in his present camp
till Goa were reduced.
Winter being near at hand, Adel Khan determined upon a great effort to
gain possession of the island; for which purpose 9000 men were brought
to the pass of _Mercantor_, which had not been fortified by the
Portuguese as the river was very wide at that place. Fortunately the
Portuguese heard the sound of a great drum in that direction, which is
never beat but when the king marches in person; upon which they ran
thither and saw Adel Khan on the opposite side encouraging his men.
Advice of this was immediately conveyed to the viceroy, who sent several
parties to defend the pass, and marched thither himself, sending orders
for assistance to the various posts and quarters. In spite of every
opposition, five thousand of the enemy got over under the command of
Solyman Aga, a Turk who was captain of the guards of Adel Khan. By the
time the viceroy got to the place, he had collected a force of 2000 men,
with which he immediately attacked the enemy. The battle continued the
whole of the 13th of April from morning to night, and from the morning
of the 14th to that of the following day. During all this time, Adel
Khan surveyed the engagement from the opposite side of the river, often
cursing his prophet and throwing his turban on the ground in his rage;
and at length had the mortification of seeing his troops entirely
defeated, with the loss of Solyman Aga and 4000 men, while the
Portuguese scarcely lost twenty. Though in public he vowed never to stir
from before Goa still it was taken, he privately made overtures for
peace, in which he even ridiculously demanded the surrender of Goa.
About this time, the viceroy secretly entered into a treaty with Nori
Khan, the grand general of Adel Khan, whom he instigated to kill the
king, offering to support him in assuming the crown, or at least in
acquiring a preponderating influence in the government under the
successor. Nori Khan agreed to these proposals; but when the conspiracy
was ripe for execution it was detected, and Nori Khan, with all his
adherents, were secured.
When the siege had continued to the middle of July, the viceroy
endeavoured to stir up other princes to invade the dominions of Adel
Khan, that he might be constrained to abandon the siege. Both he and the
king were desirous of peace, but both endeavoured to conceal their
wishes; the viceroy giving out that he cared not how long the king
continued the siege, and the king pretending that he would persevere
till he gained the place. At length, towards the end of August 1571,
when the summer or fine weather had begun, and when the enemy might
still better have been able to keep the field, and to recommence active
operations, the number of the hostile tents could be seen plainly to
decrease, then the cannon were drawn off from the posts of the enemy,
and at last the men entirely disappeared; Adel Khan having abandoned the
siege without coming to any accommodation, after a siege of ten months,
in which he lost 12,000 men, 300 elephants, 4000 horses, and 6000
draught bullocks, partly by the sword and partly by the weather.
Exactly at the same time when Adel Khan invested Goa, Nizam al Mulk sat
down before Chaul. Being suspicious of each other, the two sovereigns
kept time exactly in their preparations, in the commencement of their
march, and in all their subsequent operations. Farete Khan the general
of Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul with 8000 horse, 20 elephants and
20,000 foot, on the last day of November 1570, breaking ground with a
prodigious noise of warlike instruments of music. At this time Chaul was
under the command of Luis Fereiyra de Andrada, an officer well deserving
of such a charge, who long laboured under great want of almost every
necessary for conducting the defence, supplying these defects by his own
genius and the valour of his men, till reinforced by Don Francisco
Mascarenhas, who brought him 500 men in four gallies and provisions.
Desirous of distinguishing himself before the arrival of Nizam his
sovereign, Farete Khan resolved upon giving an assault, in which he
employed his elephants with castles on their backs, and with scythes
tied to their trunks. The fight lasted three hours; but the Moors were
repulsed with great slaughter, both by sea and land, and forced to
retire to the church of Madre de Dios. Nothing remarkable happened after
this till the commencement of the year 1571, when some Moors were
observed gathering fruit in an orchard at a short distance from the
garrison, on which Nuno Vello went out against them with only five
soldiers and killed one of the Moors. Both parties were gradually
increased till the enemy amounted to 6000 men, and the Portuguese to
200; but notwithstanding this disparity of force, the Portuguese drove
that vast multitude to flight and slew 180 of them, only losing two of
their own number.
In the beginning of January 1571, Nizam al Mulk came before Chaul with
his whole army, now consisting of 34,000 horse, 100,000 infantry, 16,000
pioneers, 4000 smiths, masons, carpenters, and other trades, and of
sundry different nations, as Turks, Chorassans, Persians, and
Ethiopians, with 360 elephants, an infinite number of buffaloes and
bullocks, and 40 pieces of cannon, mostly of prodigious size, some of
which carried balls of 100, some of 200, and some even of 300 pounds
weight. These cannon had all appropriate names, as the cruel, the
butcher, the devourer, the furious, and the like[378]. Thus an army of
150,000 men sat down to besiege a town that was defended merely by a
single wall, a fort not much larger than a house, and a handful of men.
Farete Khan took up his quarters near the church of Madre de Dios with
7000 horse and 20 elephants; Agalas Khan in, the house of Juan Lopez
with 6000 horse; Ximiri Khan between that and upper Chaul with 2000
horse; so that the city was beset from sea to sea. The Nizam encamped
with the main body, of the army at the farther end of the town, where
the ground was covered with tents for the space of two leagues; and 5000
horse were detached to ravage the district of Basseen.
[Footnote 378: These names are of course to be considered as
translations of the native or Persian names. That named _the furious_ in
the text, is called the _Orlando furioso_ in the translation of De Faria
by Stevens; but it is not easy to guess how the subjects of the Nizam
should have known any thing of that hero of Christian romance.--E.]
At the commencement of the siege the Portuguese garrison was a mere
handful of men, and the works being very slight no particular posts were
assigned, all acting wherever their services were most wanted. Soon
afterwards, the news of the siege having spread abroad, many officers
and gentlemen flocked thither with reinforcements, so that in a short
time the garrison was augmented to 2000 men. It was then resolved to
maintain particular points besides the general circuit of the walls. The
monastery of St Francis was committed to the charge of Alexander de
Sousa; Nunno Alvarez Pereyra was entrusted to defend some houses near
the shore; those between the Misericordia and the church of St Dominic
were confided to Gonzalo de Menezes; others in that neighbourhood to
Nuno Vello Perreyra; and so in other places. In the mean while it was
generally recommended at Goa that Chaul ought to be abandoned, but the
viceroy thought otherwise, in which opinion he was only seconded by
Ferdinand de Castellobranco, and he immediately sent succours under
Ferdinand Tellez and Duarte de Lima. Before their arrival, Zimiri Khan,
who had promised the Nizam that he would be the first person to enter
Chaul, vigorously assaulted the ports of Henry De Betancour and
Ferdinand de Miranda, who resisted him with great gallantry, and on
receiving reinforcements repulsed him with the slaughter of 300 of his
men, losing seven on their side.
The enemy erected a battery against the monastery of St Francis where
the Portuguese had some cannon; and as the gunners on both sides used
their utmost endeavour to burst or dismount the opposite guns, the
bullets were sometimes seen to meet by the way. On the eve of St
Sebastian, the Portuguese made a sally upon some houses which were
occupied by the Moors, and slew a great number of them without the loss
of one man. Enraged at this affront and the late repulse, the enemy made
that same night an assault on the fort or monastery of St Francis with
5000 men, expecting to surprise the Portuguese, but were soon undeceived
by losing many of their men. This assault lasted with great fury for
five hours; and as the Portuguese suspected the enemy were undermining
the wall, and could not see by reason of the darkness, one Christopher
Curvo thrust himself several times out from a window, with a torch in
one hand and a buckler in the other to discover if possible what they
were doing. During this assault those in the town sent out assistance
to the garrison in the monastery, though with much hazard. When morning
broke and the assailants had retired, the monastery was all stuck full
of arrows, and the dead bodies of 300 Moors were seen around its walls,
while the defenders had not lost a single man. The enemy renewed the
assault on this post for five successive days, and were every time
repulsed by the Portuguese with vast slaughter, the garrison often
sallying out and strewing the field with slain enemies. It was at length
judged expedient to withdraw the men from this place into the town, lest
its loss might occasion greater injury than its defence could do
service. Seventeen of the Portuguese were here slain. One of these used
to stand on a high place to notice when the enemy fired their cannon,
and on one occasion said to the men below; "If these fellows should now
fire _Raspadillo_, a cannon 18 feet long to which that name was given,
it will send me to sup with Christ, to whom I commend my soul, for it
points directly at me." He had hardly spoken these words when he was
torn in pieces by a ball from that very gun. On getting possession of
the monastery of St Francis, the Moors fired a whole street in the town
of Chaul, but on attempting to take post in some houses, they were
driven out with the loss of 400 men. At this time Gonzalez de Camera
went to Goa for reinforcements, as the garrison was much pressed, and
brought a relief in two galleys.
About this period the 5000 men that had been detached by the Nizam to
ravage the district of Basseen attempted to get possession of some of
the Portuguese garrisons. Being beaten off at Azarim and Daman, they
invested Caranja, a small work between Chaul and Daman on the
water-side, and almost an island, as it is surrounded by several small
brooks. It was at this time commanded by Stephen Perestrello with a
garrison of only 40 men, but was reinforced on the reappearance of the
enemy by Emanuel de Melo with 30 more. With this small band of only 70
soldiers, Perestrello sallied out against the enemy, and with such
success, that after covering the little island with dead bodies, the
rest fled leaving their cannon, and a considerable quantity of
ammunition and provisions.
In the mean time the Moors continued to batter Chaul without
intermission for a whole month with 70 pieces of large cannon, every
day expending against its weak defences at least 160 balls. This
tremendous cannonade did much damage to the houses of the town, in which
many of the brave defenders were slain. On one occasion six persons who
were eating together were destroyed by a single ball. This furious
battery was commenced against the bastion of the holy cross, and was
carried on for a considerable way along the defences of that front of
the town, levelling every thing with the ground. The besieged used every
precaution to shelter themselves by digging trenches; but the hostile
gunners were so expert[379] that they elevated their guns and made their
balls plunge among those who considered themselves in safety. Observing
that one of the enemies batteries beyond the church of St Dominic never
ceased its destructive fire, Perestrello detached 120 men under
Alexander de Sousa and Augustino Nunnez, who drove the enemy after a
vigorous resistance from the battery with great slaughter, and set their
works on fire, and levelled them with the ground, without sustaining any
loss. Among the arms taken in this successful sortie was a cymeter
inscribed, Jesus save me.
[Footnote 379: To expert modern gunners it would be an easy matter so
discharge as many balls in _one day_, as were expended in this siege in
a whole month. De Faria mentions that an expedient was fallen upon by
which the danger from the plunging fire was avoided, but gives us no
intimation of its nature.--E.]
Having ruined the defences of the town, the enemy attacked several large
houses in which they endeavoured to establish themselves, but were
repulsed from some of these with considerable loss, while the defenders
lost but one man. On attacking the house of Hector de Sampayio, which
was undermined by the Portuguese with the intention of blowing it up
when occupied by the enemy, some fire accidentally communicated to the
mine during the conflict, and blew it up while still occupied by the
Portuguese, by which 42 of their soldiers were destroyed, and without
injury to the Moors, who planted their colours on the ruins. Ximiri Khan
made an assault by night with 600 men upon the bastion of the holy
cross, in which Ferdinand Pereyra was posted with 30 men, who was
reinforced by Henry de Betancourt with a few more. The assailants were
beaten off and five of their colours taken which they had planted on the
work. In this action Betancourt fought with his left hand, having
previously lost the right; and Dominic del Alama, being lame, caused
himself to be brought out in a chair. April 1571 was now begun, and the
enemy were employed in constructing new works as if determined to
continue the siege all winter. Alexander de Sousa and Gonzalo de Menezes
were appointed to head a sally upon these new works, but their men ran
out without orders to the number of 200, and made a furious assault upon
the enemy, whom they drove from the works after killing fifty of them
and losing a few of their own number. The two commanders hastened to
join their men, and then directed them to destroy the works they had so
gallantly won. Perplexed with so many losses, the Nizam made a general
assault under night with his whole army, attacking all the posts at one
time, every one of which almost they penetrated; but the garrison
exerted themselves with so much vigour that they drove the Moors from
every point of attack, and in the morning above 500 of the enemy were
found slain in and about the ruined defences, while the Portuguese had
only lost four or five men. About this time the defenders received a
reinforcement of above 200 men from Goa, Diu, and Basseen, with a large
supply of ammunition and provisions; but at this time they were much
afflicted by a troublesome though not mortal disease, by which they
became swelled all over so as to lose the use of their limbs.
Having ineffectually endeavoured to stir up enemies against the
Portuguese in Cambaya on purpose to prevent relief being sent to the
brave defenders of Chaul, the Nizam used every effort to bring his
arduous enterprize to a favourable conclusion. The house of Nuno Alvarez
Pereyra being used as a strong-hold by the Portuguese, was battered
during forty-two days by the enemy, who then assaulted it with 5000 men.
At first the defenders of this post were only forty in number, but
twenty more came to their assistance immediately, and several others
afterwards. The Moors were repulsed with the loss of 50 men, while the
Portuguese only lost one. The house of Nuno Vello was battered for
thirty days and assaulted with the same success, only the Portuguese
lest ten men in its defence. Judging it no longer expedient to defend
this house, it was undermined and evacuated, on which the enemy hastened
to take possession and it was blown up, doing considerable execution
among the enemy, but not so much as was expected. The summer was now
almost spent; above 6000 cannon-balls had been thrown into the town,
some of which were of prodigious size, and the Nizam seemed determined
to continue the siege during the winter. About 200 Portuguese, appalled
by the dangers of the siege, had already, deserted; but instead of them
300 men had come from Goa, so that the garrison was even stronger than
before. On the 11th of April, Gonzalez de Camara made a sortie upon 500
Moors in an orchard, only fifty of whom escaped.
Fortune could not be always favourable to the besieged. By a chance ball
from the enemy, one of the galleys which brought relief was sunk
downright with 40 men and goods to the value of 40,000 ducats. But, next
day, Ferdinand Tellez made a sally with 400 men, and gained a victory
equal to that of Gonzalez de Camara, and brought away one piece of
cannon with some ammunition, arms, and other booty. This action was seen
by the Nizam in person, who mounted his horse and threatened to join in
it in person, for which purpose he seized a lance, which he soon changed
for a whip, with which he threatened to chastise his men, and upbraided
them as cowards. The Portuguese were now so inured to danger that
nothing could terrify them, and they seemed to court death instead of
shunning it on all occasions. Some of them being employed to level some
works from which the enemy had been driven near the monastery of St
Francis, and being more handy at the sword than the spade, drew upon
themselves a large party of the enemy of whom they slew above 200, yet
not without some loss on their side. About this time Farete Khan, one of
the Nizams generals, made some overtures towards peace, but without any
apparent authority from his sovereign, who caused him to be arrested on
suspicion of being corrupted by the Portuguese, though assuredly he had
secret orders for what he had done. Indeed it was not wonderful that the
Nizam should be desirous of peace, as he had now lain seven months
before Chaul to no purpose, and had lost many thousand men; neither was
it strange in the Portuguese to have the same wish, as they had lost 400
men besides Indians.
When the siege had continued to the beginning of June the attacks and
batteries were carried on by both sides with as much obstinacy and
vigour as if then only begun. The house of Nunno Alvarez was at this
time taken by the enemy through the carelessness of the defenders, and
on an attempt to recover it 20 of the Portuguese lost their lives
without doing much injury to the enemy. The Moors in the next place got
possession of the monastery of St Dominic, but not without a heavy loss;
and then gained the house of Gonzalo de Menezes, in which the Portuguese
suffered severely. The hostile batteries kept up a constant fire from
the end of May to the end of June, as the Nizam had resolved to make a
breach fit for the whole army to try its fortune in a general assault.
On the 28th of June, every thing being in readiness, the Nizams whole
army was drawn out for the assault, all his elephants appearing in the
front with castles on their backs full of armed men. While the whole
army stood in expectation of the signal of assault, an officer of note
belonging to the enemy was slain by a random shot from one of the
Portuguese cannon, which the Nizam considered as an evil omen, and
ordered the attack to be deferred till next day. On this occasion six of
the garrison ventured beyond the works and drew a multitude of the enemy
within reach of the Portuguese fire, which was so well bestowed that 118
of the enemy were slain and 500 wounded, without any loss on the side of
the defenders.
About noon on the 29th of June 1571, the Nizam gave the signal of
assault, when the whole of his men and elephants moved forwards with
horrible cries and a prodigious noise of warlike instruments. The
Portuguese were drawn up in their several posts to defend the ruined
works, and Don Francisco Mascarenhas, the commander in chief[380],
placed himself opposite the Nizam with a body of reserve to relieve the
posts wherever he might see necessary. The day was darkened with smoke,
and alternately lighted up with flames. The slaughter and confusion was
great on both sides. Some of the colours of the enemy were planted on
the works, but were soon taken or thrown down along with those who had
set them up. The elephants were made drunk by the nayres who conducted
them that they might be the fiercer; but being burnt and wounded, many
of them ran madly about the field. One that was much valued by the
Nizam, having his housings all in flames, plunged into the sea and swam
over the bar, where he was killed by a cannon ball from one of the
Portuguese vessels. The Moors continued the assault till night, unable
to gain possession of any of the works, and then drew off, after losing
above 3000 men, among whom were many officers of note. On the side of
the Portuguese eight gentleman were slain and a small number of private
soldiers.
[Footnote 380: At the commencement of this siege, according to De Faria,
Luis Ferreyra de Andrada commanded in Chaul; and Mascarenhas is said to
have brought a reinforcement of 600 men; it would now appear that he had
assumed the command.--E.]
Next day the Moors asked leave to bury their dead, and a truce was
granted for that purpose. While employed in removing their dead, some of
the Moors asked the Portuguese, _What woman it was that went before them
in the fight, and if she were alive?_ One of the Portuguese answered,
_Certainly she was alive for she was immortal!_ On this the Moors
observed that it must have been the _Lady Marian_, for so they call the
blessed Virgin. Many of them declared that they saw her at the house of
Lorenzo de Brito, and that she was so bright that she blinded them. Some
of them even went to see her image in the churches of Chaul, where they
were converted and remained in the town. The Nizam was now seriously
disposed for peace, and the Portuguese commander equally so, yet neither
wished to make the first overture. At length however advances were made
and a treaty set on foot. Farete Khan and Azaf Khan were commissioners
from the Nizam, while Pedro de Silva and Antonio de Teyva were deputed
by the Portuguese commander in chief, and Francisco Mascarenhas by the
captain of the city. Accordingly a league offensive and defensive was
concluded in the name of the Nizam and the king of Portugal, which was
celebrated by great rejoicings on both sides and the interchange of rich
presents. This however might easily have been accomplished without the
effusion of so much blood. The Nizam now raised his camp and returned to
his own dominions.
The zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the contracting parties in this
extensive confederacy for driving the Portuguese from India, performed
his part of the agreement very coldly. After Goa and Chaul had been
besieged for near a month, instead of sending his fleet to sea according
to his engagements, he sent to treat with the viceroy for a separate
peace, either on purpose to mislead him, or in expectation of gaining
some advantages for himself in the present emergency. Few princes follow
the dictates of honour, when it interferes with their interest. When
this affair was laid before the council at Goa, it was their unanimous
opinion to agree to peace with the zamorin even on hard terms; but the
viceroy was determined to lose all or nothing, and declared he would
make no peace unless on such terms as he could expect when in the most
flourishing condition. Finding his designs fail, the zamorin sent out a
fleet about the end of February under the command of _Catiproca_, who
made his appearance before Chaul with 21 sail, having on board a large
land force, of which above 1000 were armed with firelocks. Though the
harbour of Chaul was then occupied by a considerable number of
Portuguese galleys and galliots, Catiproca and his fleet entered the
harbour under night without opposition. The Nizam was much pleased with
the arrival of this naval force, and having ordered a great number of
his small vessels named _calemutes_ to join the Malabar fleet, he
prevailed on Catiproca to attack the Portuguese ships, which were
commanded by Lionel de Sousa. They accordingly made the attempt, but
were so warmly received by De Sousa and his gallies as to be beat off
with considerable loss. The Nizam, who had witnessed this naval battle
from an adjoining eminence, used every argument to prevail upon
Catiproca to make another attempt, but to no purpose; for after
remaining twenty days in the harbour, he stole away one night, and got
away as fortunately as he had got in.
While on his return, Catiproca was applied to by the queen of Mangalore
to assist her in surprizing the Portuguese fort at that place, which she
alleged might be easily taken. Catiproca agreed to this, in hopes of
regaining the reputation he had lost at Chaul. He accordingly landed his
men secretly, and made an attempt under night to scale the walls. While
his men were mounting the ladders some servants of Antonio Pereyra, who
commanded in that fort, were awakened by the noise, and seeing the enemy
on the ladders threw out of a window the first thing that came to hand,
which happened to be a chest of silver; with which they beat down those
who were on the ladder. Pereyra waking with the noise, threw down those
who had mounted, and the rest fled carrying his chest of silver on board
their ships. While passing Cananor, Don Diego de Menezes fell upon the
Malabar squadron, which he totally routed and drove up the river
Tiracole, where every one of the ships were taken or destroyed, the
admiral Catiproca slain, his nephew Cutiale made prisoner, and the chest
of money belonging to Pereyra recovered.
Even by the fitting out of this unfortunate fleet, the zamorin did not
fulfil the conditions of the confederacy against the Portuguese, as each
of the high contracting parties had engaged to undertake some
considerable enterprize against them in person; but he had been hitherto
deterred by the presence of Diego de Menezes with a squadron in their
seas, who burned several of his maritime towns and took many of his
ships. Towards the end of June 1571, Diego de Menezes having withdrawn
from the coast with his squadron, and when Adel Khan and the Nizam were
both about to desist from their enterprises upon Goa and Chaul, the
zamorin took the field with an army of 100,000 men, most of them armed
with firelocks, with which he invested the fort of _Chale_ about two
leagues from Calicut, which was then under the command of Don George de
Castro. Having planted forty pieces of brass cannon against the fort and
straitly invested it with his numerous army so as to shut out all
apparent hope of relief, a small reinforcement under Noronha was unable
to penetrate; but soon afterwards Francisco Pereyra succeeded by an
effort of astonishing bravery to force his way into Chale with a few
men.
Advice being sent to the viceroy of the dangerous situation of Chale,
Diego de Menezes was sent with 18 sail to carry supplies and
reinforcements to the besieged. De Menezes got to Chale with great
difficulty about the end of September, at which time the besieged were
reduced to great extremity, having not above 70 men able to bear arms
out of 600 persons then in the fort. The relief of the fort seemed
impracticable, as the mouth of the harbour was very narrow, and was
commanded on all sides by numbers of cannon on surrounding eminences.
Diego resolved however to surmount all difficulties. A large ship was
filled with sufficient provisions to serve the garrison for two months,
and carried likewise fifty soldiers as a reinforcement. One galley
preceded to clear the way and two others followed the large ship to
defend her against the enemy. By this means, but with incredible
difficulty and danger, the relief was thrown in, but it was found
impossible to bring away the useless people from the fort as had been
intended. Thus, by the valour and good fortune of the viceroy, this
formidable confederacy was dissipated, which had threatened to subvert
the Portuguese power in India, and their reputation was restored among
the native princes.