A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & P.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. VI.
CONTENTS OF VOL. VI.
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
CHAP. XI. Early English voyages of discovery to America. Introduction.
SECT. I. Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497,
in the service of Henry VII. of England.
II. Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain,
respecting the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot.
III. Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface to the
third Volume of his Navigations.
IV. Notice respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the north-west,
from Peter Martyr ab Angleria.
V. Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the discoveries of
Sebastian Cabota.
VI. Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot; from the latter
part of Fabians Chronicle.
VII. Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland, by Mr Robert
Thorne.
CHAP. XI SECT. VIII. Grant by Edward VI. of a Pension and the Office of
Grand Pilot of England to Sebastian Cabot.
IX. Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the year 1516,
to Brazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico.
X. Brief note of a voyage by Thomas Tison to the West Indies, before the
year 1526.
CHAP XII. The Voyages of Jacques Cartier from St Maloes to Newfoundland
and Canada, in the years 1534 and 1535.
Introduction.
SECT. I. The first voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and Canada,
in 1534.
II. The second voyage of Jacques Cartier, to Canada, Hochelega,
Saguenay, and other lands now called New France; with the Manners and
Customs of the Natives.
III. Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return to
France in 1537.
BOOK III. Continuation of the Discoveries and Conquests of the
Portuguese in the East; together with some account of the early voyages
of other European Nations to India.
CHAP. I. Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the Portuguese in
India, from 1505 to 1539, both inclusive, resumed from Book I. of this
Part.
SECT. I. Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by
the Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs
on the East Coast of Africa.
CHAP. I.
SECT. II. Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, in
quality of Viceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on the
Eastern coast of Africa and Malabar.
III. Some Account of the state of India at the beginning of the
sixteenth Century, and commencement of the Portuguese Conquests.
IV. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, during the
Viceroyalty of Almeyda.
V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of Don
Alfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515.
VI. Portuguese Transactions in India, under several governors, from the
close of 1515, to the year 1526.
VII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India; from 1526 to
1538.
CHAP. II. Particular Relation of the Expedition of Solyman Pacha from
Suez to India against the Portuguese at Diu, written by a Venetian
Officer who was pressed into the Turkish Service on that occasion.
Introduction.
SECT. I. The Venetian Merchants and Mariners at Alexandria are pressed
into the Turkish service, and sent to Suez. Description of that place.
Two thousand men desert from the Gallies. Tor. Island of Soridan Port of
Kor.
II. Arrival at Jiddah, the Port of Mecca. The islands of Alfas, Kamaran,
and Tuiche. The Straits of Bab-al-Mandub.
III. Arrival at Aden, where the Sheikh and four others are hanged.
Sequel of the Voyage to Diu.
CHAP. II. SECT. IV. The Castle of Diu is besieged by the Moors. The
Turks plunder the City, and the Indian Generals withdraw in resentment.
The Pacha lands. A man 300 years old. Women burn themselves. The Fleet
removes.
V. A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks, who make Galley-slaves of the
Portuguese Garrison; with several other incidents of the siege.
VI. Farther particulars of the siege, to the retreat of the Turks, and
the commencement of their Voyage back to Suez.
VII. Continuation of the Voyage back to Suez, from the Portuguese
factory at Aser, to Khamaran and Kubit Sharif.
VIII. Transactions of the Pacha at Zabid, and continuation of the Voyage
from Kubit Sarif.
IX. Continuation of the Voyage to Suez, along the Arabian Shore of the
Red Sea.
X. Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez, and return of the Venetians to
Cairo.
CHAP. III. The Voyage of Don Stefano de Gama from Goa to Suez, in 1540,
with the intention of Burning the Turkish Gallies at that port. Written
by Don Juan de Castro, then a Captain in the Fleet; afterwards
governor-general of Portuguese India.
Introduction.
SECT. I. Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege of Diu by the
Turks, to the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez.
II. Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub.
III. Continuation of the Voyage, from the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub to
Massua.
CHAP. III. SECT. IV. Digression respecting the History, Customs, and
State of Abyssinia.
V. Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to Swakem.
VI. Continuation of the Voyage from Swakem to Comol.
VII. Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to Toro or Al
Tor.
VIII. Continuation of the Voyage from Toro or Al Tor to Suez.
IX. Return Voyage from Suez to Massua.
X. Return of the Expedition from Massua to India.
XI. Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf,
or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda.
POSTSCRIPT.--Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don
Christopher de Gama.
CHAP. IV. Continuation of the Portuguese transactions in India, after
the return of Don Stefano de Gama from Suez in 1541, to the Reduction of
Portugal under the Dominion of Spain in 1581.
SECT. I. Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de
Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea.
II. Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India.
III. Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from
1542 to 1543.
IV. Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548.
V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1545 to 1564, under
several Governors.
VI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1564 to
the year 1571.
VII. Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576.
CHAP. IV. SECT. VIII. Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa,
from 1569 to the end of that separate government.
IX. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to
1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. of Spain on
the Death of the Cardinal King Henry.
X. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597.
XI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to
1612.
XII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517.
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
CHAPTER XI.
EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY TO AMERICA.
INTRODUCTION.
Although we have already, in the Introduction to the _Second_ Chapter of
this Book, Vol. III. p. 346. given some notices of the voyages of John
and Sebastian Cabot to America in the service of Henry VII. and VIII. it
appears proper on the present occasion to insert a full report of every
thing that is now known of these early navigations: As, although no
immediate fruits were derived from these voyages, England by their means
became second only to Spain in the discovery of America, and afterwards
became second likewise in point of colonization in the New World. The
establishments of the several English colonies will be resumed in a
subsequent division of our arrangement.
It has been already mentioned that Columbus, on leaving Portugal to
offer his services to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain for the discovery
of the Indies by a western course through the Atlantic, sent his brother
Bartholomew to make a similar offer to Henry VII. King of England, lest
his proposals might not have been listened to by the court of Spain.
Bartholomew, as has been formerly related, was taken by pirates; and on
his arrival in England was forced to procure the means of living, and of
enabling himself to appear before the king, by the construction and sale
of sea-charts and maps, in which he had been instructed by his brother.
Owing to this long delay, when he at length presented himself to King
Henry, and had even procured the acceptance of his brothers proposals,
so much time had been lost that Isabella queen of Castille had already
entered into the views of his illustrious brother, who had sailed on his
second voyage to the West Indies, while Bartholomew was on his journey
through France to announce to him that Henry King of England had agreed
to his proposals.
The fame of the astonishing discovery made by Columbus in 1591, soon
spread throughout Europe; and only four years afterwards, or in 1595, a
patent was granted by Henry VII. to John Cabot, or Giovani Cabota, a
Venetian citizen, then resident in England, and his three sons, Lewis,
Sebastian, and Sancius, and their heirs and deputies, to sail to all
parts countries and seas of the east west and north, at their own cost
and charges, with five ships; to seek out discover and find whatsoever
islands, countries, regions, or provinces belonging to the heathen and
infidels, were hitherto unknown to Christians, and to subdue, occupy,
and possess all such towns, cities, castles, and islands as they might
be able; setting up the royal banners and ensigns in the same, and to
command over them as vassals and lieutenants of the crown of England, to
which was reserved the rule, title, and jurisdiction of the same. In
this grant Cabot and his sons, with their heirs and deputies, were bound
to bring all the fruits, profits, gains, and commodities acquired in
their voyages to the port of Bristol; and, having deducted from the
proceeds all manner of necessary costs and charges by them expanded, to
pay to the king in wares or money the fifth part of the free gain so
made, in lieu of all customs of other dues; of importation on the same.
By these letters patent; dated at Westminster on the 5th of March in the
eleventh year of Henry VII. all the other subjects of England are
prohibited from visiting or frequenting any of the continents, islands,
villages, towns, castles, or places which might be discovered by John
Cabot, his sons, heirs, or deputies, under forfeiture of their ships and
goods[1].
[Footnote 1: Hakluyt, III. 26.]
No journal or relation remains of the voyages of Cabot and his sons in
consequence of this grant, and we are reduced to a few scanty memorials
concerning them; contained in the third volume of _Hakluyt's Collection
of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation_.
We quote from the new edition, _with additions_, published at London in
1810.
Two years after the before-mentioned letters patent, or on the 18th of
February 1497, a licence was granted by the same king of England, Henry
VII. to John Cabot, to take six English ships in any haven or havens of
England, being of 200 tons burden or under, with all necessary
furniture; and to take also into the said ships all such masters,
mariners, or other subjects of the king as might be willing to engage
with him.
It would appear that the patent of 1495 had never been acted upon; but
in consequence of this new licence, John Cabot and his son Sebastian
proceeded from the port of Bristol and discovered an island somewhere on
the coast of America to which they gave the name of _Prima Vista_,
probably the island of Newfoundland. The short account of this voyage of
discovery left to us by Hakluyt, is said to have been inserted in Latin
on a map constructed by Sebastian Cabot, concerning his discovery in
America, then called the West Indies; which map, engraved by Clement
Adams, was to be seen in the time of Hakluyt in the private gallery of
Queen Elizabeth at Westminster, and in the possession of many of the
principal merchants in London. This memorandum, translated into English,
is as follows[2].
[Footnote 2: Id. III. 27.]
SECTION I.
_Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, in the
service of Henry VII. of England._
"In the year 1497, John Cabot a Venetian and his son Sebastian,
discovered on the 24th of June, about five in the morning, that land to
which no person had before ventured to sail, which they named _Prima
Vista_[3], or, _first-seen_, because as I believe it was the first part
seen by them from the sea. The island which is opposite[4] he named St
Johns Island, because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. The
inhabitants of this island use the skins and furs of wild beasts for
garments, which they hold in as high estimation as we do our finest
clothes. In war they use bows and arrows, spears, darts, clubs, and
slings. The soil is sterile and yields no useful production; but it
abounds in white bears and deer much larger than ours. Its coasts
produce vast quantities of large fish, among which are _great seals_,
salmons, soles above a yard in length, and prodigious quantities
especially of cod, which are commonly called _bacallaos_[5]. The hawks,
partridges, and eagles of this island are all black."
[Footnote 3: Presuming that this discovery was Newfoundland, a name
nearly of the same import, perhaps the land first seen was what is now
called Cape Bonavista, in lat. 48° 50' N. long. 62° 32' W. from London.
In the text, there is every reason to believe that it is meant to
indicate, that Cabot named the island he discovered St Johns, and only
the first seen point of land Prima-Vista.--E.]
[Footnote 4: By this phrase is probably to be understood, the island
behind this first-seen cape named _Prima-Vista_.--E.]
[Footnote 5: _Vulgari Sermoni_, is translated by Hakluyt, _in the
language of the savages_; but we have given it a different sense in the
text, that used by Hakluyt having no sufficient warrant in the
original.--E.]
Besides the foregoing memorandum on the ancient map, Hakluyt gives the
following testimonies respecting the discovery of the northern part of
America, by Cabot.
SECTION II.
_Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain, respecting
the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot_[6].
Do you know how to sail for the Indies towards the northwest, as has
been lately done by a Venetian citizen, a valiant man and so learned in
all things pertaining to navigation and cosmography, that no one is
permitted to sail as pilot to the West Indies who has not received his
licence, he being pilot-major of Spain? This person, who resides in the
city of Seville, is Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, who is most
expert in these sciences, and makes excellent sea-charts with his
own-hands. Having sought his acquaintance, he entertained us in a
friendly manner, showing us many things, and among these a large map of
the world containing sundry navigations, both those of the Spaniards and
Portuguese. On this occasion he gave us the following information.
[Footnote 6: Hakluyt, III. 27. from the second volume of Ramusio.]
His father went many years since from Venice to England, where he
followed the profession of a merchant, taking this person his son along
with him to London, then very young, yet having received some tincture
of learning, and some knowledge of the sphere. His father died about the
time when news was spread abroad that Don Christopher Columbus, the
Genoese, had discovered the coasts of the Indies by sailing towards the
west, which was much admired and talked of at the court of King Henry
VII. then reigning in England, so that every one affirmed that it was
more attributable to divine inspiration than human wisdom, to have thus
sailed by the west unto the east, where spices grow, by a way never
known before. By these discourses the young man, Sebastian Cabot, was
strongly incited to perform some notable and similar action; and
conceiving by the study of the sphere that it would be a shorter route
for going to India, than that attempted by Columbus, to sail by the
north-west, he caused the king to be informed thereof, who accordingly
gave orders that he should be furnished with two ships, properly
provided in all things for the voyage. He sailed with these from England
in the beginning of summer 1496, if I rightly remember, shaping his
course to the north-west, not expecting to find any other land
intervening between and Cathay or Northern China. He was much
disappointed by falling in with land running toward the north, the coast
of which he sailed along to the lat. of 56° N. and found it still a
continent. Finding the coast now, to turn towards the east, and
despairing to find the passage to India and Cathay of which he was in
search, he turned again and sailed down the coast towards the
equinoctial line, always endeavouring to find a passage westwards for
India, and came at length to that part of the continent which is now
called Florida[7]. And his victuals running short, he bore away for
England; where he found the country in confusion preparing for war with
Scotland, so that no farther attention was paid to his proposed
discoveries.
[Footnote 7: Florida is here to be taken in the extended sense as at
first applied to the whole eastern coast of North America, to the north
of the Gulf of Mexico. The commencement of this voyage appears to have
been in search of a north-west passage; but Sebastian must have gone far
above 56° N. to find the land trending eastwards: He was probably
repelled by ice and cold weather.--E.]
He went afterwards into Spain, where he was taken into the service of
Ferdinand and Isabella, who furnished him with ships at their expence,
in which he went to discover the coast of Brazil, where he found a
prodigiously large river, now called the _Rio de la Plata_, or Silver
River, up which he sailed above 120 leagues, finding every where a good
country, inhabited by prodigious numbers of people, who flocked from
every quarter to view the ships with wonder and admiration. Into this
great river a prodigious number of other rivers discharged their waters.
After this he made many other voyages; and waxing old, rested at home
discharging the office of chief pilot, and leaving the prosecution of
discovery to many young and active pilots of good experience.
SECTION III.
_Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface to the
third Volume of his Navigations._[8]
In the latter part of this volume are contained certain relations of
Giovani de Varanzana of Florence, of a certain celebrated French
navigator, and of two voyages by Jacques Cartier a Breton, who sailed to
the land in 50° north latitude, called New France; it not being yet
known whether that land join with the continent of Florida and New
Spain, or whether they are separated by the sea into distinct islands,
so as to allow of a passage by sea to Cathay and India. This latter was
the opinion of Sebastian Cabota, our countryman, a man of rare knowledge
and experience in navigation, who wrote to me many years ago, that he
had sailed along and beyond this land of New France in the employment of
Henry VII. of England. He informed me that, having sailed a long way to
the north-west, beyond these lands, to the lat. of 67-1/2° N. and
finding the sea on the 11th of June entirely open and without
impediment, he fully expected to have passed on that way to Cathay in
the east; and would certainly have succeeded, but was constrained by a
mutiny of the master and mariners to return homewards. But it would
appear that the Almighty still reserves this great enterprise of
discovering the route to Cathay by the north-west to some great prince,
which were the easiest and shortest passage by which to bring the
spiceries of India to Europe. Surely this enterprise would be me most
glorious and most important that can possibly he imagined, and would
immortalize him who succeeded in its accomplishment far beyond any of
those warlike exploits by which the Christian nations of Europe are
perpetually harassed.
[Footnote 8: Hakluyt, III. 28.]
SECTION IV. _Notices respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the
northwest, from Peter Martyr ab Algeria_[9].
These northern seas have been searched by Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian,
who was carried when very young to England by his parents, who, after
the manner of the Venetians, left no part of the world unsearched to
obtain riches. Having fitted out two ships in England at his own
expence, with three hundred men, he first directed his course so near
the north pole, that on the 11th of July he found monstrous heaps of ice
swimming in the sea, and a continual day, so that the land was free from
ice, having been thawed by the perpetual influence of the sun. By reason
of this ice he was compelled to turn southwards along the western land,
till he came unto the latitude of the Straits of Gibraltar[10]. In the
course of this north-west voyage he got so far to the west as to have
the island of Cuba on his left hand, having reached to the same
longitude[11]. While sailing along the coast of this great land, which
he called _Baccalaos_[12], he found a similar current of the sea towards
the west[13] as had been observed by the Spaniards in their more
southerly navigations, but more softly and gently than had been
experienced by the Spaniards. Hence it may be certainly concluded that
in both places, though hitherto unknown, there must be certain great
open spaces by which the waters thus continually pass from the east to
the west; which waters I suppose to be continually driven round the
globe by the constant motion and impulse of the heavens, and not to be
alternately swallowed and cast up again by the breathing of Demogorgon,
as some have imagined on purpose to explain the ebb and flow of the sea.
Sebastian Cabot himself named these lands _Baccalaos_, because he found
in the seas thereabout such multitudes of certain large fishes like
tunnies, called _baccalaos_ by the natives, that they sometimes stayed
his ships. He found also the people of these regions clothed in the
skins of beasts, yet not without the use of reason. He says also that
there are great numbers of bears in those countries, which feed on fish,
and catch them by diving into the water; and being thus satisfied with
abundance of fish, are not noisome to man. He says likewise that he saw
large quantities of copper among the inhabitants of these regions. Cabot
is my dear and familiar friend, whom I delight to have sometimes in my
house. Being called out of England by the Catholic king of Castille, on
the death of Henry VII. of England, he was made one of the assistants of
our council respecting the affairs of the new found Indies, and waits in
daily expectation of being furnished with ships in which to discover
these hidden secrets of nature.
[Footnote 9: Hakluyt, III. 29. quoting P. Martyr, Dec. III. Ch. vi.]
[Footnote 10: The Straits of Gibraltar are in lat. 36° N. which would
bring the discovery of the eastern coast of North America by Cabot, all
the way from 67-1/2° N. beyond Hudsons Bay, to Albemarle Sound on the
coast of North Carolina--E.]
[Footnote 11: The middle of the island of Cuba is in long. 80° W. from
Greenwich, which would have carried Cabot into the interior of Hudsons
Bay, to which there is no appearance of his having penetrated, in the
slight notices remaining of his exploratory voyage.--E.]
[Footnote 12: We have before seen that he named the country which he
discovered, the island of St John, and that he gave the name in this
part of the text, _baccalaos_, to the fish most abundant in those seas,
which we name cod.--E.]
[Footnote 13: It is probable this applies to the tide of flood setting
into the Gulf of St Lawrence or Hudsons Bay or both; which led Cabot to
expect a passage through the land to the west--E.]
SECTION V.
_Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the discoveries of
Sebastian Cabota_[14].
Sebastian Cabota, who came out of England into Spain, brought most
certain information of the country and people of Baccalaos. Having a
great desire to traffic for spices, like the Portuguese, he fitted out
two ships with 300 men, at the cost of Henry VII. of England, and took
the way towards Iceland from beyond the Cape of Labradore, until he
reached the lat. of 58° N. and better. Even in the month of July, the
weather was so cold and the ice in such quantities, that he durst not
proceed any farther. The days were so long as to have hardly any night,
and what little there was, was very clear. Being unable to proceed
farther on account of the cold, he turned south; and, having refreshed
at Baccalaos, he sailed southwards along the coast to the 38° of
latitude[15], from whence he returned into England.
[Footnote 14: Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting Gomara, Gen. Hist. of the W.
Indies, Book II. Ch. iv.]
[Footnote 15: By this account the progress of Cabot to the south along
the eastern coast of North America, reached no farther than coast of
Maryland.--E.]
SECTION VI.
_Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot; from the latter
part of Fabians Chronicle_[16].
IN the 13th year of Henry VII. by means of John Cabot, Venetian, who was
very expert in cosmography and the construction of sea-charts, that king
caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search for an island
which Cabot said he well knew to be rich and replenished with valuable
commodities. In which ship, manned and victualled at the kings expence,
divers merchants of London adventured small stocks of goods under the
charge of the said Venetian. Along with that ship there went three or
four small vessels from Bristol, laden with slight and coarse goods,
such as coarse cloth, caps, laces, points, and other trifles. These
vessels departed from Bristol in the beginning of May; but no tidings of
them had been received at the time of writing this portion of the
chronicle of Fabian.
[Footnote 16: Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting from a MS. in possession of Mr
John Stow, whom he characterizes as a diligent collector of
antiquities.]
In the 14th year of the king however, three men were brought from the
New-found-Island, who were clothed in the skins of beasts, did eat raw
flesh, and spoke a language which no man could understand, their
demeanour being more like brute beasts than men. They were kept by the
king for some considerable time; and I saw two of them about two years
afterward in the palace of Westminster, habited like Englishmen, and not
to be distinguished from natives of England, till I was told who they
were; but as for their speech, I did not hear either of them utter a
word.
SECTION VII.
_Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland, by Mr Robert
Thorne._[17]
As some diseases are hereditary, so have I inherited an inclination of
discovery from my father, who, with another merchant of Bristol named
Hugh Eliot, were the discoveries of the Newfoundlands. And, if the
mariners had followed the directions of their pilot, there can be no
doubt that the lands of the West Indies, whence all the gold cometh, had
now been ours; as it appears by the chart that all is one coast.
[Footnote 17: Hakluyt, III. 31. quoting a book by Mr Robert Thorne,
addressed to Doctor Leigh.]
SECTION VIII. _Grant by Edward VI. of a Pension, and the Office of Grand
Pilot of England to Sebastian Cabot_[18]
Edward the Sixth, by the Grace of God king of England, France, and
Ireland, to all believers in Christ to whom these presents may come,
wisheth health. Know ye, that in consideration of the good and
acceptable service, done and to be done to us by our well-beloved
servant Sebastian Cabot, we of our special grace, certain knowledge and
goodwill, and by the councel and advice of our most illustrious uncle
Edward Duke, of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of our
kingdoms, dominions, and subjects, and by advice of the rest of our
councillors, have given and granted, and by these presents give and
grant to the said Sebastian Cabot a certain annuity or yearly revenue of
_one hundred and sixty-six pounds, thirteen shilling and fourpence
sterling_[19], to have, enjoy, and yearly to receive during his natural
life from our treasury at the receipt of our exchequer at Westminster,
by the hands of our treasurers and chamberlains for the time being, by
equal portions at the festivals of the annunciation of the blessed
virgin, the nativity of St John the Baptist, of St Michael the
Archangel, and the nativity of our Lord. And farther, as aforesaid, we
grant by these presents so much as the said annuity would amount to from
the feast of St Michael the Archangel last past unto this present time,
to be received by said Sebastian from our foresaid treasurers and
chamberlains in free gift, without account or any thing else to be
yielded, paid or made to us our heirs or successors for the same. In
witness whereof, &c. Done by the King at Westminster on the 6th of
January 1548, in the second year of his reign.
[Footnote 18: Hakluyt, id. ib. Supposing Sebastian to have been sixteen
years of age in 1495, when he appears to have come to England with his
father, he must have attained to seventy years of age at the period of
this grant--E.]
[Footnote 19: At the rate of six for one, as established by the
Historian of America for comparing sums of money between these two
periods, this pension was equal to L.1000 in our time.--E.]
SECTION IX.
_Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the year 1516, to
Brazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico_.
That learned and painefull writer Richard Eden, in a certain epistle of
his to the Duke of Northumberland, before a work which he translated out
of Munster in 1553, called _A Treatise of New India_, maketh mention of
a voyage of discoverie undertaken out of England by Sir Thomas Pert and
Sebastian Cabota, about the _eighth_ year of Henry VIII. of famous
memorie, imputing the overthrow thereof unto the cowardice and want of
stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert, in manner following:
If manly courage, saith he, (like unto that which hath bene seene and
proved in your Grace, as well in forreine realmes, as also in this our
country) had not bene wanting in others in these our dayes, at such time
as our souereigne lord of famous memorie king Henry VIII. about the same
yeere of his raigne, furnished and sent out certaine shippes under the
governance of Sebastian Cabot yet living, and one Sir Thomas Pert, who
was vice-admiral of England and dweleth in Poplar at Blackwall, whose
faint heart was the cause that the voyage took none effect. If, I say,
such manly courage, whereof we have spoken, had not at that time beene
wanting, it might happily have come to passe, that that rich treasurie
called Perularia, (which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Seville, and
so named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither
from the newfoundland kingdom of Peru) might long since have beene in
the tower of London, to the kings great honour and the wealth of this
realme.
Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull Mr Robert
Thorne wrote to the saide king Henry VIII. in the yeere 1527, by Doctor
Leigh his ambassador sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles V. whose
worries bee these:
Now rest to be discovered the north parts, the which it seemeth unto me
is onely your highnes charge and dutie; because the situation of this
your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and also, for
that already you have taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not
seeme well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may
so easily and with so little cost, labour, and danger be followed and
obteined. Though hitherto your grace have made thereof a proofe, and
found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at this time it shal be
none impediment: for there may be now provided remedies for things then
lacked, and the inconveniences and lets remooved, that then were cause
your graces desire tooke no full effect: which is the courses to be
changed, and to follow the aforesayd new courses. And concerning the
mariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken meete
and convenient, much better than hitherto: by reason whereof, and by
Gods grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect.
And where as in the aforesayd wordes Mr Robert Thorne sayth, that he
would have the old courses to bee changed, and the new courses [to the
north] to be followed: It may plainely be gathered that the former
voyage, whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention, wherein it is like
that Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king,
was made towards Brazil and the south parts. Moreover it seemeth that
Gonzalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, alludeth unto the sayde
voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his
generall and natural historie of the West Indies, agreeing very well
with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresayd voyage
was begun. The authors wordes are these, as I finde them translated into
Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusio[21].
[Footnote 21: At this place Hakluyt gives the Italian of Ramusio; we are
satisfied on the present occasion with his translation.--E.]
In the year 1517, an English rover under the colour of travelling to
discover, came with a great shippe unto the parts of Brazill on the
coast of the firme land, and from thence he crossed over unto this
island of Hispaniola, and arrived near unto the mouth of the haven of
this citie of San Domingo, and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare,
and demaunded leave to enter into this haven, saying that hee came with
marchandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governour of the
castle, Francis de Tapia, caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the
castle at the shippe, for she bare in directly with the haven. When the
Englishmen sawe this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that were
in the shipboate got themselves with all speede on shipboard. And in
trueth the warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if the
shippe had entered into the haven, the men thereof could not have come
on lande without leave both of the citie and of the castle. Therefore
the people of the shippe seeing how they were received, sayled toward
the Island of St John de Puerto Rico, and entering into the port of St
Germaine, the Englishmen parled with those of the towne, requiring
victuals and things needful to furnish their ship, and complained of the
inhabitants of the city of St Domingo, saying that they came not to doe
any harme, but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise.
In this place they had certain victuals, and for recompence they gave
and paid them with certain vessels of wrought tinne and other things.
And afterwards they departed toward Europe, where it is thought they
arrived not, for we never heard any more news of them.
Thus farre proceedeth Gonzalvo de Oviedo, who though it please him to
call the captain of this great English ship a rover, yet it appeareth by
the Englishmens owne words, that they came to discover, and by their
traffique for pewter vessels and other wares at the town of St Germaine
in the iland of San Juan de Puerto Rico, it cannot bee denied but they
were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange. But
whosoever is conversant in reading the Portugal and Spanish writers of
the East and West Indies, shall commonly finde that they account all
other nations for pirats, rovers and theeves, which visite any heathen
coast that they have once sayled by or looked on. Howbeit their
passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee prejudiciall to
other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable travels
in discoverie.
SECTION X.
_Brief note of a voyage by Thomas Tison to the West Indies, before the
year 1526[22]._
It appears from a certain note or memorandum in the custody of me
Richard Hakluyt, taken out of an old ledger-book formerly belonging to
Mr Nicholas Thorne senior, a respectable merchant of Bristol, written to
his friend and factor Thomas Midnall and his servant William Ballard, at
that time residing at San Lucar in Andalusia; that before the year 1526,
one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found his way to the West Indies, and
resided there as a secret factor for some English merchants, who traded
thither in an underhand manner in those days. To this person Mr Nicholas
Thorne appears to have sent armour and other articles which are
specified in the memorandum or letter above mentioned--This Thomas
Tison, so far as I can conjecture, appears to have been a secret factor
for Mr Thorne and other English merchants, to transact for them in these
remote parts; whence it is probable that some of our merchants carried
on a kind of trade to the West Indies even in those ancient times;
neither do I see any reason why the Spaniards should debar us from it
now.
[Footnote 22: Hakluyt, III. 595.]
CHAPTER XII
THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER FROM ST MALOES TO NEWFOUNDLAND AND
CANADA, IN THE YEARS 1534 AND 1535[23].
INTRODUCTION
These voyages are to be considered as among the early discoveries of the
New World, and are therefore inserted in this place. The only edition of
them which we have been able to procure, is that which is inserted in
the ancient and curious collection of voyages by Hakluyt, which appears
to have been abridged from the original in French, published at Rouen in
8vo 1598[24]of this voyage, the author of the Bibliotheque des Voyages
gives the following notice. "So early as the year 1518, the baron _De
Levi_ had discovered a portion of Canada, and Jacques Cartier not only
added to this first discovery, but visited the whole country with the
judgment of a person well instructed in geography and hydrography, as is
apparent in the relation of his voyages; which contain an exact and
extended description of the coasts, harbours, straits, bays, capes,
rivers, and islands which he visited, both in his voyages on the river
St Lawrence, and in his excursions by land into the interior of Canada.
To this day navigators use most of the names which he affixed to the
various parts which he explored with indefatigable industry." In the
present edition, the only freedom used is reducing the antiquated
language of Hakluyt to the modern standard.----Ed.
[Footnote 23: Hakluyt, III. 250.]
[Footnote 24: Bibl. Univ. des Voy. VI. 15.]
SECTION I.
_The first Voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and Canada, in_
1534.
The Chevalier de Mouy lord of Meylleraye and vice-admiral of France,
having administered the oaths of fidelity to the king, and of obedience
to M. Cartier, to the captains, masters, and mariners of the ships
employed in this expedition, we left the port of St Maloes on the 20th
of April 1534, with two ships of 60 tons, and having sixty-one chosen
men. Having prosperous weather, we reached Newfoundland on the 10th of
May, making Cape _Bonavista_, in lat. 48° 30' N[25]. Owing to the great
quantities of ice on the coast, we were obliged to go into port St
Catherine [26], which is about five leagues S.S.E. from the harbour of
Cape Bonavista, in which we remained ten days waiting fair weather, and
employed ourselves in repairing and fitting out our boats.
[Footnote 25: In our most recent maps Cape Bonavista is laid down in
lat. 48° 58' N.--E.]
[Footnote 26: Named in English charts Catalina Harbour, in lat. 48° 44'
N.--E.]
On the 21st of May we set sail with the wind at west, steering N. and by
E. from Cape Bonavista till we came to the Isle of Birds, which we found
environed by ice, but broken and cracked in many places. Notwithstanding
the ice, our two boats went to the island to take in some birds, which
are there in such incredible numbers that no one would believe unless he
had seen them. The island is only a league in circuit, and so swarms
with birds as if they had been strewed on purpose; yet an hundred times
as many are to be seen hovering all around. Some of these are black and
white, as large as jays, and having beaks like crows, which lie always
on the sea, as they cannot fly to any height on account of the smallness
of their wings, which are not larger than the half of ones hand; yet
they fly with wonderful swiftness close to the water. We named these
birds _Aporath_, and found them very fat. In less than half an hour we
filled two boats with them; so that, besides what we eat fresh, each of
our ships salted five or six barrels of them to aid our sea stock.
Besides these, there is another and smaller kind, which hovers in the
air, all of which gather themselves on the island, and put themselves
under the wings of the larger birds. These smaller birds we named
_Godetz_. There was also another kind, which we called _Margaulx_,
considerably larger and entirely white, which bite like dogs. Although
this island is 14 leagues from the main[27], yet the bears swim off to
it to eat the birds, and our men found one there as large as an ordinary
cow, and as white as a swan. This monstrous animal leapt into the sea to
avoid our men; and upon Whitson Monday, when sailing towards the land,
we fell in with it swimming thither as fast almost as we could sail. We
pursued in our boats, and caught it by main strength. Its flesh was as
good eating as a steer of two years old. On the Wednesday following, the
27th of May, we came to the _Bay of the Castles_; but, on account of bad
weather and the great quantities of ice, we were obliged to anchor in a
harbour near the entrance of that bay, which we named Carpunt. We were
forced to remain there till the 9th of June, when we departed, intending
to proceed beyond Carpunt, which is in lat. 51° N[28]
[Footnote 27: This island of birds, judging by the course steered and
its distance from the main of Newfoundland, appears to be that now
called _Funk_ Island, in lat. 50° N. 15 leagues N.E. from Cape
Freels.--E.]
[Footnote 28: From the latitude in the text, Carpunt appears to have
been what is now called Carouge Harbour, and the Bay of the Castles may
be that now named Hare Bay, 6-1/2 leagues farther north.--E.]
The land between Cape _Razo_ and Cape _Degrad_[29], which lie N.N.E. and
S.S.W. from each other, is all parted into islands so near each other,
that there are only small channels like rivers between them, through
most of which nothing but small boats can pass; yet there are some good
harbours among these islands, among which are those of Carpunt and
Degrad. From the top of the highest of these islands, two low islands
near Gape Razo may be seen distinctly; and from Cape Razo to Port
Carpunt, the distance is reckoned 25 leagues. Carpunt harbour has two
entries, one of which is on the east side of the island, and the other
on the south. But the eastern entrance is very unsafe, as the water is
very shallow and full of shelves. The proper entry is to go about the
west side of the island, about a cables length and a half, and then to
make the south entrance of Carpunt. It is likewise necessary to remark,
that there are three shelves under water in this channel, and towards
the island on the east side in the channel, the water is three fathoms
deep with a clear bottom. The other channel trends E.N.E. and on the
west you may go on shore.
[Footnote 29: Capes Rouge and De Grat. The former being the north head
land of Carouge Bay, the latter the north-eastern extremity of
Newfoundland, in lat. 51° 40' N.--E.]
Going from Point Degrad, and entering the before-mentioned Bay of the
Castles, we were rather doubtful of two islands on the right hand, one
of which is 3 leagues from Cape Degrad and the other seven. This last is
low and flat, and seemed part of the main land. I named it St Catherines
Island. Its north-east extremity is of a dry soil, but the ground about
a quarter of a league off is very foul, so that it is necessary to go a
little round. This island and the Bay of the Castles trend N.N.E. and
S.S.W. 15 leagues distant from each other. The port of the Castles and
Port Gutte, which is in the northern part of the bay, trend E.N.E and
W.S.W. distant 12-1/2 leagues. About two leagues from Port Balance, or
about a third part across the bay, the depth of water is 38 fathoms.
From Port Balance to _Blanc Sablon_, or the White Sands, it is 15
leagues W.S.W. but about 3 leagues from the White Sands to the S.W.
there is a rock above water like a boat. The _White Sands_ is a
road-stead quite open to the S. and S.E. but is protected on the S.W. by
two islands, one of which we called the Isle of Brest, and the other the
Isle of Birds, in which there are vast numbers of Godetz, and crows with
red beaks and red legs, which make their nests in holes under ground
like rabbits. Passing a point of land about a league beyond the White
Sands, we found a port and passage which we called the _Islets_, which
is a safer place than the White Sands, and where there is excellent
fishing. The distance between the Islets and a port named Brest is about
10 leagues. The port of Brest is in lat. 51° 55'[30]. Between it and the
Islets there are many other islands, and the said port of Brest is among
them, being surrounded by them for above three leagues farther. All
these small islands are low, and the other lands may be seen beyond
them. On the 10th of June we went into the port of Brest, to provide
ourselves with wood and water; and on St Barnabas Day, after hearing
divine service, we went in our boats to the westwards, to examine what
harbours there might be in that direction.
[Footnote 30: If right in the latitude in the text, Cartier seems now to
have got upon the coast of Labradore, to the north-west of Newfoundland;
yet from the context he rather appears to have been on the north-end of
Newfoundland, about Quirpon Harbour, the Sacred Isles, or Pistolet
Bay.--E.]
We passed through among the small islands, which were so numerous that
they could not be counted, as they extended about 10 leagues beyond that
port. We rested in one of them all night, where we found vast
quantities of duck eggs, and the eggs of other birds which breed there.
We named the whole of this group the _Islets_. Next day, having passed
beyond all these small isles, we found a good harbour which we named
Port St Anthony. One of two leagues beyond this we found a little river
towards the S.W. coast, between two other islands, forming a good
harbour. We set up a cross here, and named it St Servans Port. About a
league S.W. from this port and river there is a small round island like
an oven, surrounded with many little islands, and forming a good mark
for finding out Port St Servan. About two leagues farther on we came to
a larger inlet, which we named James River, in which we caught many
salmon. While in this river we saw a ship belonging to Rochelle, which
intended to have gone a fishing in Port Brest, but had passed it as they
knew not whereabout they were. We went to her with our boats, and
directed them to a harbour about a league west from James River, which I
believe to be one of the best in the world, and which therefore we named
James Cartiers Sound. If the soil of this country were as good as its
harbours, it would be a place of great consequence: But it does not
deserve the name of the New-found-_land_, but rather the new stones and
wild crags, and is a place fit only for wild beasts. In all the north
part of the island I did not see a cart load of good earth, though I
went on shore in many places. In the island of White Sand there is
nothing growing but moss and stunted thorn bushes scattered here and
there, all dry and withered. In short, I believe this to have been the
land which God appointed for Cain. There are however, inhabitants of
tolerable stature, but wild and intractable, who wear their hair tied
upon the top of their heads, like a wreath of hay, stuck through with a
wooden pin, and ornamented with birds feathers. Both men and women are
clothed in the skins of beasts; but the garments of the women are
straiter and closer than those of the men, and their waists are girded.
They paint themselves with a roan or reddish-brown colour. Their boats
are made of birch bark, with which they go a fishing, and they catch
great quantities of seals. So far as we could understand them, they do
not dwell all the year in this country, but come from warmer countries
on the main land, on purpose to catch seals and fish for their
sustenance.
On the 13th of June we returned to our ships, meaning to proceed on our
voyage, the weather being favourable, and on Sunday we had divine
service performed. On Monday the 15th, we sailed from Brest to the
southwards, to explore some lands we had seen in that direction, which
seemed to be two islands. On getting to the middle of the bay, however,
we found it to be the firm land, being a high point having two eminences
one above the other, on which account we called it _Double_ Cape. We
sounded the entrance of the bay, and got ground with a line of 100
fathoms. From Brest to the Double Cape is about 20 leagues, and five or
six leagues farther on we had ground at 40 fathoms. The direction
between Port Brest and Double Cape is N.E. and S.W. Next day, being the
16th, we sailed 35 leagues from Double Cape S.W. and by S. where we
found very steep and wild hills, among which we noticed certain small
cabins, resembling what are called granges in our country, on which
account we named these the _Grange Hills_. The rest of the coast was all
rocky, full of clefts and cuts, having low islands between and the open
sea. On the former day we could not see the land, on account of thick
mists and dark fogs, but this evening we espied an entrance into the
land, by a river between the Grange Hills and a cape to the S.W. about 3
leagues from the ships. The top of this cape is blunt, but it ends
towards the sea in a sharp point, on which account we named it _Pointed_
Cape. On its north side there is a flat island. Meaning to examine if
there were any good harbours at this entrance, we lay to for the night;
but on the next day we had stormy weather from the N.E. for which reason
we stood to the S.W. till Thursday morning, in which time we sailed 37
leagues. We now opened a bay full of round islands like pigeon-houses,
which we therefore named the _Dove-cots_. From the Bay of St. Julian to
a cape which lies S. and by W. called Cape _Royal_, the distance is 7
leagues; and towards the W.S.W. side of that cape there is another, the
lower part of which is all craggy, and the top round. On the north side
of this cape, which we called Cape Milk, there is a low island. Between
Cape Royal and Cape Milk there are some low islands, within which there
are others, indicating that there are some rivers in this place. About
two leagues from Cape Royal we had 20 fathom water, and found cod in
such abundance, that, while waiting for our consort we caught above a
hundred in less than an hour.
Next day, the 18th, the wind turned against us with such fury that we
were forced back to Cape Royal; and, sending the boats to look for a
harbour, we found a great deep gulf above the low islands, having
certain other islands within it. This gulf is shut up on the south, and
the low islands are on one side of the entrance, stretching out above
half a league to seawards; it is in lat. 48° 30' N. having an island in
the middle of the entrance. The country about is all flat, but barren.
Finding we could not get into any harbour that night, we stood out to
sea, leaving Cape Royal towards the west. From that time to the 24th of
the month, being St Johns Day, we had such stormy weather, with contrary
winds and such dark mists, that we could not see the land; but on that
day we got sight of a cape, about 35 leagues S.W. from Cape Royal, which
we named Cape St John. On that day and the next the weather still
continued so foggy and dark, with wind, that we could not come near the
land; yet we sailed part of the 25th to the W.N.W. and lay too in the
evening, about 7-1/2 leagues N.W. and by W. of Cape St John. When about
to make sail, the wind changed to the N.W. and we accordingly sailed
S.E. After proceeding about 15 leagues in that direction, we came to
three islands, two of which are as steep and upright as a wall, so that
it is impossible to climb them, and a small rock lies between them.
These islands were closely covered over with birds, which breed upon
them; and in the largest there was a prodigious number of those white
birds we named Margaulx, larger than geese. Another of the islands,
which was cleft in the middle, was entirely covered with the birds
called Godetz; but towards the shore, besides Godetz, there were many
_Apponatz_[31], like those formerly mentioned. We went ashore on the
lower part of the smallest island, where we killed above a thousand
godetz and apponatz, putting as many as we pleased into our boats;
indeed we might have loaded thirty boats with them in less than an hour,
they were so numerous and so tame. We named these the Islands of
_Margaulx_. About five leagues west from these islands, we came to an
island two leagues long and as much in breadth, where we staid all night
to take in wood and water, which we named _Brions_ Island. It was full
of goodly trees, verdant fields, and fields overgrown with wild-corn
and pease in bloom, as thick and luxuriant as any we had seen in
Brittany, so that it seemed to have been ploughed and sown; having
likewise great quantities of gooseberries, strawberries, roses, parsely,
and many other sweet, and pleasant herbs; on the whole it had the best
soil of any we had seen, and one field of it was more worth than the
whole of Newfoundland. The whole shore was composed of a sandy beach,
with good anchorage all round in four fathom water; and the shore had
great numbers of great beasts, as large as oxen, each of which have two
large tusks like elephants teeth[32]. These animals live much in the
sea. We saw one of them asleep on the shore, and went towards it in our
boats in hopes of taking it, but as soon as he heard us, he threw
himself into the sea and escaped. We saw also wolves and bears on this
island, and there were considerable lakes about it towards the S.E. and
N.W. As far as I could judge, there must be some passage between this
island and Newfoundland, and if so it would save much time and distance,
if any useful purpose is to be had in these parts.
[Footnote 31: This word has not been used before, but is probably meant
for the same bird formerly called _Aparath._ These names of birds in
Newfoundland are inexplicable.--E.]
[Footnote 32: Probably the Morse, vulgarly called the sea-horse.--E.]
About four leagues W.S.W. from Brions Island we saw some other land
surrounded by small isles of sand, which we believed to be an island,
and to a goodly cape on this land we gave the name of Cape Dauphin, as
the good grounds begin there. We sailed along these lands to the W.S.W.
on the 27th of June, and at a distance they seemed to be composed of low
lands with little sand-hills; but we could not go near, as the wind was
contrary. This day we sailed 15 leagues. Next day we went about 10
leagues along this land, which is all low, till we came to a cape
composed of red and craggy rocks, having an opening which fronts to the
north, and we noticed a pool or small lake, having a field between it
and the sea. About 14 leagues farther on we came to another cape, the
shore between forming a kind of semicircular bay, and the beach was
composed of sand thrown up like, a mound or dike, over which the whole
country appeared nothing but marshes and pools of water as far as the
eye could reach. Just before coming to the first of these capes, which
we named St Peter, there are two small islands, very near the main land.
About 5 leagues from the second cape toward the S.W. there is a high
pointed island which we named _Alezai_. From Brions Island to Cape St
Peter there is a good anchorage on a sandy bottom in 25 fathoms water
five leagues from shore; a league off the land the depth is 12 fathom,
and 6 fathom very near the shore, seldom less, and always good ground.
Next day, the 29th of June, with the wind S. and by E. we sailed
westwards, till the following morning about sunrise without being able
to see any land, except that about sunset we saw some land about 9 or 10
leagues W.S.W. which we believed to be two islands. All next day we
sailed westwards about 40 leagues, when we discovered that what we had
taken for islands was the main land; and early next morning we came to a
good point of land, which we named Cape _Orleans_; the whole of the land
being low and plain, full of fine trees and meadows, and very pleasant
to behold. This coast trends S.S.E. and N.N.W. but on this great extent
of coast we could find no harbour, it being everywhere full of shelves
and sand-banks. We went on shore in many places with our boats, and in
one place we entered a fine river, very shallow, which we named Boat
River, because we saw some boats full of savages crossing the river. We
had no intercourse with these people; for the wind came from the sea,
and beat our boats in such a manner against the shore, that we were
forced to put off again to the ships. Till next morning, the 1st July,
at sunrise, we sailed N.E. when we struck our sails in consequence of
thick mists and squalls. The weather cleared up about two in the
afternoon, when we got sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about 7
leagues N. and by E. from where we were, which we named Cape _Savage_.
On the north side of this cape, there is a very dangerous shelf and a
bank of stones about half a league from shore. While off this cape and
our boats going along shore, we saw a man running after the boats and
making signs for us to return to the cape; but on pulling towards him he
ran away. We landed and left a knife and a woollen girdle for him on a
little staff, and returned to our ships. On that day we examined nine or
ten leagues of this coast for a harbour, but found the whole shore low
and environed with great shelves. We landed, however, in four places,
where we found many sweet-smelling trees, as cedars, yews, pines,
white-elms, ash, willow, and many others unknown, but without fruit.
Where the ground was bare of trees, it seemed very fertile, and was fall
of wild-corn, pease, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, and
blackberries, as if it had been cultivated on purpose. The wild-corn
resembled rye. This part of the country enjoyed a better temperature
than any we had seen, and was even hot. It had many thrushes,
stock-doves, and other birds, and wanted nothing but good harbours.
Next day, 2d July, we had sight of land to the north, which joined the
coast already mentioned, having a bay which we named _St Lunario_,
across which our boats went to the north cape and found the bay so
shallow that there was only one fathom water a league off shore. N.E.
from this cape, and 7 or 8 leagues distant, there is another cape,
having a triangular bay between, compassed about with shelves and rocks
about ten leagues from land. This bay has only 2 fathoms water, but
appeared to penetrate far into the land towards the N.E. Passing this
cape, we observed another head-land N. and by E. All that night we had
very bad weather and heavy squalls, so that we could carry very little
sail. Next morning, 3d July, the wind was from the west, and we sailed
north that we might examine the coast, where we found a gulf or bay
about 15 leagues across, and in some places 55 fathoms deep. From the
great depth and breadth of this gulf, we were in hopes of finding a
passage through, like that of the _Castles_ before mentioned. This gulf
lies E.N.E. and W.S.W. The land on the south side of this gulf is of
good quality and might be easily cultivated, full of goodly fields and
meadows, quite plain, and as pleasant as any we had ever seen. The north
side is altogether hilly, and full of woods containing large trees of
different kinds, among which are as fine cedars and firs as are to be
seen anywhere, capable of being masts for ships of three hundred tons.
In two places only of this side we saw open meadows, with two fine
lakes. The middle of this bay is in lat. 47° 30' N. We named the southern
cape of this bay Cape Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, as we expected to
have found a passage this way.
On the 4th of July we went along the northern coast of this bay to look
for a harbour, where we entered a creek which is entirely open to the
south, having no shelter from the wind when in that quarter. We named
this _St Martins_ Creek, in which we remained from the 4th to the 12th
of July; and on the 6th, going in one of our boats to examine a cape or
head-land on the west side, about 7 or 8 leagues from the ships, and
having got within half a league of the point, we saw two fleets of
canoes of the savages, 40 or 50 in all, crossing over from one land to
another, besides which there were a great number of savages on shore,
who made a great noise, beckoning to us to come to land, and holding up
certain skins on pikes or poles of wood, as if offering them for barter.
But as we had only one boat and they were very numerous, we did not
think it prudent to venture among them, and stood back towards the
ships. On seeing us go from them, some savages put off in two canoes
from the shore, being joined by five other canoes of those which were
crossing, and made towards us, dancing and making many signs of joy, as
if inviting us to their friendship. Among other expressions we could
distinctly make out the following words, _Napeu tondamen assurtah_, but
knew not what they meant. We did not incline to wait their civilities,
as we were too few in case they chose to assail us, and made signs
therefore for them to keep at a distance. They came forwards
notwithstanding, and surrounded our boat with their canoes; on which we
shot off two pieces[33] among them, by which they were so much alarmed
that they immediately took to flight towards the point, making a great
noise. After remaining there some time, they came again towards us and
surrounded our boat as before. We now struck at them with two lances,
which again put them in fear and put them to flight, after which they
followed us no more. Next day, a party of the savages came in nine
canoes to the point at the mouth of the creek, where our ships were at
anchor; on which we went ashore to them in our boats. They appeared much
alarmed at our approach, and fled to some distance, making signs as if
they wished to traffic with us, holding up to our view the skins of
which they make their apparel, which are of small value. We likewise
endeavoured to explain by signs that we had no intention to injure them;
and two of our men ventured to land among them, carrying some knives and
other iron ware, and a red hat for their chief. Encouraged by this
confidence, the savages likewise landed with their peltry, and began to
barter with them for our iron wares, which they seemed to prize much,
and shewed their satisfaction by dancing and many other ceremonies,
throwing at times sea-water from their hands on their heads. They gave
us every thing they had, so that they went away almost naked, making
signs that they would return next day with more skins.
[Footnote 33: The nature of these is not explained, but they must have
been fire-arms of some kind.--E.]
On Thursday the 8th of July, as the wind was contrary for using our
ships, we proceeded in our boats to explore the bay, and went that day
25 leagues within it. As the next day was fine, with a fair wind, we
sailed till noon, in which time we had explored most part of this bay,
the shore of which consisted of low land, beyond which were high
mountains. Finding no passage through the bottom of the bay, we turned,
back along the coast, and at one place saw a good many of the savages on
the shore of a lake among the low grounds, where they had kindled some
fires. As we proceeded, we noticed that a narrow creek or channel
communicated between the bay and the lake, into which creek our boats
went. The savages came towards us in one of their canoes, bringing some
pieces of boiled seals flesh, which they laid down on pieces of wood,
and then retired, making signs that they gave them to us. We sent two
men to them with hatchets, knives, beads, and such wares, with which
they were much pleased; and soon afterwards great numbers of them came
to where we were in canoes, bringing skins and other things, to barter
for our commodities. There were at least 300 of them collected at this
place, including women and children; some of the women who remained on
the other side of the inlet, were seen up to their knees in the water,
singing and dancing; while other women, who were on the same side with
us, came up to us in a friendly manner, rubbing our arms with their
hands, and then holding up their hands towards heaven, as if in token of
admiration and joy. So much confidence was established on both sides,
that the savages bartered away every thing they possessed, which was
indeed of small value, and left themselves entirely naked. These people
might easily be converted to our religion. They wander about from place
to place, subsisting entirely by fishing, for which they have stated
seasons. The country is warmer even than Spain, and exceedingly
pleasant, being entirely level, and though sandy, it is everywhere
covered with trees. In some places where there are no trees, it is
luxuriantly covered with wild corn or pease. The corn resembles oats,
but with an ear like that of rye; and the pease are small, but as thick
as if the ground had been ploughed and sown. It produces, likewise,
white and red gooseberries, strawberries, blackberries, white and red
roses, and many other sweet-smelling flowers. The whole country is
interspersed with fine grass meadows, and lakes abounding in salmon. In
their language, a hatchet is named _cochi_ and a knife _bacon_. We named
this fine bay, _Baye de Chaleur_, or the Warm Bay[34].
[Footnote 34: Chaleur Bay on the north-eastern coast of Nova Scotia is
probably meant; though, from the changes of names, we have not been able
to trace the course of Cartier from the northern extremity of
Newfoundland to this part of the Gulf of St Lawrence. He probably
returned to the south, along the eastern coast of Newfoundland, and then
sailed west, along the south coast of that island into the Gulf of St
Lawrence, probably in search of a passage to the Pacific.--E.]
Having ascertained that there was no passage through this bay, we
set sail from St Martins Creek on Sunday the 12th July, to proceed on
farther discoveries beyond, going eastwards about 18 leagues along the
coast, till we came to Cape _Prato_, where we found shallow water, with
a great tide and stormy sea, so that we had to draw close in shore,
between that cape and an island about a league to the eastwards, where
we cast anchor for the night. Next morning we made sail to explore the
coast to the N.N.E. But the wind, which was contrary, rose almost to a
storm, and we were forced to return to our former anchorage. We sailed
again next day, and came to a river five or six leagues to the northward
of Cape Prato, where the wind became again contrary, with thick fogs, by
which we were obliged on the 14th to take shelter in the river, where we
remained till the 16th. On that day, the wind became so boisterous that
one of our ships lost an anchor, and we had to run 7 or 8 leagues up the
river for shelter, where we found a good harbour, in which we remained
till the 25th July. While there, we saw many of the savages fishing for
mackerel, of which they caught great numbers. They had about 40 boats or
canoes, and after some time they became so familiar with us as to come
with their canoes to our ships in perfect confidence receiving knives,
combs, glass-beads, and other trifles from us, for which they were
exceedingly thankful, lifting up their hands to heaven, and dancing and
singing in their boats. These people may truly be called savages, as
they are the poorest wretches that can be imagined; as the value of
every thing they had among them all, besides their canoes and nets, was
not worth five farthings. They go entirely naked, except their parts of
shame, over which they had small pieces of skin; besides which they only
had a few old pieces of skin to shelter their bodies from the weather.
They differ entirely both in language and appearance from those we had
seen before. Their heads are close shaven, except one lock on the crown,
as long as a horse tail, which they bind up into a knot with leather
thongs. Their only dwelling-places are their boats or canoes turned keel
upwards, under which they sleep on the bare ground. They eat their fish
and flesh almost raw, only heating it a little on the embers. We went
freely on shore among these people, who seemed much pleased with our
company, all the men singing and dancing around, in token of joy; but
they made all their women retire into a wood at some distance, two or
three excepted, to each of whom we gave a comb and a small tin bell,
with which they were much delighted, shewing their gratitude to our
captain by rubbing his breast and arms with their hands. The reception
of these presents occasioned all the other women to return from the
wood, that they likewise might participate; for which purpose they
surrounded the captain, to the number of about twenty, touching and
rubbing him with their hands, as soliciting him for such trinkets as he
had given the others. He accordingly gave each of them a small bell, on
which they all fell a singing and dancing. We here found great
quantities of mackerel, which they take on the shore by means of nets
which they construct of a species of hemp. This grows in the part of the
country where they principally reside, as they come only to the sea side
during the fishing season. So far as I could understand, they have
likewise a kind of millet, or grain, as large as pease, like the maize
which grows in Brasil, which serves them instead of bread. Of this they
have great abundance, and it is called _kapaige_ in their language. They
have also a kind of damsin plumbs, which they call _famesta_. They
possess likewise, figs, nuts, apples, and other fruits, and beans which
they call _sahu_; their name for nuts is _cahehya_. When we shewed them
any thing which they had not or were unacquainted with, they used to
shake their heads, saying _nohda! nohda_! implying their ignorance or
want of that article. Of those things which they had, they explained to
us by signs how they grew, and in what manner they used to dress them
for food. They use no salt, and are very great thieves, stealing every
thing they could lay their hands on.
On the 24th of July, we made a great cross thirty feet high, which we
erected on a point at the entrance of our harbour, on which we hung up a
shield with three flowers de luce; and inscribed the cross with this
motto, _Vive le roy de France_. When this was finished in presence of
all the natives, we all knelt down before the cross, holding up our
hands to heaven, and praising God. We then endeavoured to explain to
these savages by means of signs, that all our salvation depended only on
him who dwelleth in the heavens; at which they shewed much admiration,
looking at one another, and then at the cross. After our return to the
ships, their chief came off in a canoe accompanied by his brother and
two sons. Keeping at an unusual distance, he stood up in the canoe,
where he made a long oration, pointing frequently to our cross, and
making a cross with his two fingers; he then pointed out to all the
country round about, as if shewing that all was his, and that we must
not erect any more crosses without his leave. When he concluded his
speech, we shewed him an axe, making him believe that we would give it
to him for an old bears skin which he wore; on which he gradually came
near our ship, and one of our men who was in the boat along side, took
hold of their canoe; into which he, and three or four more of our men
leapt, and obliged them all to come on board our ship, to their great
astonishment and dismay. Our captain immediately used every means to
assure them of being in perfect safety, and entertained them in a
friendly manner, giving them to eat and drink. After this, we
endeavoured to explain to them by signs, that the sole use of the cross
we had erected was to serve as a land mark for finding out the harbour,
and that we should soon return to them with great plenty of iron wares
and other commodities; but that in the mean time we would take two of
his sons along with us, whom we would bring back again to the same
place. We accordingly clothed two of the lads in shirts and coloured
coats, with red caps, putting a copper chain round each of their necks,
with which they seemed much pleased, and remained willingly along with
us, giving their old garments to the rest who went back to the land. We
gave to each of the three who returned, a hatchet and some knives, with
which they seemed well content. When these had told their companions on
shore what had happened in the ship, six canoes came off to us in the
afternoon, having five or six men in each, who came to take farewell of
the two lads we had detained, and brought them some fish. They spoke a
great deal that we did not understand, making signs that they would not
remove our cross.
The weather becoming fair next day, the 25th July, we left that
port[35], and after getting out of the river, we sailed to the E.N.E.
the land forming a semicircular bay, the extremities lying S.E. and N.W.
From Monday the 27th of the month, we went along this land, till on
Wednesday the 29th we came to another cape, after which the land turned
to the east for about 15 leagues, and then turned to the north. We
sounded about three leagues from this cape, and had ground at 24
fathoms. The land on this part of the coast seems better and freer of
woods, than any we had seen, having fine green fields and fair meadows.
We named this land Cape St Alvise, because first seen on the day of that
saint. It is in lat. 49° 30' N. On Wednesday morning, being to the east
of that cape, whence we sailed N.W. till night, keeping near the land,
which trends from south to north for about 15 leagues to another cape,
which we named _Memorancie_, after which the coast trends to the N.W.
About 3 leagues from this cape we tried soundings, but had no bottom
with a line of 150 fathoms. We went along this coast to the lat. of 50°
N. At sunrise of Saturday 1st August, we had sight of other land lying
north and north-east, which was high, craggy, and mountainous, having
low land interposed, with woods and rivers. We continued along this
coast, still trending N.W. to look for a gulf or passage, till the 5th
of the month; but we had great difficulty to advance five miles in all
that time, the wind and tide being both adverse. At the end of these
five miles, we could plainly see land on both sides, which appeared to
spread out; but as we were unable to work up to windward, we proceeded
to another cape to the southward, being the farthest out to sea within
sight, and about five leagues from us. On coming up to this head-land,
we found it nothing but rocks, stones, and craggy cliffs, such as we had
not seen the like of since leaving Cape St Johns. The tide being now in
our favour carried our ships to the westwards against the wind, when
suddenly one of our boats struck on a rock and overset, so that our
people had to leap out and set it to right again. After going along this
coast for two hours, the tide turned against us, so that it was
impossible to advance any farther with all our oars. We went therefore
to land, leaving 10 or 12 of our people to keep the boats, and going by
land to the cape, we observed the land beyond to trend S.W. After this
we returned to our boats, and then to the ships, which had drifted four
leagues to leeward of the place where we left them.
[Footnote 35: In a side-note, Hakluyt expresses an opinion that this
harbour is what is now called Gaspay, or Gaspe Bay in lat. 48° 44' N.,
near Cape Rosiers, the south cape of the river St Lawrence.--E.]
On our return to the ships, we convened a council of all the officers
and experienced mariners, to have their opinion of what was best for us
to do in the farther execution of our instructions. The general opinion
was, considering that the east winds seemed now set in, and that the
currents were so much against us, we could not expect to advance to any
purpose in exploring the coast; and as storms and tempests began to
prevail in Newfoundland, where we were so far from home, we must resolve
either to return to France immediately, or to remain where we were
during the winter. Having duly weighed the various opinions, we resolved
to return home. The place where we now were, we named St Peters
Straits[36], in which we found very deep water; being in some places 150
fathoms, in others 100, and near the shore 60, with clear ground. From
thence for some days we had a prosperous gale of wind, _so that we
trended the said north shore east, south-east, west-north-west_[37], for
such is the situation of it, except one cape of low land, about 25
leagues from St Peters Strait, which bends more towards the south-east.
We noticed smoke on that cape, made by the natives; but as the wind blew
fresh toward the coast, we did not venture to approach them, and twelve
of the savages came off to us in two canoes. They came freely on board,
and gave us to understand that they came from the great gulf under a
chief named _Tiennot_, who was then on the low cape, and were then about
to return loaded with fish to their own country, whence we had come with
our ships. We named the low head land Cape Tiennot, after the name of
their chief. The land in this place was all low and pleasant, with a
sandy beach for about 20 leagues, intermixed with marshes and shallow
lakes. After this it turned from west to E.N.E. everywhere environed
with islands two or three leagues from shore; and as far as we could
see, many dangerous shelves extended above four or five leagues out to
sea.
[Footnote 36: Cartier seems now to have returned to the south coast of
Newfoundland, but the relation of his voyage is too vague to be followed
with any tolerable certainty.--E.]
[Footnote 37: The sentence in italics is given in the precise words of
Hakluyt, probably signifying that the coast extended from E.S.E. to
W.N.W.--E.]
During the three following days we had a strong gale from the S.W. which
obliged us to steer E.N.E. and on the Saturday we came to the eastern
part of Newfoundland, between the _Granges_ and _Double_ Cape[38]. The
wind now blew a storm from the east, on which account we doubled that
cape to the N.N.W. to explore the northern part, which is all environed
with islands, as already stated. While near these islands and the land,
the wind turned to the south, which brought us within the gulf, so that
next day, being the 9th of August, we entered by the blessing of God
within the _White Sands_. Thus ended our discoveries in this voyage. On
the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, being the 15th of August, after
hearing divine service, we departed from the White Sands with a
prosperous gale, directing our course across the sea which lies between
Newfoundland and Brittany. In this passage we were much tossed during
three days by a heavy tempest from the east, which we weathered by the
blessing of God. After this we had fair weather, and arrived on the 5th
of September in the port of St Maloes.
[Footnote 38: Probably that now called _Mistaken Points_, near Cape
Race, which latter is the south-eastern point of Newfoundland--E.]
_Specimen of the language of Newfoundland._
The sun, _isnez_ Heaven, _camet_
Night, _aiagla_ Water, _ame_
Sand, _estogaz_ A sail, _aganie_
The head, _agonaze_ The throat, _conguedo_
The nose, _hehonguesto_ The teeth, _hesangue_
The nails, _agetascu_ The feet, _ochedasco_
The legs, _anoudasco_ A dead man, _amocdaza_
A skin, _aionasca_ That man, _yca_
A hatchet, _asogne_ A cod fish, _gadagoursere_
Good to be eaten, _guesande_ Almonds, _anougaza_
Figs, _asconda_ Gold, _henyosco_
An arrow, _cacta_ A green tree, _haveda_
An earthen dish, _undaco_ Brass, _aignetaze_
The brow, _ausce_ A feather, _yco_
The moon, _casmogan_ The earth, _conda_
Wind, _canut_ Rain, _ocnoscon_
Bread, _cacacomy_ The sea, _amet_
A ship, _casaomy_ A man, _undo_
The hairs, _hoc hosco_ Red cloth, _caponeta_
The eyes, _ygata_ A knife, _agoheda_
The mouth, _heche_ A mackarel, _agedoneta_
The ears, _hontasco_ Nuts, _caheya_
The arms, _agescu_ Apples, _honesta_
A woman, _enrasesco_ Beans, _sahe_
A sick man, _alouedeche_ A sword, _achesco_
Shoes, _atta_
SECTION II.
_The second voyage of Jacques Cartier, to Canada, Hochelega, Saguenay,
and other lands now called New France; with the Manners and Customs of
the Natives_.
On Whitsunday, the 16th of May 1535, by command of our captain, Jacques
Cartier, and by common consent, we confessed our sins and received the
holy sacrament in the cathedral of St Maloes; after which, having all
presented ourselves in the Quire, we received the blessing of the lord
bishop, being in his robes. On Wednesday following, the 19th of that
month, we set sail with a favourable gale. Our squadron consisted of
three ships. The great _Hermina_ of an hundred to an hundred and twenty
tons, of which Jacques Cartier was captain and general of the
expedition, Thomas Frosmont chief master, accompanied by Claudius de
Pont Briand, son to the lord of Montceuell cupbearer to the Dauphin,
Charles de Pomeraies, John Powlet, and other gentlemen. In the second
ship of sixty tons, called the Little Hermina, Mace Salobert and William
Marie were captains under the orders of our general. The third ship of
forty tons, called the Hermerillon, was commanded by William Britton and
James Maingare. The day after we set sail, the prosperous gale was
changed into storms and contrary winds, with darksome fogs, in which we
suffered exceedingly till the 25th of June, when our three ships lost
sight of each other, and never rejoined again till after our arrival at
Newfoundland. We in the generals ship continued to be tossed about by
contrary winds till the 7th of July, when we made the island of
Birds[39], 14 leagues from the main of Newfoundland. This island is so
full of birds that our ships might have been loaded with them, and the
quantity taken away not missed. We took away two boat loads, to increase
our sea stores. The Isle of Birds is in lat. 49° 40' N.
[Footnote 39: Already supposed to be that now called Funk Island, in
lat. 50° N.--E.]
We left this island with a fair wind on the eighth of July, and came to
the harbour of White Sands, or Blanc Sablon, in the Grand Bay or Baye
des Chateaux, where the rendezvous of the squadron had been appointed.
We remained here till the 26th of July, when both of the other ships
joined us, and we then laid in a stock of wood and water for enabling us
to proceed on our voyage. Every thing being in readiness, we set sail
from the White Sands early in the morning of the 29th, and sailing along
the northern coast, which runs from S.W. to N.E. we passed by two
islands, lying farther out than the others, which we named St Williams
Islands, being twenty leagues or more from the port called Brest. All
the coast from the Bay of Castles to that place, _lies E. and W.--N.E.
and S.W._ off which there are sundry small islands, the whole being
stony and barren, without soil or trees, except in a few narrow vallies.
Next day, we sailed twelve leagues and a half westwards, in search of
other islands, among which there is a great bay towards the north, all
full of islands and great creeks, among which there seemed to be many
good harbours. We named these the Islands of St Martha, off which, about
a league and a half farther out to sea, there is a dangerous shallow,
and about seven leagues from the islands of St Martha, _on the east and
on the west_, as you pass to these islands, there are five rocks. We
passed these about one in the afternoon; and from that time till
midnight, we sailed about 15 leagues, passing to the south-eastwards of
a cape of the lower islands, which we named St Germans Islands; about
three leagues from which cape there is a very dangerous shallow.
Likewise between Cape St Germans and Cape St Martha, about two leagues
from the before-mentioned islands, there is a bank of sand on which the
water is only four fathoms deep. On account of the dangerous nature of
this coast, we struck sail and came to anchor for the rest of the night.
Next day, being the last of July, we went along all that part of the
coast which runs east and west, or somewhat south-easterly, all of which
is beset with islands and dry sands, and is consequently of very
dangerous navigation. The distance from Cape St Germans to these islands
is about 17-1/2 leagues, beyond which is a _goodly plot of ground_[40],
surrounded by large tall trees; but all the rest of the coast is
encompassed with sand-banks, without any appearance of harbours till we
come to Cape _Thiennot_, about 7 leagues north-west from these islands.
Having noted this cape in our former voyage, we sailed on all this night
to the west and west-north-west till day; and as the wind then became
contrary, we looked out for a harbour in which to shelter our ships, and
found one for our purpose which we named Port St Nicholas. This port
lies amid four islands off the main-land, and we set up a cross on the
nearest of these islands as a land-mark or beacon. In entering Port St
Nicholas, this cross must be brought to bear N.E. and passed on the left
hand of the steersman, by which means you find six fathom water in the
passage, and four within the port. Care must be taken however to avoid
two shelves which stretch out about half a league to seawards.
[Footnote 40: From the context, I suspect the author here means that
there was good anchorage at this place.--E.]
The whole of this coast is full of dangerous shoals, yet having the
deceitful appearance of many good havens. We remained at Port St
Nicholas till Sunday the 7th of August, when we made sail and approached
the land southwards by Cape Rabart, which is twenty leagues from Port St
Nicholas S.S.W. Next day the wind became boisterous and contrary, and as
we could not find any haven to the southward, we coasted along northward
about ten leagues beyond Port St Nicholas, where we found a goodly great
gulf, full of islands, passages and entrances, answerable for any wind
whatever. This gulf may easily be known by a great island resembling a
cape, stretching somewhat farther out than the other islands, and about
two leagues inland there is a hill which resembles a corn rick. We named
this the Gulf of St Lawrence. On the 12th of the month, we sailed
westwards from this gulf, and discovered a cape of land toward the
south, about 25 leagues W. and by S. from the Gulf of St Lawrence. The
two savages whom we took with us on our former voyage, informed us that
this cape formed part of the great southern coast; and that, by the
southern part of an island which they pointed out, was the way to Canada
from Honguedo, whence we took them last year. They said farther, that at
two days journey from this cape and island the Kingdom of _Saguenay_
began. On the north shore of this island, extending towards Canada, and
about three leagues off this cape, there are above 100 fathoms water;
and I believe there never were as many whales seen at once as we saw
that day around this cape. Next day, the 15th of August, having passed
the strait, we had notice of certain lands which we had left towards the
south, which are full of extensive high hills. We named the
before-mentioned cape the Island of Assumption; from which one cape of
the before-mentioned high country trends E.N.E. and W.S.W. distant 25
leagues. The northern country, for more than thirty leagues in length,
is obviously higher than that which is to the southwards. We coasted
along the southern lands till noon of the 17th, when the wind came round
to the west; after which we steered for the northern coast which we had
before seen, and found it low toward the sea, and the northern range of
mountains within this low land stretch from east to west one quarter
south. Our two savages informed us that Saguenay began here, which is an
inhabited land producing copper, which they call _caignetdaze_. The
distance between the southern and northern lands is about 30 leagues,
and the gulf between is above 200 fathoms deep. The savages informed us
likewise that the great river _Hochelega_[41] began here, by which was
the direct way to Canada; and which river becomes always narrower as we
approach towards Canada, where the water is fresh. They said farther
that it penetrates so far inland that they had never heard of any one
who had reached its head. On considering their account, our captain
resolved to proceed no farther at this time, more especially as they
said there was no other passage, meaning to examine in the first place
the northern coast between the Gulf of St Lawrence and this great river,
to see if any other passage could be discovered.
[Footnote 41: The river now called the St Lawrence.--E.]
We accordingly turned back on Wednesday the 18th of August along the
northern coast, which trends from N.E. to S.W. like half of a bow, and
is very high land, yet not so high as the southern coast. Next day we
came to seven high round islands, which we named the _Seven Isles_,
which stretch 3 or 4 leagues out to sea, and are 40 leagues from the
southern shore of the gulf. Over against these, the northern shore
consists of good low grounds full of fine trees, having various
sand-banks almost dry at low water, and reaching two leagues from shore.
At the farther extremity of these low lands, which, continue for ten
leagues, there is a river of fresh water which runs with such rapidity
into the sea that the water is quite fresh a league from its mouth.
Entering this river with our boats, we had about a fathom and half water
at its mouth. In this river we found many _fishes_ resembling horses,
which our savages told us lay all day in the water and went on shore at
night. We set sail at day-break of the 21st, continuing our progress
along the northern coast of the gulf which we traced the whole of that
day to the north-east, and then stood over to the Island of
Assumption[42], being assured that no passage was to be found in that
direction. Returning to the harbour at the Seven Islands, which has 9 or
10 fathoms water, we were detained there by mists and contrary winds
till the 24th, when we stood over to the southern coast, and came to a
harbour about 80 leagues from these islands. This harbour is over
against three flat islands in the middle of the river, between which
islands and the harbour there is a very great river which runs between
high and low lands. For more than three leagues out to sea there are
many dangerous shelves, leaving not quite two fathoms water, so that the
entrance is very dangerous; yet near these shelves the water is from 15
to 20 fathoms deep from shore to shore. All the _northern_[43] coast
runs from N.E. and by N. to S.W. and by S. This haven is but of small
value, as it is only formed by the tide of flood, and is inaccessible at
low water. We named the three small flat islets _St Johns Isles_,
because we discovered them on the day of St John the Baptists
decapitation. Before coming to this haven, there is an island about 5
leagues to the eastward, between which and the land there is no passage
except for small boats. The best station for ships in this harbour is to
the south of a little island and almost close to its shore. The tide
here flows at least two fathoms, but ships have to lie aground at low
water.
[Footnote 42: The island here called Assumption, certainly is that now
called Anticosti, a term formed or corrupted from the native name
Natiscotec.--E.]
[Footnote 43: It is probable that we should here read the _southern_
coast.--E.]
Leaving this harbour on the 1st of September, we proposed sailing for
Canada; and at about 15 leagues W.S.W. we came to three islands, over
against which is a deep and rapid river, which our two savages told as
leads to the country and kingdom of Saguenay[44]. This river runs
between very high and steep hills of bare rock, with very little soil;
yet great numbers of trees grow among these rocks, as luxuriantly as if
upon level and fertile land, insomuch that some of them would make masts
for vessels of 30 tons. At the mouth of this river we met four canoes
full of savages, who seemed very fearful of us, and some of them even
went away. One of the canoes however, ventured to approach within hail,
when one of our savages spoke to the people, telling his name, on which
they came to us. Next day, leaving that river we proceeded on for
Canada; and in consequence of the rapidity of the tide, we found the
navigation very dangerous; more especially as to the southward of that
river there are two islands, around which for above three leagues there
are many rocks and great stones, and only two fathoms water. Besides the
direction of the tide among these islands and rocks is very uncertain
and changeable; so that if it had not been for our boats, we had been in
great danger of losing our pinnace. In coasting along, we found above 30
fathoms water just off shore, except among these rocks and islands.
About 5 leagues beyond the river Saguenay, to the S.W. there is another
island on the north side containing high land, where we proposed to have
come to anchor in waiting for the next tide of flood, but we had no
ground with a line of 120 fathom only an arrow-shot from shore; so that
we were obliged to return to that island, where we had 35 fathoms. We
set sail again next morning to proceed onwards; and this day we got
notice of a strange kind of _fish_ which had never been seen before,
which are called _Adhothuys_ by the natives. They are about the bigness
of a porpoise, but no way like them, having well proportioned bodies and
heads like a greyhound, their whole bodies being entirely white without
spot. There are great numbers of them in this river, and they always
keep in the water, the natives saying that they are very savoury and
good eating, and are nowhere else to be found but in the mouth of this
river. On the 6th of September we proceeded about 15 leagues farther up
the river, where we found an island having a small haven towards the
north, around which there were innumerable large tortoises. There are
here likewise vast numbers of the _fish_ called _Adhothuys_, already
mentioned; and the rapidity of the tide at this place is as great as it
is at Bourdeaux in France. This island is about three leagues long and
two broad, all of rich fertile soil, having many fine trees of various
kinds; among which were many filbert trees, full of nuts, which we found
to be larger and better than ours but somewhat harder, on which account
we named it _Isle aux Condres_, or Filbert Island.
[Footnote 44: The Saguenay river runs into the north-west side of the St
Lawrence, in lat. 48° 7' N. long. 69° 9' W.--E.]
On the 7th of the month we went seven or eight leagues up the river from
Filbert Island to 14 other islands, where the country of Canada begins.
One of these islands is ten leagues long and five broad, thickly
inhabited by natives who live entirely by fishing in the river[45].
Having cast anchor between this island and the northern coast, we went
on shore accompanied by our two savages, whose names were Taignoagny and
Domagaia. At first the inhabitants of the island avoided us, till at
length our two savages got speech of some of them, telling who they
were, on which the natives seemed much rejoiced, dancing and singing and
shewing many other ceremonies; many of their chief men came now to our
boats, bringing great numbers of eels and other fishes, likewise two or
three burdens of _great millet_ or maize, and many very large
musk-melons. On the same day many canoes filled with natives, both men
and women, came to visit our two savages, all of whom were received in a
kindly manner by our captain, who gave them many things of small value
with which they were much gratified. Next day the lord of Canada came to
our ships with twelve canoes and many people; but causing ten of his
canoes to go back again, he came up to our ships with only two canoes
and sixteen men. The proper name of this person was Donnacona, but his
dignified name, as a lord or chief, was Agouhanna. On coming near the
smallest of our ships, he stood up in his canoe and made a long oration,
moving his body and limbs in an extraordinary manner, which among them
pass for signs of friendship and security. He then came up towards the
generals ship, in which were Taignoagny and Domagaia, with whom he
entered into conversation. These men related to him all that they had
seen in France, and what good treatment they had received in that
country, at all which Agouhanna seemed much pleased, and desired our
captain to hold out his arm for him to kiss. Our captain now went into
Agouhannas canoe, and made bread and wine be handed down to him, which
he offered to the chief and his followers, with which they were much
gratified. When all this was over, our captain came again on board, and
the chief went with his canoes to his own abode.
[Footnote 45: Obviously the Isle of Orleans.--E.]
The captain ordered all the boats to be made ready, in which we went up
the river against the stream for ten leagues, keeping close to the shore
of the island, at which distance we found an excellent sound with a
small river and haven, in which there is about three fathoms water at
flood tide. As this place seemed very pleasant and safe for our ships,
we brought them thither, calling it the harbour of St Croix, because
discovered on Holy Cross Day. Near this is a village named Stadacona, of
which Donnacona is lord, and where he resides. It stands on a piece of
as fine fertile ground as one would wish to see, full of as goodly trees
as are to be seen in France, such as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut-trees,
maples, cydrons, vines, and white thorns which bear fruit as large as
damson plumbs, and many other sorts of trees. Under these there grows
great abundance of fine tall hemp, which springs up spontaneously
without cultivation. Having examined this place and found it fit for the
purpose, the captain proposed returning to the ships to bring them to
this port; but we were met, when coming out of the river, by one of the
chiefs of Stadacona, accompanied by many men, women, and children. This
chief made a long oration to us, all the women dancing and singing for
joy up to the knees in water. The captain caused the canoe to come along
side of his boat, and presented them all with some trifles, such as
knives, glass beads, and the like, with which they were so much
delighted that we could hear them singing and dancing when we were three
leagues off.
After returning to the ships, the captain landed again on the island to
examine and admire the beauty, variety, and luxuriance of its trees and
vegetables. On account of the great number of vines which it produced
everywhere in profusion, he named it the Island of Bacchus, but it is
now called the Isle of Orleans. It is in length twelve leagues,
exceedingly pleasant and fruitful, and everywhere covered with trees,
except in some places where there are a few huts of fishers, around
which some small patches are cleared and cultivated. We departed with
our ships next day, and on the 14th of September we brought them up to
Port St Croix, and were met on the way by the lord Donnacona,
accompanied by our two savages, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with 25 canoes
full of natives; all of whom came to our ships with every sign of mirth
and confidence, except our own two savages, who would on no account come
on board though repeatedly invited, on which we began to suspect some
sinister intentions. On the next day, the captain went on shore to give
directions for fixing certain piles or stakes in the water for the
greater security of our ships, and Donnacona with a considerable number
of the natives came to meet him; but our two savages kept aloof under a
point or nook of land at some distance, and would on no account join our
company. Understanding where they were, our captain went towards them,
accompanied by some of our men; and, after the customary salutations,
Taignoagny represented that Donnacona was much dissatisfied because the
captain and his men were always armed, while the natives were not. To
this the captain answered, that he was sorry this should give offence;
but as they two who had been in France knew that this was the custom of
their country, he could not possibly do otherwise. Yet Donnacona
continued to converse with our captain in the most friendly manner, and
we concluded that Taignoagny and Domagaia had invented this pretence of
their own accord; more especially as Donnacona and our captain entered
into the strictest bonds of friendship, on which all the natives set up
three horrible yells, after which the companies separated, and we went
on board. On the following day, we brought the two largest of our ships
into the harbour within the mouth of the small river, in which there are
three fathoms water at flood tide, and only half a fathom at the ebb.
The pinnace, or smallest vessel, was left at anchor without the harbour,
as we intended to use her for exploring the Hochelega.[46] As soon as
our ships were placed in safety, we saw Donnacona coming towards us,
accompanied by Taignoagny, Domagaia, and above 500 natives, men, women,
and children. Donnacona and ten or twelve of the principal persons came
on board the captains ship, where they were courteously received by the
captain and all of us, and many gifts of small value were given them.
Then Taignoagny informed our captain, that Donnacona was dissatisfied
with our intention of exploring the Hochelega, and would not allow any
one to go with us. The captain said in reply, that he was resolved to go
there if possible, as he had been ordered by his sovereign to penetrate
the country in that direction as far as was practicable: That if
Taignoagny would go along with him, as he had promised, he should be
well used, and should be rewarded to his satisfaction on their return.
This was refused by Taignoagny, and the whole of the savages immediately
retired.
[Footnote 46: The native name of the river St Lawrence is Hoshelega or
Hochelega, sometimes called the river of Canada.--E.]
Next day, the 17th September, Donnacona and his company came back to us,
bringing many eels and other fishes, which they procure in great
abundance in the river. On their arrival at the ships, all the savages
fell a dancing and singing as usual, after which Donnacona caused all
his people to stand off on one side; then, making our captain and all
our people stand within a circle which he drew on the sand, he made a
long oration, holding a female child of ten or twelve years old by the
hand, whom he presented to our captain at the end of his speech; upon
which all his people set up three loud howls, in token of joy and
friendship, at least so we understood them. Donnacona afterwards
presented two boys successively, who were younger than the girls,
accompanied by other ceremonies, among which were very loud shrieks or
yells as before. For these presents our captain gave many hearty thanks.
Then Taignoagny told the captain that one of the boys was his own
brother, and that the girl was daughter to a sister of Donnacona; and
that the presents had been given on purpose to induce him not to go to
Hochelega. To this the captain answered, that he would certainly return
the children, if that were the purpose of the gift; as he could on no
account desist from going where he had been commanded by his king. But
Domagaia, the other savage who had been in France, told the captain that
the children had been presented as a token of friendship and security,
and that he Domagaia was willing to accompany us to Hochelega. On this
high words arose between Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we inferred
that the former was a crafty knave, and intended to do us some
treacherous act of mischief as indeed sufficiently appeared from his
former conduct. The captain sent the children to our ships, whence he
caused two swords and two brass basons to be brought, which he presented
to Donnacona, who was much gratified and expressed great thankfulness,
commanding all his people to sing and dance. The chief then expressed a
desire to have one of our cannons fired off, as our two savages had told
him many wonderful things respecting them. He accordingly ordered twelve
cannons, loaded with ball, to be fired off into the woods close by, at
which all the savages were greatly astonished, as if heaven had fallen
upon them, and ran away howling, shrieking and yelling, as if all hell
had broke loose. Before we went on board, Taignoagny informed us that
our people in the pinnace, which we had left at anchor without the
harbour, had slain two men by a shot from one of their cannons, on which
all the natives had fled away. This we afterwards found to be false, as
our men had not fired any that day.
The savages still endeavoured to hinder us from going to Hochelega, and
devised the following stratagem to induce us not to go. They dressed up
three men like devils, in black and white dogs skins, having their faces
blackened, and with horns on their heads a yard long. These men were put
secretly into a canoe, while all the savages lay hid in the wood waiting
the tide to bring the canoe with the mock devils. On the approach of
that canoe, all the savages came out of the wood, but did not come so
near us as usual. Taignoagny came forwards to salute our captain, who
asked if he would have a boat sent to bring him on board; but he
declined to do so then, saying he would come on board afterwards. At
this time the canoe with the three devils made its appearance, and on
passing close by the ships, one of these men stood up and made a long
oration, without ever turning round to look at us. The boat floated past
us towards the land, on which Donnacona and all his people pursued them
and laid hold of the canoe, on which the three devils fell down as if
dead, when they were carried out into the wood, followed by all the
savages. We could hear them from our ships in a long and loud conference
above half an hour; after which Taignoagny and Domagaia came towards us,
holding their hands joined above their heads, and carrying their hats
under their upper garments, as if in great astonishment. Taignoagny,
looking up to heaven, exclaiming three times Jesus! Jesus! Jesus!
Domagaia in the same manner cried out, Jesus Maria! Jacques Cartier! On
seeing these gestures and ceremonies, our captain asked what was the
matter, and what had happened. They answered that they had very ill news
to tell, saying in French _Nenni est il bon_, or it is not good. On
being again asked what all this meant; they said, that their god
Cudruaigny had spoken in Hochelega, and had sent these three men to say
there was so much ice and snow in that country, that who ever ventured
there would surely die. On this we laughed mocking them, saying that
their god Cudruaigny was a fool, and knew not what he said; and desired
them to shew us his messengers, saying that Christ would defend them
from all cold if they believed in him. They then asked the captain if he
had spoken with Jesus; who answered no, but the priests had, who had
assured him of fair weather. They then thanked the captain for this
intelligence, and went into the wood to communicate it to the rest, who
all now rushed from the wood as if glad of the news, giving three great
shouts, and then fell to dancing and singing as usual. Yet our two
savages declared that Donnacona would not allow any one to accompany us
to Hochelega, unless some hostage was left for his safe return. The
captain then said, if they would not go willingly they might stay, and
he would go without them.
On the 19th of September, we hoisted sail in the pinnace accompanied by
two of our boats, the captain taking most of his officers and fifty
mariners along with him, intending to go up the river towards Hochelega
with the tide of flood. Both shores of the river, as far as the eye
could see, appeared as goodly a country as could be desired, all
replenished with fine trees, among which all along the river grew
numerous vines as full of grapes as they could hang, which, though quite
natural, seemed as if they had been planted. Yet, as they were not
dressed and managed according to art, their bunches were not so large,
nor their grapes so sweet as ours. We also saw many huts along the
river, inhabited by fishers, who came to us with as much familiarity and
kindness as if we had been their countrymen, bringing us great
quantities of fish and such other things as they had, for which we paid
them in trifles to their great contentment. We stopped at the place
named Hochelay, 25 leagues above Canada,[47] where the river becomes
very narrow with a rapid current, and very dangerous on account of
certain stones or rocks. Many canoes came off to us, in one of which
came the chief man of the place, who made us a long oration, explaining
by signs and gestures that the river became more dangerous the higher we
went, and advising us to take good care of ourselves. This chief
presented two of his own children to our captain, one of which only he
received, being a girl of 7 or 8 years old, returning the boy who was
too young, being only 2 or 3 years of age. The captain entertained this
chief and his company as well as he could, presenting them all with some
trifles, with which they returned to the shore well pleased. This chief
and his wife came down afterwards to Canada to visit their child, and
brought with them some small presents for our captain.
[Footnote 47: By Canada in the text, the lordship belonging to Donnacona
seems meant, which appears to have been what is now called the Isle of
Orleans.--E.]
From the 19th to the 28th of September, we sailed up this great river,
never losing an hour of time, finding the whole land on both sides as
pleasant a country as could be desired, full of fine tall trees, as oak,
elm, walnut, cedar, fir, ash, box, willow, and great store of vines
loaded with grapes, so that when any of our people went on shore, they
brought back as many as they could carry. There were likewise, cranes,
swans, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, thrushes, blackbirds,
finches, redbreasts, nightingales, sparrows, and many other birds like
those of France in vast abundance. On the 28th of September we came to a
wide lake, or enlargement of the river, 5 or 6 leagues broad and 12
long, which we called the Lake of _Angoulesme_[48], all through which we
went against the tide, having only two fathoms water. On our arrival at
the upper extremity of the lake, we could find no passage, as it seemed
entirely shut up, and had only a fathom and a half water, a little more
or less. We were therefore obliged to cast anchor here with our pinnace,
and went with our two boats to seek out some passage; and in one place
we found four or five branches which seemed to come from the river of
Hochelega into the lake; but at the mouths of these branches, owing to
the great rapidity of the currents, there were bars or shallows having
only six feet water. After passing these shallows, we had 4 or 5 fathoms
at flood tide, this being the season of the year when the water is
lowest; for at other times the tide flows higher by three fathoms. All
these four or five branches of the river surround five or six very
pleasant islands, which are at the head of the lake; and about 15
leagues higher up, all these unite into one. We landed on one of these
islands, where we met five natives who were hunting wild beasts, and who
came as familiarly to our boats as if they had always lived amongst us.
When our boats were near the shore, one of these men took our captain in
his arms, and carried him to the land with as much ease as if he had
been a child of five years old. We found that these people had taken a
great number of wild rats which live in the water, which are as large as
rabbits and very good to eat. They gave these to our captain, who gave
them knives and glass-beads in return. We asked them by signs if this
were the way to Hochelega, to which they answered that it was, and that
we had still three days sail to go thither.
[Footnote 48: Now called St Peters Lake, between which and _Trois
Rivieres_, the St Lawrence river is narrow with a rapid current.--E.]
Finding it impossible to take the pinnace any higher, the captain
ordered the boats to be made ready for the rest of the expedition,
taking on board as much ammunition and provisions as they could carry.
He departed with these on the 29th September, accompanied by Claudius de
Pont Briand, Charles de Pommeraye, John Govion, and John Powlet, with 28
mariners, intending to go up the river as far as possible. We sailed
with prosperous weather till the 2d of October, when we arrived at
Hochelega, which is 45 leagues above the head of the lake of Augoulesme,
where we left the pinnace. At this place, and indeed all the way up, we
met with many of the natives, who brought us fish and other provisions,
always dancing and singing on our arrival. To gratify them and keep them
our friends, the captain always rewarded them on these occasions with
knives, beads, and such trifles to their full satisfaction. On
approaching Hochelega above 1000 natives, men, women and children came
to meet us, giving us as friendly and hearty welcome as if we had been
of their own nation come home after a long and perilous absence, all the
men dancing in one place, the women in another, and the children in a
third; after which they brought us great abundance of fish and of their
bread made of maize, both of which they threw into our boats in
profusion. Observing their gentle and friendly dispositions, our captain
went on shore well accompanied, on which the natives came clustering
about us in the most affectionate manner, bringing their young children
in their arms, eager to have them touched and noticed by the captain and
others, and shewing every sign of mirth and gladness at our arrival.
This scene lasted above half an hour, when the captain got all the women
to draw up in regular order, to whom he distributed many beads and
baubles of tin, and gave some knives among the men. He then returned to
the boats to supper and passed the night on board, all the people
remaining on the shore as near as possible to the boats, dancing merrily
and shouting out _aguiaze_, which in their language is an expression of
joy and satisfaction.
Very early next morning, 3d October, having dressed himself splendidly,
our captain went on shore to see the town in which these people dwelt,
taking with him five of the principal officers and twenty men, all well
armed, leaving the remainder of the people to take care of the boats.
The city of Hochelega is six miles from the river side, and the road
thither is as well beaten and frequented as can be, leading through as
fine a country as can be seen, full of as fine oaks as any in France,
the whole ground below being strewed over with fine acorns. When we had
gone four or five miles we were met by one of the chief lords of the
city accompanied by a great many natives, who made us understand by
signs that we must stop at a place where they had made a large fire,
which we did accordingly. When we had rested there some time, the chief
made a long discourse in token of welcome and friendship, shewing a
joyful countenance and every mark of good will. On this our captain
presented him with two hatchets and two knives, and hung a cross from
his neck, which he made him kiss, with all which the chief seemed much
pleased. After this we resumed our march, and about a mile and a half
farther we found fine large fields covered with the corn of the country,
resembling the millet of Brasil, rather larger than small pease. In the
midst of these cultivated fields the city of Hochelega is situated, near
and almost joined to a great mountain, which is very fertile and
cultivated all round, to which we gave the name of _Mount Royal_[49].
[Footnote 49: Montreal, whence the island and city of the same
name.--E.]
The city of Hochelega is circular, and encompassed all round with three
rows of ramparts made of timber, one within the other, "framed like a
sharp spire but laid across above, the middlemost is made and built as a
direct line but perpendicular, the ramparts are framed and fashioned
with pieces of timber laid along the ground, well and cunningly joined
together[50]." This inclosure is about two roods high, and has but one
gate of entrance, which is shut when necessary with piles, stakes, and
bars. Over the gate, and in many other parts of the wall, there are
scaffolds having ladders up to them, and on these scaffolds there are
large heaps of stones, ready for defending the place against an enemy.
The town consisted of about fifty large houses, each of them about fifty
paces long and twelve broad, all built of wood and covered with broad
strips of bark, like boards, nicely joined. These houses are divided
within into many rooms, and in the middle of each there is a court or
hall, in which they make their fire. Thus they live in communities, each
separate family having a chamber to which the husband, wife, and
children retire to sleep. On the tops of their houses they have garrets
or granaries, in which they store up the maize of which their bread is
made, which they call _caracouny_, and which is made in this manner.
They have blocks of wood hollowed out, like those on which we beat hemp,
and in these they beat their corn to powder with wooden beetles. The
meal is kneaded into cakes, which they lay on a broad hot stone,
covering it up with other heated stones, which thus serve instead of
ovens. Besides these cakes, they make several kinds of pottage from
their maize, and also of beans and pease, both of which they have in
abundance. They have also a variety of fruits, such as musk-melons and
very large cucumbers. They have likewise large vessels in all their
houses, as big as butts or large hogsheads, in which they store up their
fish for winter provision, having dried them in the sun during summer
for that purpose, and of these they lay up large stores for their
provision during winter. All their victuals, however, are without the
smallest taste of salt. They sleep on beds made of the bark of trees
spread on the ground, and covered over with the skins of wild beasts;
with which likewise their garments are made.
[Footnote 50: This description of the manner in which the ramparts of
Hochelega were constructed, taken literally from Hakluyt, is by no means
obvious or intelligible. Besides it seems rather ridiculous to dignify
the village of a horde of savages with the name of city.--E.]
That which they hold in highest estimation among all their possessions,
is a substance which they call _esurgny_ or _cornibotz_, which is as
white as snow, and which is procured in the following manner. When any
one is adjudged to death for a crime, or when they have taken any of
their enemies during war, having first slain the person, they make many
deep gashes on the buttocks, flanks, thighs, and shoulders of the dead
body, which is then sunk to the bottom of the river, in a certain place
where the _esurgny_ abounds. After remaining 10 or 12 hours, the body is
drawn up, and the _esurgny_ or _cornibotz_ is found in the gashes. Of
this they make beads, which they wear about their necks as we do chains
of gold and silver, accounting it their most precious riches. These
ornaments, as we have proved by experience, have the power to staunch
bleeding at the nose[51]. This nation devotes itself entirely to
husbandry and fishing for subsistence, having no care for any other
wealth or commodity, of which they have indeed no knowledge, as they
never travel from their own country, as is done by the natives of Canada
and Saguenay; yet the Canadians and the inhabitants of eight or ten
other villages on the river, are subject to the people of Hochelega.
[Footnote 51: It is impossible to give any explanation of this
ridiculous account of the _esurgny_, any farther than that the Frenchmen
were either imposed upon by the natives, or misunderstood them from not
knowing their language. In a subsequent part of the voyages of Cartier,
this substance is called _Esnoguy_.--E.]
When we came near the town, a vast number of the inhabitants came out to
meet us, and received us in the most cordial manner, while the guides
led us to the middle of the town, in which there is a large open square,
a good stones throw from side to side, in which they desired us by signs
to remain. Then all the women and girls of the place gathered together
in the square, many of whom carried young children in their arms; as
many of them as could get forwards came up and rubbed our faces, arms,
and bodies, giving every token of joy and gladness for having seen us,
and requiring us by signs to touch their children. After this, the men
caused the women to withdraw, and all sat down on the ground round about
us, as if they meant to represent some comedy or shew. The women came
back, each of them carrying a square matt like a carpet, which they
spread out on the ground and caused us to sit down on them. When this
was done, _Agouhanna_, the king or lord of the town, was brought into
the square on the shoulders of nine or ten men. He sat upon a large deer
skin, and was set down on one of the matts near our captain, all the
people signifying to us by signs that this was their king. Agouhanna was
apparently about fifty years old, and no way better clothed than any of
the rest, except that he had a kind of red wreath round his head instead
of a crown, which was made of the skins of hedgehogs. He was full of
palsy, and all his limbs were shrunk and withered. After he had saluted
our captain and all the company, welcoming us all to his town by signs
and gestures, he shewed his shrunk legs and arms to the captain,
desiring him to touch them, which he did accordingly, rubbing them with
his hands. Then Agouhanna took the crown or fillet from his own head,
and gave it to our captain; after which several diseased men were
brought before the captain, some blind and others cripple, lame or
impotent of their limbs, that he might touch them, as they seemed to
think that God had come down from heaven to heal them. Some of these men
were so old that the hair of their eyebrows grew down over their cheeks.
Seeing the misery and devotion of these ignorant people, our captain
recited the commencement of the gospel of St John, "_In the beginning
was the word_," &c. touching all the diseased persons, and prayed to God
that he would open the hearts of these deluded people, making them to
know his holy word, and to receive baptism and the Christian faith. He
then opened a service-book, and read over the passion of Christ with an
audible voice; during which all the natives kept a profound silence,
looking up to heaven and imitating all our gestures. He then caused all
the men to stand orderly on one side, the women on the other, and the
young people on a third, giving hatchets to the chiefs, knives to the
others, beads and other trifles to the women, and rings, counters, and
broaches of tin to the children. He then caused our trumpets and other
musical instruments to be sounded, which made the natives very merry. We
then took leave of them to return to our boats, on which the women
placed themselves in our way, offering us of their provisions which they
had made ready for us, such as fish, pottage, beans, and other things;
but, as all their victuals were dressed without salt, we did not like
them, and gave them to understand by signs that we were not hungry.
When we left the town, many of the men and women followed us, and
conducted us to the top of Mount Royal, which is about a league from the
town, and whence we had a commanding view of the country for thirty
leagues round. To the north we saw many hills stretching east and west,
and a similar range to the south, between which the whole country was
exceedingly pleasant, being level and fit for husbandry. In the midst of
these pleasant plains, we could see the river a great way farther up
than where we had left our boats; and at about fifteen leagues from us,
as far as we could judge, it came through the fair round mountains to
the south in a great rapid fall, the largest, widest, and swiftest that
ever was seen. The natives informed us that there were three such falls
besides; but as we did not understand their language, we could not learn
the distance between these. They likewise informed us by signs, that
after passing above these three falls, a man might sail three months
continually up the river, and that along the hills to the north, there
is another great river coming from the west, which we believed to be
that which runs through the country of Saguenay. One of the natives,
without any sign or question made to him, took hold of the silver chain
of our captains whistle, and the dagger haft of one of the mariners,
which was of gilt brass, giving us to understand that such metals came
from that river, where there were evil people named _Agouionda_, armed
even to their finger ends, shewing us the way in which their armour was
made, being wrought of cords and wood very ingeniously. They gave us
also to understand that these _Agouionda_ were continually at war among
themselves, but we could not learn how far their country lay, for want
of understanding their language. Our captain shewed them some copper,
which they call _caignetadize_, and asked them by signs if any came from
thence. They answered _no_, shaking their heads, but intimated that it
came from Saguenay, which is in quite a different direction. We now
proceeded towards our boats, accompanied by great numbers of the people,
some of whom, when they noticed any of our men weary, took them up on
their shoulders and carried them along. As soon as we got to the boats,
we set sail to return to our pinnace, being afraid lest any accident
might have happened in our absence. Our departure seemed to grieve these
friendly natives, who followed us along the shore as far as they were
able. We went so fast down the river, that we came to our pinnace on
Monday the 4th October; and set off next day with the pinnace and boats
to return to the port of the Holy Cross in the province of Canada, where
our ships lay. On the 7th of the month we came to a river running from
the north, having four small islands at its mouth, overgrown with fine
large trees, which we named the Fouetz River. Entering this river, we
found one of the islands stretched a great way up. Our captain caused a
large cross to be set up at the point of this river, and went up the
river with the tide as far as possible; but finding it very shallow and
of no importance, we soon returned and resumed our voyage down the Great
River.
On Monday the 11th October, we came to the port of the Holy Cross, where
we found that the masters and mariners who were left there had
constructed a stockade before the ships, of large timber set upright and
well fastened together, having likewise planted several cannon, and made
all other needful preparations for defence against the natives, in case
of any attack. As soon as Donnacona heard of our return, he came to
visit us, accompanied by Taignoagny and Domagaia and many others,
pretending to be very glad of our arrival, and making many compliments
to our captain, who entertained them in a friendly manner, although they
had not so deserved by their former conduct. Donnacona invited our
captain to come and see Canada, which he promised to do next day, being
the 13th of the month. He accordingly went, accompanied by all the
gentlemen and fifty mariners well armed. Their place of abode, named
Stadacona, was about a league from the ships; and when we were arrived
within a stones throw of the place, many of the inhabitants came to meet
us, drawing up in two ranks, the men on one side and the women on the
other, all dancing and singing. After mutual salutation, the captain
distributed knives and other trifles among them, giving a tin ring to
each of the women and children, with which they were much pleased. After
this, Donnacona and Taignoagny conducted the captain to see the houses,
which were very well provided with victuals for winter use. Among other
things, they shewed us the _scalps_ of five men spread on boards as we
do parchment, which Donnacona told us were taken from a people called
_Toudamani_, dwelling to the south, who are continually engaged in war
against his nation. They told us that, about two years ago, as they were
going to war in _Hognedo_, having 200 persons, men, women, and children,
and were all asleep in a fort which they had made in an island over
against the mouth of the Saguenay River, they were assaulted during the
night by the _Toudamans_, who set their fort on fire, and as they
endeavoured to come out, their enemies slew the whole party, five only
making their escape. They were greatly grieved at this loss, but
signified by signs that they hoped to be amply revenged at some future
opportunity.
This nation has no knowledge of the true God, but believe in one whom
they call _Cudruaigni_, who they say often informs them of future
events, and who throws dust into their eyes when angry with them[52].
They believe that they go to the stars after death, and thence descend
gradually towards the earth, as the stars do to the horizon; after which
they inhabit certain pleasant fields, abounding in precious trees, sweet
flowers, and fine fruits. We endeavoured to convince them, of their
erroneous belief, telling them that Cudruaigni was only a devil or evil
spirit, who deceived them; and affirmed that there is only one God of
heaven, the creator of all, from whom we have all good things, and that
it is necessary to be baptised, otherwise they would all be damned. They
readily acquiesced in these and other things concerning our faith,
calling their Cudruaigni _agouiada_, or the evil one, and requested our
captain that they might be baptised; and Donnacona, Taignoagny,
Domagaia, and all the people of the town came to us hoping to receive
baptism. But as we could not thoroughly understand their meaning, and
there was no one with us who was able to teach them the doctrines of our
holy religion, we desired Taignoagny and Domagaia to tell them that we
should return to them at another time, bringing priests and the chrysm
along with us, without which they could not be baptised. All of this was
thoroughly understood by our two savages, as they had seen many children
baptised when in Brittany, and the people were satisfied with these
reasons, expressing their great satisfaction at our promise.
[Footnote 52: This seems a figurative expression, implying that he keeps
them in ignorance of what is to happen when displeased.--E.]
These savages live together in common, as has been already mentioned
respecting the inhabitants of Hochelega, and are tolerably well provided
with those things which their country produces. They are clothed in the
skins of wild beasts, but in a very imperfect and wretched manner. In
winter they wear hose and shoes made of wild beasts skins, but go
barefooted in summer. They observe the rules of matrimony, only that
every man has two or three wives, who never marry again if their
husbands happen to die, wearing all their lives after a kind of mourning
dress, and smearing their faces with charcoal dust and grease, as thick
as the back of a knife, by which they are known to be widows. They have
a detestable custom with regard to their young women, who are all placed
together in one house as soon as they are marriageable, where they
remain as harlots for all who please to visit them, till such time as
they may find a match. I assert this from experience, having seen many
houses occupied in this manner, just as those houses in France where
young persons are boarded for their education; and the conduct of the
inhabitants of these houses is indecent and scandalous in the extreme.
The men are not much given to labour, digging the ground in a
superficial manner with a wooden implement, by which they cultivate
their corn resembling that which grows in Brazil, and which they call
_effici_. They have also plenty of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers,
and pease and beans of various colours, all different from ours. They
have likewise a certain kind of herb of which they lay up a store every
summer, having first dried it in the sun. This is only used by the men,
who always carry some of this dried herb in a small skin bag hanging
from their necks, in which they also carry a hollow piece of stone or
wood like a pipe. When they use this herb, they bruise it to powder,
which they put into one end of the before-mentioned pipe, and lay a
small piece of live coal upon it, after which they suck so long at the
other end that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till it comes out
of their mouth and nostrils, as if from the chimney of a fire-place.
They allege that this practice keeps them warm and is conducive to
health, and they constantly carry some of this herb about with them for
this purpose. We have tried to use this smoke, but on putting it to our
mouths it seemed as hot as pepper. The women among these savages labour
much more than the men, in tilling the ground, fishing, and other
matters; and all of them, men, women, and children, are able to resist
the extremity of cold better even than the wild beasts; for we have seen
them in the extremest cold, which is most amazingly severe, come stark
naked to our ships over the ice and snow, which must appear incredible
to those who have not witnessed such hardiness. During winter, when the
whole country is covered with ice and snow, they take great numbers of
wild beasts; such as stags, fauns, bears, martins, hares, foxes, and
many other kinds, the flesh of which they eat almost raw, being only
dried in the sun or in smoke, as they do their fish. So far as we were
acquainted with these people, it were an easy matter to civilize them
and to teach them any thing whatever: May God of his great mercy give a
blessing to this, in his good time. Amen!
SECTION III.
_Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return to France
in 1537_.
The great river of Canada or Hochelega, begins at the sea or gulf of St
Lawrence below the Island of Assumption, or Anticosti. Over against the
high mountains of Hognedo and the Seven Islands, the breadth of this
river is from 35 to 40 leagues, being 200 fathoms deep in the mid
channel. The surest way to sail up this river is on the south side[53].
On the north side, at about seven leagues distance from the Seven
Islands, there are two considerable rivers which come from the hills of
Saguenay, and occasion several very dangerous shoals. At the entrance of
these rivers we saw vast numbers of whales and sea-horses; and near
these islands a small river runs in through marshy grounds, which is
frequented by immense numbers of water-fowl. From these Seven Islands to
Hochelega or Montreal, the distance is about 300 leagues[54]. The
original beginning of this great river may be considered as at the mouth
of the Saguenay river, which comes from high and steep hills, from
whence upwards is the province of Canada on the north side. That river
is high, deep, and straight, wherefore it is dangerous for any vessel to
navigate it. Beyond that river upwards is the province of Canada, in
which are abundance of people who inhabit villages or open towns. In
this river there are many islands great and small, among which is one
ten leagues long[55], full of large tall trees and many vines. This
island maybe passed on both sides, but the safest way is on its south
side. To the westwards, on the shore or bank of the river there is an
excellent and pleasant bay or creek, in which ships may safely ride.
Near this, one part of the river for about the third part of a league is
very narrow and deep with a swift current, opposite to which is a goodly
piece of high land on which a town stands. The country around is of
excellent soil and well cultivated. This place is called Stadacona, and
is the abode of Donnacona and of the two men we took in our first
voyage, Domagaia and Taignoagny. Before coming up to it there are four
other towns, named Ayraste, Starnatay, Tailla on a hill, and Scitadin.
And near Stadacona to the north is the harbour of St Croix, in which we
wintered from the 15th September 1535 to the 16th May 1536, during all
which time our ships remained dry. Beyond Stadacona, going up the river,
is the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, on a high mountain,
and the valley or champain country of Hochelay, all of which for a great
extent on both sides of the river is as fine a plain as ever was seen.
There are mountains to be seen at a distance from the great river,
whence several rivers descend to join the Hochelay. All the country is
over-grown with many different kinds of trees and many vines, except
around the towns, where the inhabitants have grubbed up the trees to
admit of cultivating the ground, and for the purpose of building their
houses. This country abounds in stags, deer, bears, rabbits, hares,
martins, foxes, otters, beavers, weasels, badgers, and rats of vast
size, besides many other kinds of wild beasts, in the skins of which the
inhabitants clothe themselves, having no other materials. It abounds
also in a variety of birds, as cranes, swans, bustards, geese both white
and grey, ducks, thrushes, black-birds, turtles, wild-pigeons, linnets,
finches, redbreasts, stares, nightingales, and many others. No part of
the world was ever seen producing greater numbers and varieties of fish,
both these belonging to the sea and to fresh water, according to their
seasons. Among these many whales, porpoises, sea-horses, and a kind
named Adhothuis which we had never seen or heard of before. These are as
large as porpoises, as white as snow, having bodies and heads resembling
grey-hounds, and are accustomed to reside between the fresh and salt
water about the mouth of the Saguenay river.
[Footnote 53: Modern navigators prefer the north side, all the way from
the Seven Islands to the Isle of Orleans, where they take the southern
channel to Point Levi, at which place they enter the bason of
Quebec.--E.]
[Footnote 54: The distance does not exceed 135 marine leagues.--E.]
[Footnote 55: The Isle of Orleans, the only one which can be here
alluded to, is only 6 1/2 marine leagues in length; Cartier seems to use
the small French league of about 12 furlongs, and even not to have been
very accurate in its application.--E.]
After our return from Hochelega or the Isle of Montreal, we dwelt and
trafficked in great cordiality with the natives near our ships, except
that we sometimes had strife with certain ill-disposed people, much to
the displeasure of the rest. From Donnacona and others, we learnt that
the river of Saguenay is capable of being navigated by small boats for a
distance of eight or nine days journey; but that the most convenient and
best way to the country of Saguenay is to ascend the great river in the
first place to Hochelega, and thence by another river which comes from
Saguenay, to which it is a navigation of a month[56]. The natives
likewise gave us to understand that the people in that country of
Saguenay were very honest, were clothed in a similar manner to us
Frenchmen, had many populous towns, and had great store of gold and red
copper. They added, that beyond the river of Hochelega and Saguenay,
there is an island environed by that and other rivers, beyond which and
Saguenay the river leads into three or four great lakes, and a great
inland sea of fresh water, the end whereof had never been found, as they
had heard from the natives of Saguenay, having never been there
themselves. They told us likewise that, at the place where we left our
pinnace when we went to Hochelega or Montreal, there is a river which
flows from the south-west, by which in a months sailing they reach a
certain other land having neither ice nor snow, where the inhabitants
are continually at war against each other, and which country produces
abundance of oranges, almonds, nuts, apples, and many other kinds of
fruit, the natives being clad in the skins of beasts. On being asked if
there were any gold or red copper in that country, they answered no. So
far as I could understand their signs and tokens, I take this country to
be towards Florida[57].
[Footnote 56: The meaning of these routes are not explicable, as we are
unacquainted with what is meant by Saguenay. The river of that name
flows into the north-west side of the St Lawrence 150 miles below
Quebec, in a nearly east course of about 150 miles from the lake of St
John. The _other_ river, said in the text to come from Saguenay, is
probably that of the Utawas; but there does not appear to be any common
direction or object attainable by the navigation of these two rivers.
The subsequent account of the inhabitants of Saguenay is obviously
fabulous, or had been misunderstood by the French adventurers.--E.]
[Footnote 57: The river from the south-west must have been the Chambly,
and its series of lakes towards Hudson river. The rest of these vague
indications refer to the great Canadian lakes.--E.]
In the month of December, we learnt that the inhabitants of the
neighbouring town of Stadacona were infected by a pestilential disease
by which above fifty of them had been cut off before we got the
intelligence. On this account we strictly enjoined them not to come to
our fort or ships, or to have any intercourse with us; notwithstanding
which precaution this unknown sickness began to spread among us in the
strangest manner that ever was seen or heard of. Some of our men lost
their strength so completely that they could not stand, their legs
being excessively swelled and quite black, and their sinews shrunk up.
Others also had their skins spotted all over with spots of a dark purple
or blood colour; which beginning at the ankles, spread up their knees,
thighs, shoulders, arms and neck: Their breath did stink most
intolerably; their gums became so rotten that the flesh fell off even to
the roots of their teeth, most of which fell out[58]. So severely did
this infection spread among us, that by the middle of February, out of
110 persons composing the companies of our three ships, there were not
_ten_ in perfect health to assist the rest, so that we were in a most
pitiable case, considering the place we were in, as the natives came
every day to the outside of our fort and saw but few of us. Eight were
already dead, and fifty more so extremely ill that we considered them
past all hopes of recovery. In consideration of our misery, our captain
commanded all the company to prepare by devout prayer in remembrance of
Christ our Saviour, and caused his holy image to be set upon a tree
about a musquet-shot from the fort, giving us to understand that divine
service was to be performed there on the Sunday following, every one who
could possibly do so attending in solemn procession, singing the _seven_
psalms of David and other litanies, and praying most heartily to our
Lord Christ Jesus to have compassion upon our wretched state. Service
being accordingly performed as well as we could, our captain made a vow,
if it should please God to permit his return into France, that he would
go on pilgrimage to the shrine of our Lady of Rocquemado.
[Footnote 58: The author clearly describes the scurvy, long so fatal to
mariners on long voyages, now almost unknown in consequence of superior
attention to articles of diet and cleanness.--E.]
On that day Philip Rougement died, being 22 years old; and because the
nature of the sickness was utterly unknown, the captain caused his body
to be opened, to see if by any means the cause of the disease could be
discovered, or any thing found out by which to preserve the rest of the
people. His heart was found to be white, but rotten, with more than a
quart, of red water about it. The liver was tolerably sound; but the
lungs were black and mortified. The blood was all collected about the
heart; so that a vast quantity of rotten blood issued from thence when
opened. The milt or spleen was rough and somewhat perished, as if it had
been rubbed against a stone. One of his thighs being very black was
opened, but it was quite sound within. The sickness increased, to such a
pitch that there were not above three sound men in the whole company;
all the rest being unable to go below hatches to bring up victuals or
drink for themselves or others. We were sometimes obliged to bury such
as died under the snow, being unable to dig graves for them, as the
ground was frozen quite hard, and we were all reduced to extreme
weakness. To add to our distress, we were sore afraid that the natives
might discover our weakness and misery. To hide this, our captain, whom
it pleased God always to keep in health, used to make his appearance
with two or three of the company, some sick and some well, whenever any
of the natives made their appearance, at whom he threw stones,
commanding them to go away or he would beat them: And to induce the
natives to believe that all the company were employed in work about the
ships, he caused us all to make a great noise of knocking, with sticks,
stones, hammers, and such like, as if caulking and repairing the ships.
At this time we were so oppressed with this horrible sickness that we
lost all hope of ever returning to France, and we had all died
miserably, if God of his infinite goodness and mercy had not looked upon
us in compassion, and revealed a singular and most excellent remedy
against our dreadful sickness, the best that was ever found on earth, as
shall be related hereafter.
From the middle of November till the middle of March, we were dwelling
among ice above two fathoms in thickness, and the snow lay above four
feet thick on our decks; and so great was the frost that all our liquors
were frozen. Even the inside of our ships below hatches was covered with
ice above the thickness of a hand-breadth. In that period twenty-five of
our best men died, and all the rest were so exceedingly ill, three or
four only excepted, that we had not the smallest hopes of their
recovery. At this time it pleased God to cast an eye of pity upon our
forlorn state, and to send us knowledge of a remedy which restored us to
health in a most wonderful manner. Our captain happened one day to walk
out upon the ice beyond the fort, when he met a company of Indians
coming from Stadacona, among whom was Domagaia, who only ten or twelve
days before had his knees swollen like the head of a child two years
old, his sinews all shrunk, his teeth spoiled, his gums all rotten and
stinking, and in short in a very advanced stage of this cruel disease.
Seeing him now well and sound, our captain was much rejoiced, being in
hopes to learn by what means he had healed himself, so that he might in
the same manner cure our sick men. Domagaia informed him, that he had
taken the juice of the leaves of a certain tree, which was a sovereign
remedy against that disease. Our captain then asked him if that tree was
to be found thereabout, and desired him to point it out, that he might
cure one of his servants who had got the disease when up at Canada with
Donnacona. He said this that it might not be known how many of us were
sick. Domagaia sent immediately two women, who brought ten or twelve
branches of that tree, and shewed the manner of using it; which was to
boil the bark and leaves of the tree in water, to drink of this
decoction every other day, and to put the dregs upon the legs of the
sick. He said likewise that this tree was of great efficacy in curing
many other diseases. This tree is called _Ameda_ or _Hanneda_ in their
language, and is thought to be that which we call Sassafras. Our captain
immediately caused some of that drink to be prepared for his men; but at
first only one or two would venture to use it, who were followed by the
rest, and in a short time they were all completely cured, not only of
this dreadful sickness, but even of every other with which any of them
were at that time afflicted. Some even who had been four or five years
diseased with the _Lues_ became quite cured. After this medicine was
found to be effectual, there was so much eagerness to get it that the
people were ready to kill each other as to who should be first served.
Such quantities were used, that a tree as large as a well grown oak was
completely lopped bare in five or six days, and the medicine wrought so
well that if all the physicians of Montpelier or Louvain had been to
attend us, with all the drugs of Alexandria, they could not have done so
much for us in a whole year as that tree did in six days, all who used
it recovering their health by the blessing of God.
While the disease lasted among us, Donnacona, Taignoagny, and many
others of the natives went from home, pretending that they went to catch
stags and deer, called by them _Aiounesta_ and _Asquenoudo_. They said
that they were only to be away a fortnight, but they staid away above
two months, on which account we suspected they had gone to raise the
country against us while we were so weak. But we had used so much
diligence in fortifying ourselves, that the whole power of the country
could only have looked at us, without being able to have done us any
harm. While they were away, many of the natives used to come daily to
our ships with fresh meat, such as stags, deer, fishes and other things;
but held them at a high price, and would often take them away again,
rather as sell them moderately. It must be allowed however that the
winter that year was uncommonly long, and there was even some scarcity
of provisions among the natives.
On the 21st of April 1536, Domagaia came to the shore accompanied by
several strong men whom we had not seen before, and told us that the
lord Donnacona would come next day to visit us, and was to bring
abundance of venison and other things along with him. Next day Donnacona
came to Stadacona with a great number of men, for what purpose we know
not; but as the proverb says, "He who takes heed of all men may hap to
escape from some." Indeed we had great cause to look about us, being
much diminished in numbers, and those who remained being still very
weak; insomuch that we were under the necessity to leave one of our
ships at the port of St Croix. Our captain was informed of the arrival
of that great number of men along with Donnacona, as Domagaia came to
tell him, yet dared not to cross the river between us and Stadacona as
he used to do, which circumstance made us suspect some intended
treachery. Upon this our captain sent one of his servants along with
John Poulet, who was much in favour among the natives, to endeavour to
discover their intentions towards us. Poulet and his companion pretended
only to come on a visit to Donnacona, to whom they carried some
presents; but as soon as Donnacona heard of their approach he went to
bed, feigning himself very sick. After visiting the chief, they went to
the house of Taignoagny, and wherever they went they saw a prodigious
number of people, so that they could hardly stir for each other, most of
whom they had not been used to see before. Taignoagny would not allow
our men to go into any other house in the town, always keeping company
with them wherever they went; and while accompanying them back to the
ships, desired them to ask our captain to carry off with him to France,
a native chief named Agouna, from whom he had received some injury, and
that if our captain was pleased to do him this service he would esteem
it a great favour and would do in return whatever he was desired;
requesting that the servant might be sent back next day with the answer.
When our captain learnt that so great a number of natives were collected
apparently with some evil intentions towards us, he proposed to make
prisoners of Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia and some others of the
principal men, that he might carry them into France, to shew them to our
king along with other rarities from this western part of the world.
Donnacona had formerly told us that he had been in the country of
Saguenay, in which were infinite riches in rubies, gold, and other
precious things. He said also that there were white men in that country,
whose dresses were of woollen cloth like that we wore. He likewise said
that he had been in another country inhabited by a people called
_Picquemians_[59], and other tribes. Donnacona was an old man, who
even from his childhood had been accustomed to travel into distant
regions, both by means of the rivers and by land. When Poulet and the
other told their message to our captain from Taignoagny, he sent back
the servant desiring Taignoagny to come and visit him, promising him
good entertainment, and a compliance with his request. Taignoagny sent
back word that he would wait upon our captain next day, bringing
Donnacona and Agouna along with him; yet he staid away two days, during
which time none of the natives came from Stadacona to our ships as they
were wont, but seemed anxiously to avoid us, as if we had meant to slay
them, which added much to our suspicions.
[Footnote 59: A tribe named Picquagamies still inhabits around Lake St
John at the head of the Saguenay river. The people in woollen dresses,
with the rubies and gold, must be fabulous, or misunderstood by the
French.--E.]
At this time the natives of Stadacona, understanding that we were
visited by the inhabitants of Sidatin, and that we were pulling one of
our ships to pieces to get out the old nails and other iron work,
meaning to leave it behind, came to visit us on the third day, crossing
the river in their skiffs and seeming to have laid aside their former
shyness. Taignoagny and Domagaia remained however above an hour on the
other side of the river, conversing across the stream, before they would
come over. At length they came to our captain, whom they requested to
order the before mentioned chief, Agouna, to be apprehended and carried
over to France. The captain refused to do this, saying that he had been
expressly forbidden by the king to bring over any men or women; being
only permitted to take over two or three young boys to learn French
that they might serve as interpreters, but that he was willing to carry
Agouna to Newfoundland and leave him there. Taignoagny was much rejoiced
at this, being satisfied that he was not to be carried back to France,
and promised to bring Donnacona and all the other chiefs with him to the
ships next day. Next day being the 3d of May or Holyrood Day, our
captain caused a goodly fair cross to be erected in honour of the day,
thirty-five feet in height, under the cross tree of which he hung up a
shield of the arms of France, with this inscription in antique letters,
_Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex_.
About noon, according to the promise of Taignoagny, a great number of
men, women, and children came from the town of Stadacona, saying that
their lord Donnacona was coming to visit our captain attended by
Taignoagny and Domagaia. They came accordingly about two o'clock in the
afternoon, and when near our ships, our captain went to salute
Donnacona, who endeavoured to assume a cheerful countenance, yet his
eyes were ever and anon bent towards the wood as if in fear. As
Taignoagny endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going on board, our
captain ordered a fire to be kindled in the open air; but at length
Donnacona and the others were prevailed upon to go on board, when
Domagaia told the captain that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him and had
endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going to the ships. Seeing
likewise that Taignoagny was sending away the women and children, and
that the men only remained, which indicated some hostile intentions, our
captain gave a signal to his men who immediately ran to his assistance,
and laid hold on Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and two more of the
principal natives. On seeing their lord taken, the Canadians immediately
ran away, some crossing the river towards Stadacona and others taking to
the woods; whereupon we retired within our bulwarks, and placed the
prisoners under a secure guard. During the ensuing night great numbers
of the natives came to the river side near our ships, crying and howling
like so many wolves, and continually calling upon _Agouhanna_, being the
name of office or dignity of Donnacona, whom they wished to speak with,
but our captain would not allow of this. Next day about noon the natives
indicated by signs that they supposed we had killed their chief. About
this time, the natives in the neighbourhood of the ships were in
prodigious numbers, most of them skulking about the edge of the forest,
except some who continually called with a loud voice on Donnacona to
come and speak to them. Our captain then commanded Donnacona to be
brought up on high to speak to his people, and desired him to be merry,
assuring him that when he had spoken to the king of France, and told him
all that he had seen in Saguenay and other countries through which he
had travelled, that he should be sent back to his own country in ten or
twelve months with great rewards. Donnacona rejoiced at this assurance,
and communicated the intelligence to his people, who made three loud
cheers in token of joy. After this Donnacona and his people conversed
together for a long time; but for want of interpreters we could not know
the subjects of their discourse. Our captain then desired Donnacona to
make his people come over to our side of the river, that they might talk
together with more ease, and desired him to assure them of being in
perfect safety; which Donnacona did accordingly, and a whole boatful of
the principal people came, over close to the ships, where they renewed
their conversation, giving great praise to our captain, to whom they
presented twenty-four chains _esurgney_[60], as the most precious
thing they possess, and which they hold in higher estimation than gold
or silver. After a long talk, as Donnacona saw that there were no means
of avoiding the voyage to France, he commanded his people to bring him
some victuals to serve him during the passage. At this time our captain
gave Donnacona two frying pans of copper, eight hatchets, with several
knives, strings of beads, and other trifles, with which he seemed highly
pleased, and sent them to his wives and children. Our captain also made
similar presents to the chiefs who had come to speak with Donnacona, who
thanked him for the gifts and retired to their town.
[Footnote 60: A very unintelligible account of the manner in which this
article, so precious in the eyes of the Canadians, is procured, has been
already given in this chapter; but there are no data on which even to
conjecture what it is. Belts of _wampum_, a kind of rudely ornamented
ribbons or girdles, are universally prized among the North American
Indians, of which frequent mention will occur in the sequel of this
work.--E.] Very early on the 5th of May, a great number of the people
came back to speak with their lord, on which occasion they sent a boat,
called _casnoni_ in their language, loaded with maize, venison, fish,
and other articles of provision after their fashion, and lest any of
their men might be detained, this boat was navigated by four women, who
were well treated at our ships. By the desire of Donnacona, our captain
sent a message on shore by these women, to assure the natives that their
chief would be brought back by him to Canada at the end of ten or twelve
months: They seemed much pleased at this intelligence, and promised when
he brought back Donnacona that they would give him many valuable
presents, in earnest of which each of the women gave him a chain of
_esurgney_. Next day, being Saturday the 6th of May 1536, we set sail
from the harbour of St Croix, and came to anchor at night in another
harbour about twelve leagues down the river, a little below the Isle of
Orleans. On Sunday the 7th we came to the Island of Filberts, or
_Coudres_, where we remained till the 16th of the month, waiting till
the great flood in the river had spent its force, as the current was too
violent to be safely navigated. At this time many of the subjects of
Donnacona came to visit him from the river Saguenay, who were much
astonished upon being told by Domagaia that Donnacona was to be carried
to France, but were reassured by Donnacona who informed them he was to
come back next year. They gave their chief on this occasion three packs
of beaver skins and the skins of sea wolves or seals, with a great knife
made of red copper which is brought from Saguenay, and many other
things. They also gave our captain a chain of _esurgney_, in return for
which he presented them with ten or twelve hatchets, and they departed
well pleased.
On the 16th of May we departed from the Isle of Filberts, and came to
another island about fifteen leagues farther down the river, which is
about five leagues in length, where we remained the rest of that day and
the following night, meaning to take advantage of the next day to pass
by the river Saguenay, where the navigation is very dangerous. That
evening we went ashore on the island, where we took such numbers of
hares that we called it Hare Island. But during the night the wind
became quite contrary and blew so hard that we were forced back to the
Isle of Filberts, where we remained till the 21st of the month, when
fine weather and a fair wind brought us down the river. On this occasion
we passed to _Honguedo_, which passage had not been seen before. Passing
Cape _Prat_, which is at the entrance into the bay of _Chaleur_; and
having a fair wind we sailed all day and night without stopping, and
came next day to the middle of _Brions_ Islands. These islands lie
north-west and south-east, and are about fifty leagues asunder, being
in lat. 47-1/2° N[61]. On Thursday the 26th of May, being the feast of
the Ascension, we coasted over to a _land and shallow of low sands_,
about eight leagues south-west from Brions Island, above which are large
plains covered with trees, and likewise an enclosed lake or sea into
which we could find no entrance. On Friday following, being the 27th of
the month, in consequence of the wind becoming foul, we returned to
Brions Island, where we remained till the beginning of June. To the
south-east of this island we saw land which we supposed another island,
which we coasted for two or three leagues, and had sight of three other
high islands towards the sands, after which we returned to the cape of
the said land, which is divided into two or three very high capes[62].
At this place the water is very deep and runs with a prodigiously swift
current. That day we came to Cape Lorain _which is in 47 1/2 degrees
toward the south_. This cape is low land, and has an appearance as of
the mouth of a river, but there is no harbour of any worth. At a short
distance we saw another head-land toward the south, which we named Cape
St Paul.
[Footnote 61: These geographical indications are so obscure as not to be
intelligible, unless perhaps the passage between Cape Breton Island and
Newfoundland is here meant under the name of Honguedo.--E.]
[Footnote 62: The text here is either corrupt, or so vaguely expressed
as not to admit of any reasonable explanation or conjecture.--E.]
Sunday following, being the 4th of June, we saw other lands at about
twenty-two leagues east-south-east from Newfoundland, and as the wind
was contrary we went into a harbour which we named the Bay of the Holy
Ghost. We remained there till the Tuesday following, when we sailed
along the coast to St Peters Islands, passing many very dangerous rocks
and shoals, which lie east-south-east and west-north-west, stretching
about twenty-three leagues out to sea. While at St Peters Islands, we
saw many French and British ships, and remained there from the 11th to
16th of June, after, which we sailed to Cape _Race_, where we went into
a harbour named _Rognoso_, where we took in a supply of wood and water
to serve us on the voyage home, and at this place we left one of our
boats. We left that harbour on Monday the 19th of June, and had such
excellent weather and fair winds, that we arrived in the Port of St
Maloes upon the 6th of July 1536.
* * * * *
In Hakluyts Collection, III. 286-289, there is a short imperfect
fragment of a _third_ voyage by Jacques Cartier to Canada, Hochelega,
and Saguenay in 1540; but as it breaks off abruptly and gives hardly any
additional information respecting the country and its inhabitants or
productions, beyond what is contained in the two voyages already
inserted, it has not been deemed necessary to adopt it into the present
collection.--E.
_Specimen of the language of Hochelega and Canada_.
1. _Secada. 2. Tigneni. 3. Hasche. 4. Hannaion. 5. Ouiscon.
6. Indahir. 7. Aiaga. 8. Addigue. 9. Madellan. 10. Assem_.
_Aggonzi_, the head. _Atha_, shoes.
_Hegueniascon, the brow. _Amgoua,_ a shirt.
_Higata_, the eyes. _Castrua_, a cap.
_Abontascon_, the ears. _Osizi_, corn.
_Esahe_, the mouth. _Carraconny_, bread.
_Esgongay_, the teeth, _Sahe_ beans.
_Osnache_, the tongue. _Ame_, water.
_Agonpon_, the throat. _Quahouascon_, flesh.
_Hebelim_, the beard. _Honnesta_, damsons.
_Hegouascon_, the face. _Absconda_, figs.
_Aganiscon_, the hair. _Ozoba_, grapes.
_Aiayascon_, the arms. _Quahoya_, nuts.
_Aissonne_, the flanks. _Esgueny_, an eel.
_Aggruascon_, the stomach. _Undeguezi_, a snail.
_Eschehenda_, the belly. _Hueleuxima_, a tortoise.
_Hetnegradascon_, the thighs. _Sahomgahoa_, a hen.
_Agotschinegodascon_, the knees. _Zisto_, a lamprey.
_Agouguenehondo_, the legs. _Ondacon_, a salmon.
_Onchidascon_, the feet. _Ainne-honne_, a whale.
_Aignoascon_, the hands. _Sadeguenda_, a goose.
_Agenuga_, the fingers. _Aionnesta_, a stag.
_Agedascon_, the nails. _Asquenondo_, a sheep.
_Aguehum_, a man. _Saurkanda_, a hare.
_Agrauste_, a woman. _Agaya_, a dog.
_Addegesta_, a boy. _Achide_, to-morrow.
_Agniaquesta_, a girl. _Cudragny_, God.
_Exiasta_, a child. _Quenhia_, heaven.
_Conda_, woods. _Damga_, the earth.
_Hoga_, leaves. _Ysmay_, the sun.
_Cabata_, a gown. _Assomaha_, the moon.
_Caioza_, a doublet. _Stagnehoham_, the stars.
_Hemondoha_, stocking. _Copoha_, the wind.
_Adogne_, a hatchet
_Ahencu_, a bow.
_Quaetan_, a dart.
_Canada_, a town.
_Agogasy_, the sea.
_Coda_, the waves.
_Cohena_, an island.
_Agacha_, a hill.
_Hounesca_, ice.
_Camsa_, snow.
_Athau_, cold.
_Odazani_, hot.
_Azista_, fire.
_Quea_, smoke.
_Canoca_, a house.
_Addathy_, my father.
_Adauahoe_, my mother.
_Addagrim_, my brother.
_Adhoasseue_, my sister.
_Quaza hoa quea_, Give me some drink.
_Quaza hoa quascaboa_, Give me my breakfast.
_Quaza hoa quatfriam_, Give me my supper.
_Casigno agnydahoa_, Let us go to bed.
_Casigno donnascat_, Let us go a hunting.
_Casigno caudy_, Let us go to play.
_Casigno casnouy_, Let us go in the boat.
_Assigni quaddadia_, Come speak with me.
_Quagathoma_, Look at me.
_Aignag_, Good morrow.
_Aista_, Hold your peace.
_Buazahca agoheda_, Give me a knife.
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
PART II. CONTINUED.
BOOK III.
CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE
EAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF OTHER EUROPEAN
NATIONS TO INDIA.
CHAPTER I.
DISCOVERIES, NAVIGATIONS, AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN INDIA, FROM
1505 TO 1539, BOTH INCLUSIVE: RESUMED FROM BOOK I. OF THIS PART[63].
We have formerly in the _First_ BOOK of this _Second_ PART of our
general arrangement, given a historical account of the Portuguese
Discoveries along the Coast of Africa, with their Discovery of and early
Conquests in India, from the glorious era of DON HENRY prince of
Portugal in 1412, down to the year 1505. Necessarily called off from
that interesting subject, to attend to the memorable Discovery of the
_NEW WORLD_ by the immortal COLUMBUS, we have detailed at considerable,
yet we hope not inconvenient length, in the III. IV. and V. Volumes of
our Collection, the great and important Discovery of America, and the
establishment of the principal Spanish colonies in that grand division
of the world, with some short notices of the earliest American
Discoveries by the Portuguese, English, and French nations. We now
return to a continuation of the early Discoveries and Conquests in
India, taking that word in its most extensive signification as
comprehending the whole of southern Asia, from the Persian Gulf to Japan
and Eastern China. In the present portion of our Collection, we propose
chiefly to direct our attention to the transactions of the Portuguese;
adding however such accounts as we may be able to procure of the early
Voyages to India made by other European nations.
[Footnote 63: Portuguese Asia, by Manuel de Faria y Sousa-Astleys
Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 58. et sequ.]
It is not necessary to particularize the various sources from which the
different articles to be contained in this _Book_ or division of our
work has been collected, as these will be all referred to in the several
chapters and sections of which it is composed. Indeed as the
introductions we prefix, on the present and other similar occasions, are
necessarily written _previous_ to the composition of the articles to
which they refer, contrary to the usual practice, it would be improper
to tie ourselves too strictly on such occasions, so as to preclude the
availment of any additional materials that may occur during our
progress, and therefore we here beg leave to notify that we reserve a
power of including the earliest voyages of other European nations to the
Atlantic and eastern coasts of Africa, together with Arabia and Persia,
among the _early voyages to India_, if hereafter deemed necessary; which
is strictly conformable to what has been already done in PART II. BOOK
I, and what must necessarily be the case on the present occasion. It may
be proper however to mention, that the present chapter, containing a
continuation of the early Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the
Portuguese in India, is taken from the PORTUGUESE ASIA, of _Manuel de
Faria y Sousa_, taking that author up in 1505, where we had to lay down
_Castaneda_ at the end of our _Second BOOK_. _Faria_[64], who is
designated as a member of the Portuguese military order of Christ, was a
celebrated historian among his countrymen, and his work, entitled ASIA
PORTUGUEZA, contains an account somewhat in the form of Annals, of the
Transactions of his countrymen in _India_, from their first going there
in 1497, to the year 1646. This work contains all the Portuguese Voyages
and Discoveries, from their first attempt to extend along the western
coast of _Africa_, to their final discovery of the farthest parts of
_China_ and _Japan_: All their battles by sea and land, with their
expeditions, sieges, and other memorable actions: The whole interspersed
with descriptions of the places and countries they discovered, visited,
or conquered; including accounts of the manners, customs, government,
and religion of the natives. This author is remarkable for a concise and
clear narrative, and for judicious reflections on the conduct of the
Portuguese kings, ministers, governors, and commanders, as well as for
his remarks on many other occasions. These are always just, and have
often an air of freedom that might not have been expected under an
arbitrary government: But in matters regarding religion, he often
discovers a surprising reverse of character, full of weak and puerile
credulity, the never-failing consequence of education and publication
under the influence of that eternal and abominable stain of the
peninsula, the _Inquisition_.
[Footnote 64: Astley, I. 87.]
This work of De Faria has gone through various impressions in Portugal,
where it is esteemed a curious and accurate performance, though on some
occasions it is alleged that he has placed too much reliance on _Mendez
Pinto_, a dealer in bare-faced fiction. The first impression of the
Portuguese Asia was printed at Lisbon in 1666, in 3 vols. small folio,
and it has been often reprinted, and translated into Spanish, Italian,
French, and English.
The English translation used on the present occasion, and we know of no
other or later edition, was made by Captain John _Stevens_, and
published at London in 1695, in 3 vols. 8vo. dedicated to Catherine of
Portugal, Queen Dowager of England. In his Preface, Mr Stevens informs
the reader, that he had reduced the work to considerably less size than
the _Spanish original_, yet without omitting any part of the history, or
even abridging any material circumstances; having cut off long speeches,
which were only added by the author as rhetorical flourishes, and
omitted many tedious lists of the names of officers who were present at
the principal actions, and extended reflections of the author which
were only useful to increase the size of the work. In this account of
the work by the translator, the _Spanish_ is mentioned as the original.
Indeed the Portuguese and Spanish original editions appear to have both
appeared contemporaneously in 1666.[65]
[Footnote 65: Bibl. Univ. des Voy. IV. 576.]
In the employment of Faria we have followed the example of Astleys
Collection of Voyages and Travels, of which Mr John Green is said to
have been the Editor. But although in that former Collection, published
at London in 1745, an absolutely verbal and literal transcript is used
so far as the Editor has been pleased to follow the translation of
Stevens, many very curious and important particulars contained in that
author are omitted, or slurred over by a hasty and careless abridgement.
From where we take up Faria, in consequence of the loss of Castaneda,
_we have given his work nearly entire_, only endeavouring to reduce the
language of Captain Stevens to the modern standard, and occasionally
using the freedom to arrange incidents a little more intelligibly, and
to curtail a few trifling matters that seemed to possess no interest for
modern readers. We have however availed ourselves of many valuable notes
and illustrations of the text by the Editor of Astleys Collection, all
of which will be found acknowledged and referred to in their proper
places. And we have adopted from the same source some valuable additions
to the text of Faria, intimately connected with the subject, which are
likewise carefully acknowledged. Thus, like many former articles in this
Collection, we trust that the present, as being greatly fuller, will be
found more satisfactory and informing than any similar account in former
Collections of Voyages and Travels.
After so considerable an interval employed on the Discoveries in
America, it may be proper to remark that the former Account of the
Discovery of the maritime route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, and
the commencement of the Portuguese Conquests in the East, as contained
in the _Second_ Volume of this Work, Part II. Chap. VI. _Sections I. to
IX_. pp. 292-505, comprises only a period of _nine_ years, from the
setting out of _Vasco de Gama_ in July 1497, on his adventurous Voyage,
by which he completed the discovery of the way by sea to India from
Europe, projected by Prince Henry in 1412, _eighty-five_ years before.
On that former occasion, following the narrative of Hernan Lopez de
Castaneda, we brought down the Transactions of the Portuguese in India
to the year 1505; including the almost incredible defence of Cochin by
the intrepid Pacheco against the immensely more numerous forces of the
Zamorin of Calicut; the relief of the chivalric besieged, by the arrival
of Lope Suarez de Menezes in September 1505; and the voyage of Suarez
back to Portugal in 1505, leaving Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles as
captain-general of the Portuguese possessions in India. It has been
formerly mentioned, Vol. II. p.500, note 5, that Castaneda names this
person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, and that he is named Manuel Telez de
Barreto by the editor of Astleys Collection, in which we now find that
he had followed the author of the Portuguese Asia. The difference
between these authorities is irreconcileable, but is quite immaterial to
the English reader.--E.
SECTION I.
_Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by the
Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs on
the East Coast of Africa_[66].
Before the Discovery of the Route to India by the Cape of Good Hope,
formerly related in PART II. CHAPTER VI. the spices and other
productions of India were brought to Europe with vast trouble and at
great expence, so that they were necessarily sold at very high prices.
The cloves of the Moluccas, the nutmegs and mace of Banda, the
sandal-wood of Timor, the camphor of Borneo, the gold and silver of
Luconia, with all the other and various rich commodities, spices, gums,
perfumes, and curiosities of China, Japan, Siam, and other kingdoms of
the continent and islands of India, were carried to the great mart of
Malacca, a city in the peninsula of that name, which is supposed to have
been the _Aurea Chersonesus_ of the ancients. From that place the
inhabitants of the more western countries between Malacca and the Red
Sea procured all these commodities, dealing by way of barter, no money
being used in this trade, as silver and gold were in much less request
in these eastern parts of India than foreign commodities. By this trade,
Calicut, Cambaya, Ormuz, Aden, and other cities were much enriched. The
merchants of these cities, besides what they procured at Malacca as
before mentioned, brought rubies from Pegu, rich stuffs from Bengal,
pearls from _Calicare_[67], diamonds from _Narsinga[68]_, cinnamon and
rich rubies from Ceylon, pepper, ginger, and other spices, from the
coast of Malabar and other places where these are produced. From Ormuz
these commodities were conveyed up the Persian gulf to Basorah at the
mouth of the Euphrates, and were thence distributed by caravans through
Armenia, Trebisond, Tartary, Aleppo, and Damascus; and from these latter
cities, by means of the port of Barat in Syria, the Venetians, Genoese,
and Catalonians carried them to their respective countries, and to other
parts of Europe. Such of these commodities as went up the Red Sea, were
landed at Tor or Suez at the bottom of that gulf, whence they were
conveyed over land to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to
Alexandria, where they were shipped for Europe.
[Footnote 66: De Faria, Portuguese Asia, I. 82.]
[Footnote 67: Named Kalekare by Astley; and probably alluding to some
place in the neighbourhood of the great pearl fishery in the Gulf of
Manar, between Ceylon and the Carnatic.--E.]
[Footnote 68: Now called Golconda. But the dominions of Narsinga seem
then to have included the whole southern peninsula of India, except the
coasts of Canara and Malabar, from Visiapour and the Deccan to Cape
Comorin.--E.]
Many princes apprehending vast loss to their revenues, by this new
course which the Portuguese had discovered for carrying on a direct
trade by sea between Europe and India, used their endeavours to drive
them from that country. For this purpose, the Soldan of Egypt[69], who
was principally affected by this new trade, gave out that he would
destroy the holy places in Jerusalem, if the Portuguese persisted in
trading to Malabar. Believing him in earnest, Maurus, a monk of Mount
Sinai, went to Rome with a letter from the Soldan to the pope,
signifying his intention to destroy those places, sacred in the
estimation of the Christians, in revenge for the injury done to his
trade by the Portuguese. The pope sent Maurus into Portugal, where the
purport of his message was known before his arrival, and such
preparations made for driving the Moors from the trade of India, that
Maurus returned to Cairo with more alarming intelligence than he had
brought. The king of Portugal informed his holiness by letter, that his
intentions in prosecuting these eastern discoveries were to propagate
the holy faith, and to extend the papal jurisdiction over the countries
of the heathen, by which the pope was entirely reconciled to his
proceedings.
[Footnote 69: This last mameluke Soldan of Egypt was Almalec al Ashraf
Abul Nasr Sayf oddin Kansu al Gauri, commonly called Campson Gauri, the
24th of the Circassian dynasty, who reigned from 1500 to 1516, when he
was slain in battle near Aleppo by Selim Emperor of the Turks.--Astley,
I. 58. b.]
Along the eastern coast of Africa, the Moors or Arabs had several
settlements. From Cape Guardafu, the most eastern point of Africa, to
Mozambique, is a hollow coast like a bent bow, extending 550 leagues.
From Cape Mozambique to Cape Corrientes is 170 leagues, and thence to
the Cape of Good Hope 340 leagues. Hence turning again to the northwards
and a little towards the west, the western coast of Africa reaches to
Congo. Drawing a line east across the continent, there remains a large
peninsula or promontory, to which the Arabs have given the name of
Kafraria, naming the inhabitants Kafrs or unbelievers; an appellation
bestowed by the Mahometans on all who are not of their religion, but
chiefly those who worship images, whence they call most of the
Christians by the opprobrious name of Kafrs. To the north of this line
on the east coast of Africa is the maritime country of Zanguebar, or
more properly Zenjibar, so named from a Negro nation called the Zenji,
who had formerly conquered all that coast before the settlement of the
Arabs. From Zanguebar all the way to Cape Guardafu and the mouth of the
Red Sea, the coast is called Ajam or Ajen, signifying in Arabic the
country of the barbarians; the maritime parts being occupied by the
Arabs, and the inland country by heathen Negroes. Most of this coast is
very low, covered by impenetrable woods, and subject to inundations, so
that it is excessively hot and unwholesome. The Negroes of this country
are black with crisp curled hair, and are wonderfully addicted to
superstition, being all idolaters; insomuch that upon the most frivolous
motives they will give over the most important enterprises: Thus the
king of Quiloa failed to meet Don Francisco de Almeyda, because a black
cat crossed his way when going out. The cattle, fruit, and grain are
answerable to the wildness of the country. The Moors or Arabs, who
inhabit this coast and the adjacent islands, seldom cultivate the
ground, and mostly subsist on wild beasts and several loathsome things.
Such as live more towards the interior, and have intercourse with the
barbarous Kafrs, use milk as a part of their diet.
As this country has been endowed by nature with much gold, an eager
desire to procure that precious metal has induced, first the Arabs, and
afterwards the Europeans, to possess themselves of various parts along
the coast. The first of the Arabs who came here were called Emozadi,
which signifies subjects of Zayde, who built two inconsiderable towers,
merely sufficient to defend them against the barbarous Kafrs. Afterwards
still greater numbers came from the ports about the city of Lazah, forty
leagues from the island of Baharem[70] in the Persian gulf, who settled
first Magadoxa and afterwards Brava. The first Arabs separated from
these, new comers, and mixing with the Kafrs became Bedouins, or Badwis,
signifying people of the desert. Those Arabs who first possessed
themselves of the gold trade of Sofala were from Magadoxa, and
discovered the gold mines by accident. From thence they spread
themselves farther towards the south, but durst never venture to
navigate beyond Cape Corrientes, which is opposite to the
south-wester-most part of the Island of St Lawrence or Madagascar. Along
this coast the Arabs had possessed themselves of Quiloa, Mombaza,
Melinda, and the islands, of Pemba, Zanzibar, Monfia, Comoro, and
others; Quiloa being the principal of their settlements, from whence
many others had been formed, particularly on the coast of Madagascar.
Quiloa had been originally a peninsula, but by the encroachments of the
sea it had become an island. The soil produces many palms and thorn
trees, and various herbs and plants; and the wild beasts, cattle, and
birds resemble those of Spain. The buildings in the places possessed by
the Arabs resemble those in Spain, having flat roofs, with gardens and
orchards behind.
[Footnote 70: More properly Bahrayn, which signifies _the two seas_,
being the Arabic dual of Bahr, the sea.--Astl. I. 59. e.]
SECTION II.
_Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, in quality of
Viceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on the Eastern
coast of Africa, and Malabar._
On the 25th of March 1505, Don Francisco de Almeyda sailed from Lisbon
with a fleet of twenty-two ships, carrying 1500 soldiers, being bound
for India of which he was appointed viceroy. Eleven of these ships were
to return with merchandize to Portugal, and other eleven were to remain
in India. On the 2d of July the fleet met with a terrible storm, by
which it was separated. In one of the ships commanded by Diego Correa,
the sails were split to pieces and three men washed overboard, two of
whom perished; but the third, named Fernando Lorenzo, called out that he
would keep above water till morning, and begged of them to keep an eye
upon him, and on the storm abating next morning he was taken on board.
Owing to the separation of the fleet by the storm, Almeyda arrived at
Quiloa with only eight vessels; and on saluting the port without
receiving any answer, he called a council of his officers to deliberate
upon his proceedings, as he had orders from the king to erect a fort at
this place, which was accordingly resolved upon. He landed therefore
with 500 men, accompanied by his son Don Lorenzo, and attacked the town
in two places. Amir Ibrahim fled over to the continent with his wives
and riches, having previously hoisted the Portuguese standard, by which
device he stopped the pursuit and gained time to escape. The city was
taken and plundered, without any loss on the side of the Portuguese,
though a great number of the inhabitants were slain. Ibrahim though the
forty-fourth successive sovereign, was an usurper, who had murdered the
former king, and Almeyda raised Mohammed Ankoni, a relation of the
former king and who had espoused the Portuguese interests to the throne,
placing a crown of gold on his head with great pomp and solemnity. On
this occasion Mohammed declared that if the former king _Alfudail_ had
been alive he would have refused the crown; and he actually appointed
the son of Alfudail to be his successor, though he had children of his
own. This rare example in an unbeliever may put to shame the inhumanity
and barbarism of the Christians, who wade through seas of blood, contemn
the most sacred bonds of consanguinity and alliance, spoil provinces,
oppress the good, exalt the wicked, convert loyalty to treason, perjury
into duty, and religion into a cloak to work out their accursed
purposes, and to bereave of their crowns and sceptres those to whom
Providence had been pleased to confide them as most worthy of rule.
Having settled every thing to his mind, and constructed a fort in twenty
days, Almeyda left a garrison of 550 men, together with a caravel and
brigantine, and sailed on the 8th of August with thirteen sail for
Mombaza, which is seated like Quiloa in an island about fourteen leagues
in circumference. This city is beautiful and strong, having a large bay
before it capable of containing many ships. Before entering the bay, two
vessels were sent to sound the bar, which is commanded by a battery of
eight cannons, which fired upon these vessels; but a ball from the
Portuguese happening to fall among the powder belonging to the enemy,
blew it up and did great injury to the natives, so that they were
obliged to abandon the work. Two smaller works being likewise abandoned,
the fleet entered the bay without farther resistance. Being informed
that the king of Mombaza had hired 1500 Kafr archers to assist in
defending the place, Almeyda sent him a message demanding submission;
but the answer was, that the Moors of Mombaza were not to be frightened
by the noise of cannon like those of Quiloa, and he might do his worst.
Enraged at this contemptuous answer, and because several of his men had
been wounded, while attempting to burn some ships in the port belonging
to Cambaya, Almeyda landed his men on the 15th of August and attacked
the city. He succeeded in the assault, driving the enemy out at the
other side of the town, and their king along with them, whose palace he
took possession of, on which he planted a cross. Immediately after
gaining possession of the town, he received notice that his ships had
succeeded in their attack on those belonging to the Moors of Cambaya,
all of which were burnt. In this action the Portuguese lost only five
men; while of the Moors 1513 were slain and 1200 made prisoners, of
which only 200 were retained and all the rest set free. Having plundered
the city of every thing worth carrying off or which his ships could
contain, Almeyda burnt Mombaza to the ground.
At this place Almeyda was joined by most of the remaining ships, and
continuing his voyage for India, he stopped by the way at a bay called
Angra de Santa Elena, where he found Juan Homem, who had been separated
along with other ships, and had discovered some islands. Sailing from
thence in continuation of his voyage, the first place he came to in
India was the island of Anchediva[71], where according to orders from
the king he constructed a fort in which he placed a garrison of 80 men,
leaving two brigantines to protect the trade. While at this place he was
visited by ambassadors from the king or rajah of Onore, a small kingdom
of Malabar, who brought presents and a friendly message from their
sovereign. Several considerable merchants also waited upon him, assuring
him of the good will of their prince towards the Portuguese; and several
Moors from Cincatora brought him considerable presents. All this however
was the effect of fear, as they had heard of his successes at Quiloa and
Mombaza. He was informed at this place that the prince Saboga had built
a fort at no great distance on the banks of the river Aliga on the
borders of Onore, which was garrisoned by 800 men. Meaning to make
himself master of this place, he sent his son Don Lorenzo under pretence
of a friendly visit to take a view of the fort, which he effected and
remained there some days. Having completed the fort at Anchediva, he
sailed to the port of Onore, and being ill received, he determined to
shew himself as terrible there as he had done at Quiloa and Mombaza. The
inhabitants however amused him with excuses and pretended submission,
till they had removed their wives, children, and effects to a
neighbouring mountain, and then stood upon their defence. On this
Almeyda landed most of his forces to attack the town, sending his son
Lorenzo with 150 men in boats to set some ships on fire which were in
the port. Though the natives defended themselves with much bravery, and
discharged prodigious flights of arrows, by one of which Almeyda was
wounded, both the town and ships were set on fire; and as the wind blew
the smoke in the faces of the Portuguese they were much incommoded for a
time; but Don Lorenzo by taking a compass got away from the smoke, and
fell in with a body of 1500 of the enemy, whom he immediately attacked.
In this engagement Lorenzo had like to have been defeated, his men
falling into disorder; but was fortunately succoured by his father, when
the enemy fled to the mountain. At this time, Timoja, who was governor
of the city and proprietor of some of the ships which were destroyed,
waited on Almeyda making excuses for the conduct of the king; and being
a man of graceful manners and appearance, and engaging for his master to
become vassal to the king of Portugal, Almeyda was pacified and agreed
to a treaty of peace.
[Footnote 71: Anchediva or Anjediva is I small island in lat. 14° 33' N.
near the northern part of the Malabar coast, between Carwar and
Meerjee.--E.]
Leaving Onore, Almeyda went to Cananor, where he had an interview on
shore with the rajah, who was attended by 5000 men well armed. He
informed the rajah that he was to reside for some time in India, in
consequence of the troubles which had arisen between the Portuguese and
the zamorin of Calicut, and desired permission to build a fort at this
place for protecting the Portuguese trade against the Moors. This being
granted and the fort begun, he left Lorenzo de Brito in the command with
150 men, and two vessels to cruize along the coast. Going from thence to
Cochin, he received intelligence that the Portuguese factor at Coulan
and all his men had been killed by the Moors. He sent however his son
Don Lorenzo with three ships and three caravels, with orders to
endeavour to procure loading for the vessels without taking any notice
of what had happened; but in case loading were denied he was to take
ample revenge for the murder of the factor and his people. The messenger
sent upon this occasion was answered by a flight of arrows, and
twenty-four ships belonging to Calicut and other places put themselves
in readiness to oppose the Portuguese. After a short resistance Lorenzo
burnt them all, only a very small number of the Moors saving themselves
by swimming to the shore. Don Lorenzo then went to load at another port,
after which he rejoined the viceroy at Cochin.
It had been the intention of Almeyda, according to his orders from the
king of Portugal, to crown Triumpara in a solemn manner, with a golden
crown richly adorned with jewels, brought on purpose from Lisbon, as a
recompence for the gallant fidelity with which he had protected the
Portuguese against the zamorin and their other enemies. But as Triumpara
had abdicated in favour of his nephew Nambeadora[72], Almeyda thought
proper to confer the same honour upon him, and he was accordingly
crowned with great pomp, as a mark of the friendship of the Portuguese,
and a terror to others. From this place Almeyda sent home six ships
richly laden for Lisbon.
[Footnote 72: This name mast certainly be erroneous. In the former part
of the history of the Portuguese transactions in India, _Nambea daring_
is mentioned as brother to the zamorin of Calicut, whereas the prince of
Cochin is repeatedly named Naramuhin.--E.]
SECTION III.
_Some Account of the state of India at the beginning of the sixteenth
Century, and commencement of the Portuguese Conquests_[73].
As the viceroyalty of Don Francisco de Almeyda laid the foundation of
the Portuguese dominion in India, once so extensive and powerful, it may
be proper in this place to give a general view of its principal ports
and provinces along the sea-coast. Asia is divided from Europe by the
river Don, anciently the Tanais, by the Euxine or Black Sea, and by the
Bosphorus and Dardanelles, or Straits of Constantinople. It is parted
from Africa by the Red Sea, and a line drawn from Suez at the head of
that gulf to the Mediterranean, across a narrow neck of land measuring
only twenty-four leagues in breadth, called the Isthmus of Suez. Its
principal religions are four, the Christian, Mahometan, Pagan, and
Jewish. That portion of Asia which principally belongs to our present
purpose, may be divided into _nine_ parts, following the coast from the
west to the east.
[Footnote 73: From the Portuguese Asia, Vol. I. 93. This account is
omitted in Astley's Collection, but inserted, here as a curious record
of the geographical knowledge of the Portuguese in those times. There
are numerous errors in this short geographical sketch, especially in the
names, measures, and latitudes; but it would load this portion of our
work too much with notes, and induce great confusion, to comment upon
every step of this survey.--E.]
The _first_, commencing at the mouth of the Red Sea in the west, reaches
to the mouth of the gulf of Persia, being the oceanic coast of Arabia.
From the mouth of the Red Sea in lat. 12° 40' N. to the city of Aden, is
44 leagues: Thence to Cape Fartaque in lat. 12° 30' N. is 100 leagues,
containing the towns of Abian, Ax, Canacan, Brun, Argel, Zebel which is
the metropolis, Herit, Cayem, and Fartach. Thence to Curia Muria is 70
leagues of coast, on which is the city of Dolfor, famous for
frankincense, and Norbate 20 leagues farther east. From Curia Muria to
Cape Ras-Algate, in lat. 22° 30' N. is 120 leagues all barren and
desert. Here begins the kingdom of Ormuz, and hence to Cape Mozandan are
90 leagues, having the cities or towns of Colagate, Curiate, Mascate,
Soar, Calata, Orfacam, Doba, and Lima, 8 leagues from Monbazam which
Ptolomey calls Cape Assaborum in lat. 26° N. All this track is called
Ayaman or Yemen by the Arabians, and was the Arabia Felix of the
ancients, because the most fertile and best inhabited country of all
Arabia.
The _second_ division, from Cape Jacques or Jask to the mouth of the
river Indus, is 200 leagues in extent, called Chirman or Kerman, and is
divided into the two kingdoms of Macran and Madel, with these towns,
Guadel, Calara, Tibique, Calamate, Goadel, and Diul. This coast is
barren and most of it desert, and cannot be approached on account of the
shallowness of the sea near the shore.
The _third_ division contains 150 leagues, of which 38 from Diu[74] to
Cape Jaquete or Jigat, whence to Diu in the kingdom of Guzerat are 50
leagues, having these towns, Cotinna, Mangalor, Chervar, Patan, and
Corinar[75]. From Diu to Cambaya is 50 leagues, with these towns
Madrafavat, Moha, Talica, Goda, and Gundin[76]. Between Cambaya and Cape
Jaquete or Jigat, is included a part of the kingdom of Guzarate and the
mountainous region of the Resboutos, or Rajputs.
[Footnote 74: Perhaps Debil, near the western mouth of the Indus.--E.]
[Footnote 75: Those names of sea port towns in the Guzerate are
miserably corrupted in the text: Only Puttan can be recognised among
them, and Mangalor must be a mistake; as that place is far to the south
of Guzerat on the coast of Canara.--E.]
[Footnote 76: The sea ports on this part of the coast now are Jaffrabad,
Cuttapour, Toolafee, Manuah, Gogo, Eawnagur, and Iotian.--E.]
The _fourth_ division measures 290 leagues, being the most valuable part
of India and the most frequented by the Portuguese. This is subdivided
into three portions by two rivers which run from east to west. The first
of these separates the kingdom of the Decan from Guzerate on the north,
and the second divides the Decan from Canara which is to the south.
There are other rivers, all of which have their sources in the mountains
called _Gaut_; the chief among them being the Ganga, or Gangue, which
falls into the sea near the mouth of the Ganges, between the cities of
Angali and Pisolta, in about lat. 22° N [77]. The river Bate, rising in
the Gauts, falls into the sea near Bombaim, dividing the kingdoms of
Guzerate and Decan, the mouth of that river being 70 leagues from the
city of Cambaya. From Chaul south of that river to the river Aliga, the
south boundary of the Decan, is 75 leagues, with these towns Bandor,
Dabul, Debitele, Cintapori, Coropatan, Banda, Chapora, and Goa the
metropolis and archiepiscopal see of Portuguese India.
[Footnote 77: The Guaga or Godavery is probably here meant, which falls
into the Bay of Bengal in lat. 16° 16' N. at the S.W. extremity of the
Circars. The latitude indicated in the text gets beyond the Bay of
Bengal, and the cities between which the Ganga is said to fall into the
sea have no representatives in our best maps.--E.]
The _fifth_ division begins where Canara parts from the Decan and ends
at Cape Comorin, containing above 140 leagues. From the Aliga to Mount
Delli or Dilly is about 46 leagues, with these towns, Onor, Baticale,
Barcalor, Baranor, and others of the province of Canara which is subject
to the king of Bisnagar. Below or south from Mount Delli to Cape Comorin
is Malabar, extending 93 leagues, and divided into three kingdoms which
own no superior. The kingdom of Cananor has 20 leagues of coast, in
which are the towns of Cota, Coulam, Nilichilam, Marabia, Bolepatam,
Cananor the metropolis in lat. 12° N. Tremapatam, Cheba, Maim, and
Purepatam. At this place the kingdom of Calicut begins and extends 27
leagues, of which Calicut the metropolis is in lat. 11° 17' N. besides
the following towns Coulete, Chale, Parangale, Tanor, the last of which
is the capital of a small kingdom subject to the zamorin of Calicut, and
Chatua the last in this kingdom. Next to Calicut to the south is the
small kingdom of Cranganor, which borders on Cochin, after which is
Coulan, and last of all Travancore, which is subject to Narsinga. Near
Travancore is the famous Cape Comorin, the southernmost point of the
continent of Indostan or India on this side the Ganges, in lat. 7° 30' N
[78]. at which place the coast of Malabar ends, being the _fourth_ of
the nine districts into which I have divided the coast of Asia.
[Footnote 78: The latitude of Cape Comorin is 7° 54' N, or nearly
so.--E.]
From Cape Comorin in the west to Cape Cincapura in the east, which is
the southernmost point of the _Aurea Chersonesus_ or Malacca, the
distance is 400 leagues, within which line is contained the great bay of
Bengal, sometimes called the _Sinus Gangeticus_, because the river
Ganges falls into this bay in about the lat. of 22° N. after watering
the kingdom of Bengal. This river discharges a prodigious quantity of
water, and is esteemed holy by the neighbouring nations, who believe
that its water conduces to their salvation when at the point of death,
and are carried therefore that they may die with their feet in its
water, by which means the king of Bengal derives a considerable revenue,
no one being allowed to bathe in that river without paying a certain
tax. This river has many mouths, the two most remarkable of which are
Satigan on the west and Chatigan[79] on the east, near 100 leagues from
each other, and here ends the _fifth_ of the nine districts, which may
be divided into three subordinate parts. In the first place the kingdom
of Bisnagar[80] contains 200 leagues, and the following towns,
Tarancurii, Manapar, Vaipar, Trechendur, Caligrande, Charcacale,
Tucucurii, Benbar, Calicare, Beadala, Manancort, and Cannameira, giving
name to a cape which stretches out into the sea in lat. 10° N.[81] then
Negapatnam, Hahor, Triminapatnam, Tragambar, Trimenava, Colororam,
Puducheira, Calapate, Connumeira, Sadraspatnam, and Meliapour, now
called St Thomas because the body of that apostle was found there. From
St Thomas to Palicata is 9 leagues, after which are Chiricole, Aremogan,
Caleturo, Caleciro, and Pentepolii, where the kingdom of Bisnagur ends
and that of Orixa begins. The second part of this district, or Orixa,
contains 120 leagues and reaches to Cape Palmiras, with these towns,
Penacote, Calingan, Visgapatan, Bimilepatan, Narsingapatan, Puacatan,
Caregare and others. Here begins the third part of this district, or the
kingdom of Bengal, the coast of which extends about 100 leagues.
[Footnote 79: The western branch of the Ganges is now called the Hoogly
River. Satigan in the text may have some reference to what is now called
Sagar roads or anchorage. Chatigan certainly means what is now called
Chitigong: But the most easterly mouth is properly that of the great
Barhampooter, or Bramah-putra River, long confounded among the mouths of
the Ganges. The breadth of the Sunderbunds, or Delta of the Ganges and
Barhampooter, is about 195 English miles.--E.]
[Footnote 80: The kingdom of Bisnagar in the text, appears to have
contained the entire Carnatic above and below the Gauts, with Mysore and
Golconda.--E.]
[Footnote 81: Now called Cape Calymere: It is next to impossible to
identify the other names in the text; and the attempt would lead to very
inconvenient length without correspondent utility.--E.]
The _sixth_ district of the nine begins at the east mouth of the Ganges,
called Chatigan or Chittagong, and ends at Cape Cincapura, in little
more than 1° N. Along this coast from. Chittagong to Cape Negrais or
Diamond Point, the southwestern point of Pegu, in lat. 16° N. is 100
leagues, with these towns, Sore, Satalolu, Arracan the capital of a
kingdom of the same name, and Dunadiva on the cape. Hence to Tavay in
the lat. 13° is 16 leagues[82], being the extent of the kingdom of Pegu.
From Tavay to Cincapura is 220 leagues, the chief towns on this part of
the coast being Martaban, Lugor, Tanacerim, Lungar, Pedam, Queda,
Salongor, and Malacca the capital of the kingdom of that name.
[Footnote 82: It is difficult to correct this egregious error, not
knowing the kind of leagues used by Faria. At 17-1/2 to the degree, the
difference of latitude in the text would give 52-1/2 leagues. Perhaps it
is a typographical error for 60 leagues, using the geographical measure,
20 to the degree.--E.]
The _seventh_ district begins at Cape Cincapura or Sincapure, and ends
at the great river of Siam, which falls into the sea in lat. 14° N.[83]
and has its rise in the lake of Chiammay, called by the natives Menam,
signifying the source of two rivers. Upon this coast are the towns of
Pam, Ponciam, Calantaon, Patane, Ligor, Cuii, Perperii, and Bamplacot at
the mouth of the Siam river.
[Footnote 83: The river of Siam falls into the great gulf of the same
name, in lat. 18° 30' N. But De Faria seems to overlook the gulf.--E.]
The _eighth_ district contains the kingdom of Cambodia, through which
runs the river Mecon, otherwise called the Japanese river, which has its
rise in China; the kingdom of Champa or Tsiompa, whence comes the true
aloes-wood; next to that is the kingdom of Cochin-China;[84] and last of
all the great empire of China, divided into fifteen provinces of
governments, each of which is equal to a great kingdom. The provinces of
this vast empire on the sea-coast are Quantung, Fokein, and Chekiang,
where ends the eighth district[85]
The _ninth_ district begins with the province of Nanking, and extends to
the farthest discovered land on the coast of Tartary.
[Footnote 84: De Faria omits the kingdom of Tonkin or Tonquin, which
intervenes between Cochin-China and China: Perhaps at that time Tonkin
may have been: De Faria is incorrect in his account of the provinces of
China. Those on the coast are, Quantung, Footchien, Tchetchiang,
Kiangnan, Shantang, Petcheli; or _six_ maritime provinces, instead of
_three_ only in the text. The others are, Yunnan, Quangsee, Kaeitchou,
Hooquang, Setchuen, Sifan, Honan, Shensee, and Shansee; or _nine_ inland
provinces; making _fifteen_ in all, as in the text.--E.]
[Footnote 85: Or Nizam-al-mulk, and Adel-khan.--E.]
I shall speak in the sequel concerning the many islands along this
extensive coast of Asia, as they came to be discovered in the
navigations of the Portuguese; but the principal of them may be here
mentioned by name, as the Maldives, Ceylon, Sumatra, Java, Borneo,
Banda, Timor, Celebes, the Moluccas, Mindanao, Luconia, and Japan.
Having thus given a sketch of the Asian coast, we proceed to consider
its inhabitants. Although there are many and various modes of worship in
Asia, the chief religions may be mentioned under four heads, the
Christian, Jewish, Mahometan, and Pagan; the two first of which are for
the most part under the slavery of the other two, against which the
Portuguese waged war. The power of the Mahometans and Pagans is thus
divided. All the coast from the river Cintacora opposite the island of
Anchediva, to the north and west is subject to the Mahometans, and all
to the eastwards to the Pagans; except the kingdom of Malacca, part of
Sumatra, and some parts of Java and the Moluccas, which are held by the
Mahometans. In that tract are the following sovereign princes. The kings
of Aden, Xael, and Fartaque, who have many ports of great trade, and
their subjects, the Arabs, are brave and warlike. Next is the king of
Ormuz, greater than the other three put together. Then the king of
Cambaya, equal in grandeur and warlike power to Xerxes, Darius, or
Porus. From Chaul to Cincatora belong to Nizamaluco and Hidalcan[85],
two powerful princes, who maintain great armies composed of sundry
warlike nations well armed. The Moors[86] of Sumatra, Malacca, and the
Moluccas were well disciplined, and much better provided with artillery
than we who attacked them. The heathen sovereigns were the kings of
Bisnagar, Orixa, Bengal, Pegu, Siam, and China, all very powerful, but
chiefly the last, so that it is difficult to express and scarcely
credible the prodigious extent of his power. Siam extends above 500
leagues, and has seven subject kingdoms, which are Cambodia, Como,
Lanchaam, Cheneray, Chencran, Chiamay, Canibarii, and Chaypumo. The king
of Siam has 30,000 elephants, 3000 of which are armed for war, and he
has 50,000 soldiers in _Udia_ alone, the metropolis of his kingdom. The
kingdom of China exceeds them all in extent, and the king of that
country is as powerful as all the sovereigns in Europe together. His
empire is above 700 leagues in extent, possessing abundance of metals,
and far exceeds Europe in manufactures, some of which seem to exceed
human art, and the silks, provisions, and luxuries with which it abounds
are beyond computation.
[Footnote 86: These are unquestionably the Malays, called Moors by
Faria, merely because they were Mahometans.--E.]
All the heathens of India, particularly between the Indus and Ganges,
write without ink on palm leaves, with pens or stiles rather of wood or
steel, which easily cut the letters on the leaves. Some of these I have
seen in Rome curiously folded. What they intend to be lasting is carved
on stone or copper. In writing they begin at the left hand and write
towards the right, as we do in Europe. Their histories are extremely
fabulous. About 600 years before the arrival of the Portuguese in India,
there reigned in Malabar a powerful monarch, from, whose reign the
people begin their era or historical computations, as they did
afterwards from our arrival. This king was persuaded by the Moors who
traded to his port to turn Mahometan, and gave them liberty to build
houses at Calicut. When he grew old, he divided his kingdom among his
kindred, giving Coulam to the chief, where he placed the principal seat
of his religion of the Bramins, and gave him the title of Cobritim,
which signifies high-priest. To his nephew he gave Calicut, with the
tide of Zamorin, which means emperor. This dignity continues in the
sovereign of Calicut, but the other has been removed to Cochin. Having
disposed of his dominions, he resolved to die at Mecca, but was drowned
by the way. Calicut is a plain country well watered, and abounds in
pepper and ginger; but all the other spices are procured from other
neighbouring countries. The inhabitants are wonderfully superstitious,
and do not suffer those of one trade or profession to marry with those
of a different occupation, or to put their children to learn any other
trade but that of their fathers. The _Nayres_, who are their nobles, if
they chance to touch any of the common people, purify themselves by
ablution, as was done by the Jews and Samaritans. The women among the
Nayres axe common to all, but chiefly those, of the Bramin cast, so that
no one knows his father, nor is any one bound to maintain the children.
These Nayres are wonderfully expert in the use of their weapons, in
which they begin to exercise themselves at seven years of age. They are
prone to all the ancient superstitions of augury and divination.
SECTION IV.
_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, during the
Viceroyalty of Almeyda_.
Besides the forts already erected on the eastern coast of Africa at
Quiloa and Mozambique, and the factory at Melinda, King Manuel
determined to build a fort at Sofala to secure the trade in gold at that
place; for which purpose he sent out Pedro de Annaya with six ships in
the year 1506: three of these ships being destined to remain on the
African coast, and the other three to proceed to India. This fleet was
separated in a storm, during which one of the captains was washed
overboard and drowned, and another lost sixteen men who were slain by
the natives of an island on which they landed. The squadron rejoined in
the port of Sofala, where Annaya found twenty Portuguese mariners in a
miserable condition. The ship to which they had belonged, commanded by
Lope Sanchez, was forced to run on shore at Cape Corientes, being so
leaky as to be in a sinking condition. After landing, the crew refused
obedience to their officers, and separated into different parties,
endeavouring to make their way through the unknown countries and
barbarous nations of Africa; but all perished except these twenty, and
five who were found at the river Quiloma by Antonio de Magelhaens, who
brought them to Sofala.
According to his orders, and by permission of the sheikh or king of
Sofala, Annaya erected a strong wooden fort at that place. The king soon
afterwards repented of his concession, and was for some time in hopes
that the Portuguese would be soon obliged to abandon the place on
account of its unhealthiness. About this time, three of the ships were
dispatched for India, and two of these which were destined for
protecting the coast from the attempts of the Moors were sent off upon a
cruise to Cape Guardafu, both of which were lost; the captains and part
of their crews saving themselves in the boats: In consequence of the
unwholesomeness of Sofala, the Portuguese garrison became so weakened by
sickness that it required six of them to bend a single cross-bow.
Encouraged by these disasters and instigated by his son-in-law, the king
collected a force of 5000 Kafrs with which he invested the fort, filled
up the ditch with fascines, and made a violent assault, darkening the
sun with incessant clouds of arrows. Though only 35 Portuguese were able
to stand to their arms, they made such havock among the assailants with
their cannon, that the part of the ditch which had not been filled up
with wood was levelled with dead bodies. The enemy being thrown into
confusion Annaya made a sally at the head of fifteen or twenty men[87],
with whom he drove the Kafrs before him to a grove of palms, and thence
into the town, crying out in consternation that their king had sent them
to contend against the gods. In the ensuing night, Annaya attacked the
town, and even penetrated into the house where the king resided, who,
standing behind a door, wounded Annaya in the neck with his cymeter as
he entered, but was soon killed with many of his attendants. Next day
the two sons of the slain king made a new assault on the fort, but
without success, many of the garrison who were sick, being cured by the
alarm, joined in the defence, and the Moors were again repulsed with
great slaughter. The two sons of the deceased King of Sofala fell out
about the succession, and one of them named Solyman made an alliance
with Annaya to procure his aid to establish himself in the sovereignty.
[Footnote 87: In the translation of De Faria by Stephens these are
called _Moors_; but it is not easy to conceive how Annaya should have
had any of these on his side.--E.]
The kingdom of Sofala, now called Sena by the Portuguese who monopolize
its whole trade, is of great extent, being 750 leagues in circumference;
but the inland parts are all subject to the Monomotapa, who is emperor
of this southern part of Africa, his dominions being likewise known by
the same name of Monomotapa, called by the ancients _Ethiopia Inferior_.
This country is watered by two famous rivers, called Rio del Espiritu
Santo and Cuama, the latter of which is navigable 250 leagues above its
mouth. These and many other rivers which fall into them, are famous for
their rich golden sands. Most part of this country enjoys a temperate
climate, being pleasant, healthy, and fertile. Some parts are covered
with large flocks of sheep, with the skins of which the natives are
clothed to defend them from the cold south winds. The banks of the Cuama
river are covered with wood, and the interior country rises into hills
and mountains, being abundantly watered with many rivers, so that it is
delightful and well peopled, being the ordinary residence of the
Monomotapa or emperor. Its woods contain many elephants, and
consequently produces much ivory. About 50 leagues southwest from Sofala
are the gold mines of Manica, in a valley of 30 leagues circumference,
surrounded by mountains on the tops of which the air is always clear and
serene. There are other gold mines 150 leagues farther inland, but which
are not so much valued.
In the interior of the country there are some buildings of wonderful
structure, having inscriptions in unknown characters; but the natives
know nothing respecting their origin. The natives of Monomotapa believe
in one God, whom they name _Mazimo_, and have no idols. Witchcraft,
theft, and adultery are the crimes most severely punished among them.
Every man is permitted to have as many wives as he pleases or can
maintain. The monomotapa has a thousand, but the first wife commands
over all the rest, and her children only are entitled to inherit the
throne. Their houses are built of wood; their apparel is made of cotton,
those of the better sort being mixed with gold threads; their funerals
are very superstitious. The attendance on the monomotapa is more
ceremonious than grand, his usual guard being 200 dogs, and he is always
attended by 500 buffoons. His dominions are ruled over by a great many
princes or governors, and to prevent them from rebelling he always keeps
their heirs about him. They have no law-suits. Their arms are bows and
arrows, javelins, daggers, and small sharp hatchets, and they all fight
on foot. The women of this country are used with so much respect, that
even the kings sons when they meet a woman, give way to her and stand
still till she has gone past. The Moors of Magadoxa were the first who
possessed the mines of Sofala, after which they were seized by the King
of Quiloa: But Yzuf, one of their governors, rebelled and usurped the
government to himself, assuming the title of king. This was the same
person with whom Annaya had now to contend, and whose son Solyman he
established in the sovereignty, under the protection and vassalage of
Portugal.
While these things happened at Sofala, the zamorin of Calicut was using
every exertion to raise up enemies to the Portuguese, even entering into
alliance with the Mameluke Soldan of Egypt, hoping by his assistance to
drive the Christians from the Indian seas. His measures and preparations
however became known to the Rajah of Cochin, who communicated the
intelligence to the viceroy Almeyda. He accordingly sent his son Lorenzo
with eleven vessels to endeavour to counteract the designs of the
zamorin by destroying the fleet he had prepared. Learning that the
Calicut fleet was in the port of Cananor, consisting of 260 paraos, 60
of which were larger than the Portuguese ships, Lorenzo sailed thither
and put them to flight after a severe engagement. In the pursuit, some
of the paraos were taken, but many were sunk and run aground, by which
the enemy sustained great loss, while only five or six of the Portuguese
were slain. The principal booty taken on this occasion was four ships
loaded with spice. Almost immediately after this victory, Don Lorenzo
received notice that the fort of Anchediva was beset by 60 vessels
belonging to the Moors and Malabars, well armed and manned with a number
of resolute men under the command of a renegado. On this occasion the
besieged behaved with great gallantry, and the besiegers pressed their
attacks with much bravery, but several of their vessels having been
destroyed and others much damaged by the cannon of the fort, and hearing
of the approach of Lorenzo, the enemy withdrew in all haste.
Finding their trade almost destroyed by the Portuguese, the Moors
endeavoured to shun their cruisers by keeping out to sea in their
voyages from Cambaya and the ports of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf,
passing through the Maldive Islands, and keeping to the south of Ceylon
in their way to Sumatra and Malacca. The viceroy on learning this new
course of the Moorish trade, sent his son Lorenzo with nine ships to
intercept the trade of the enemy. While wandering through seas unknown
to the pilots, Lorenzo discovered the island of Ceylon, formerly called
Taprobana, and came to anchor in the port of _Gale_, where many Moors
were taking in cinnamon and elephants for Cambaya. To induce Lorenzo not
to molest or destroy them, the Moors made him an offer of 400 bahars of
cinnamon in the name of the king of Ceylon; and although he well knew
this proceeded only from fear, he thought it better to dissemble and
accept the present, contenting himself with the discovery of the island,
on which he erected a cross with an inscription of the date of his
discovery. On his return to Cochin, he attacked the town of Biramjam or
Brinjan, which he burnt to the ground and put all the inhabitants to the
sword, in revenge for the slaughter of the factor and his people at
Coulam, as this place belonged to that kingdom.
While Cide Barbudo and Pedro Quaresme were coming out from Portugal with
two ships, they arrived after many misfortunes at Sofala, where they
found Annaya and most of his men dead, and the rest of the Portuguese
garrison sick. Quaresme remained there to defend the fort; and Barbudo
proceeding towards India found Quiloa in as bad a condition, of which he
carried intelligence to Almeyda. The viceroy sent immediately Nunno Vaz
Pereyra to relieve the forts of Quiloa and Sofala[88]. But that of
Quiloa was soon afterwards abandoned and destroyed, after having lost
many lives, owing to the ill usage of the Portuguese to the natives,
whom they treated with insufferable pride, and boundless avarice.
[Footnote 88: De Faria does not give any dates to the particular
transactions in his text, merely noticing the successive years in the
titles of the various sections into which his work is loosely divided,
and occasionally on the margin: Even this has been neglected by the
editor of Astley's Collection. These last transactions on the coast of
Africa seem to have taken place towards the end of 1506.--E.]
Having been informed by Diego Fernandez Pereyra that the island of
Socotora near the mouth of the Red Sea was inhabited by Christians who
were subject to the Moors, the king of Portugal ordered Tristan de Cunna
and Alfonso de Albuquerque to direct their course to that island, and to
endeavour to possess themselves of the fort, that the Portuguese ships
might be enabled to winter at that island, and to secure the navigation
of the Arabian Gulf against the Moors; for which purpose they carried
out with them a wooden fort ready to put up. De Cunna was destined to
command the trading ships which were to return to Europe, and
Albuquerque to cruise with a small squadron on the coast of Arabia
against the Moors. These two commanders sailed from Lisbon on the 6th of
March 1507, with thirteen vessels in which were 1300 soldiers, some of
whom died by the way, having been infected by the plague then raging in
Lisbon; but when they came under the line, the sickness left them.
Having come in sight of Cape Augustine in Brasil, they took a new
departure from thence to cross the Southern Atlantic for the Cape of
Good Hope; but in this course De Cunna held so far to the south that he
discovered the islands still called by his name. At this place the ships
were parted in a storm, each following a separate course till they met
again at Mozambique. Alvaro Tellez, however, who commanded one of these
ships, overshot Mozambique and proceeded to Cape Guardafu, where he took
six ships belonging to the Moors, so laden with all kind of goods, that
he made a sort of bridge from them to his own vessel, consisting of
bales thrown into the sea, over which his men passed as on dry land.
During this part of the voyage likewise, Ruy Pereyra put into the port
of Matatama in the island of Madagascar; and being informed that this
island abounded in spice, especially ginger, Tristan de Cunna was
induced to go there, and anchored in a bay which his son Nunno named
_Angra de Donna Maria_, after a lady whom he courted. By others it is
named the bay of _Santa Maria delta Conception_. As some Negroes
appeared on the coast, De Cunna sent a Moor to converse with them; but
when he mentioned that the ships belonged to Christians, they
endeavoured to kill him, and had to be driven away by the Portuguese
cannon. About three leagues farther on, they came to a village, the
_xeque_ or sheikh of which carried them to another town on an island in
a well sheltered bay into which the great river Lulangan discharges its
waters. This town was inhabited by Moors[89] somewhat civilized, who,
being afraid of the fleet made their escape to the main-land, but so
overloaded their boats that many of them perished by the way. The
Portuguese surrounded the island and took 500 prisoners, only twenty of
whom were men, among whom was the _xeque_ or chief, an aged man of a
respectable appearance. Next morning the sea was covered with boats,
bringing over 600 men to demand the release of their wives and children.
After some negociation, the Portuguese commander restored the prisoners
to their liberty. He here learnt that the island of Madagascar was
chiefly inhabited by negro _cafrs_, and produced but little ginger. He
afterwards wished to have entered a town on this island called _Zada_,
but the inhabitants set it on fire.
[Footnote 89: By Moors in the writings of the early Portuguese,
Mahometans are always to be understood. The Moors of Madagascar were a
mixed breed between the Arabs and Negroes.--E.]
From this place, De Cunna sent on Alfonso de Albuquerque with four ships
to Mozambique, with orders to reduce some places on the coast of
Melinda; while he went himself with three ships to Matatama in
Madagascar, where he was told that cloves, ginger, and silver were to be
had. On this expedition however, he lost one of his ships, only the
pilot and seven men being saved; on which account he steered for
Mozambique, but was forced by stress of weather into the island of
Angoza. At night he discovered the lights of the ship St Jago which he
had left at Mozambique, and soon after Juan de Nova arrived from Angoza,
where he had wintered[90], laden with pepper. At Mozambique he rejoined
Albuquerque, whom he sent on before him to Melinda; and meeting two
other ships of his squadron at Quiloa, he proceeded to Melinda. To
oblige the king of Melinda, the Portuguese attacked the city of Oja, the
king of which place, aided by the king of Mombaza, made war on the king
of Melinda. In this country, which is inhabited by Arabs, there are some
ancient and wonderful structures. Each city, and almost every village
has a separate king, whom they call _xeque_ or sheikh; but the principal
among these are the sheikhs of Quiloa, Zanzibar, and Mombaza, while the
sheikh of Melinda pretends to be the most ancient, deducing his pedigree
from the sheikhs of Quitau, which, though in ruins, shows evident marks
of ancient grandeur, having been superior to all its neighbours. These
are Luziva, Parimunda, Lamon, Jaca, Oja, and others. This country is
watered by the river Gulimanja, up which George Alfonso sailed for the
space of five days, finding the banks every where covered with
impervious woods, and the river inhabited by a prodigious number of sea
horses or _hippopotami_.
[Footnote 90: This wintering, being in the southern hemisphere, probably
refers to June and July 1507.--E.]
Having now only six ships out of thirteen with which he left Portugal,
one being lost, some separated by storms, and others sent away, Tristan
de Cunna appeared before the city of Oja, on an open shore seventeen
leagues from Melinda, and defended by a wall towards the land, to
protect it against the Kafrs. De Cunna sent a message to the sheikh
desiring an interview, as having some important matters to arrange with
him; but the sheikh answered, that he was subject to the soldan of
Egypt, caliph or head of the Musselmans, and could not therefore treat
with a people who were enemies to the prophet. Considering delay
dangerous, Tristan resolved upon an immediate attack, and dividing his
men into two parties, one commanded by himself and the other by
Albuquerque, made for the shore as soon as day light appeared. The Moors
were drawn up on the shore to resist the landing, but were soon forced
to take shelter behind their walls; and, not trusting to them for
protection, no sooner entered at the sea gate but they ran out at the
gate opposite. Nunno de Cunna and Alfonso de Noronha pursued the sheikh
and his people to a grove of palm trees, in which the sheikh and many of
his attendants were slain. At this time, George Silveyra observed a
grave Moor leading a beautiful young woman through a path in the wood,
and made towards them. The Moor turned to defend himself, desiring the
woman to make her escape while he fought; but she followed him,
declaring she would rather die or be taken along with him, than make her
escape alone. Seeing them thus strive who should give the strongest
demonstration of affection, Silveyra allowed both to go away unhurt,
unwilling to part so much love. The town was plundered and set on fire,
and burnt with such fury that some of the Portuguese perished in the
flames while in anxious search of plunder.
On being informed of what had happened at Oja, the sheikh of Lamo,
fifteen leagues distant, came to make his submission, and to render
himself more acceptable offered to pay a tribute of 600 meticals of gold
yearly, about equal to as many ducats, and paid the first year in
advance. From hence De Cunna proceeded to Brava, a populous town which
had been formerly reduced, but the sheikh was now in rebellion, trusting
to a force of 6000 men with which he opposed the landing of the
Portuguese. But De Cunna and Albuquerque landed their troops next day in
two bodies, in spite of every opposition from showers of arrows, darts,
and stones, and scaled the walls, routing the Moors with prodigious
slaughter. The city was plundered, and burnt; but in this enterprise the
Portuguese lost forty-two men; not the half of them by the sword, but in
consequence of a boat sinking which was overloaded with spoil. Those who
were drowned had been so blinded with covetousness while plundering the
town, that they barbarously cut off the hands and ears of the women to
save time in taking off their bracelets and earrings. Sailing from
Brava, Tristan de Cunna was rejoined off Cape Guardafu by Alvaro Tellez,
who had been in great danger in a storm of losing his ship with all the
rich booty formerly mentioned. Having got sight of Cape Guardafu, De
Cunna now stood over for the island of Socotora, according to his
instructions.
Socotora, or Zakatra is an island twenty leagues long and nine broad,
stretching nearly east and west, in lat. 12° 40' N. and is the largest
of the islands near the mouth of the Red Sea, but has no ports fit for
any great number of ships to ride in during winter. Through the middle
of this island there runs a chain of very high hills, yet covered over
with sand blown up by the north winds from the shore to their tops, so
that they are entirely barren and destitute of trees or plants,
excepting some small valleys which are sheltered from these winds. It is
30 leagues from Cape Guardafu, and 50 leagues from the nearest part of
the Arabian continent. The ports principally used by us are Zoco or
Calancea to the westwards, and Beni to the east, both inhabited by
Moors, who are very unpolished. In those valleys that are sheltered from
the sand, apple and palm trees are produced, and the best aloes in the
world, which from its excellence is called Socotorine aloes. The common
food of the people is maize, with milk and tamarinds. The inhabitants of
this island are Christians of the Jacobite church, similar in its
ceremonies and belief to that which is established in Ethiopia[91]. The
men generally use the names of the apostles, while most of the women,
are named Maria. They worship the cross, which they set up in all their
churches, and wear upon their clothes, worshipping thrice a-day in the
Chaldean language, making alternate responses as we do in choirs. They
have but one wife, use circumcision, pay tythes, and practice fasting.
The men are comely, and the women so brave that they go to war like
Amazons. They are clothed mostly in skins, but some of the better sort
use cloth; their weapons are stones, which they sling with much
dexterity, and they live mostly in caves[92]. This island was subject to
the sheikh or king of Caxem[93] in Arabia.
[Footnote 91: Abyssinia is obviously here meant.--E.]
[Footnote 92: Though not distinguished in the text, Faria seems here to
confine himself to the barbarous Christian natives, inhabiting the
country; as the towns appear to have been occupied by Mahometan
Arabs.--E.]
[Footnote 93: Cashen or Cassin.--Astley, I. 63.]
At this place[94] De Cunna found a tolerable fort, not ill manned, and
decently provided for defence. He sent a friendly message to the sheikh,
but receiving an insolent answer he resolved to attack the place,
though the attempt seemed dangerous. He and Albuquerque went towards the
shore with the troops, but Don Alfonso de Noronha, nephew to De Cunna,
leapt first on shore, determining to shew himself worthy of the choice
which the king had made of him to command in Socotora, if gained.
Noronha immediately advanced against the sheikh with a few brave men.
The sheikh defended himself with great resolution, and had even almost
repulsed the assailants, when he was struck down by the lance of
Noronha. The Moors endeavoured with much valour to rescue their wounded
chief, but he and eight more were slain, on which the rest fled to the
castle. This was immediately scaled by a party of the Portuguese, who
opened the gate for the rest, who now rushed into the large outer court.
[Footnote 94: By a marginal note in Faria, it appears to have been now
the year 1508; but the particular place or town in Socotora attacked by
De Cunna is not mentioned. I am disposed however to believe that date an
error of the press, for 1507.--E.]
The Moors bravely defended their inner fort to the last man, so that of
eighty-three men only one was taken alive, besides a blind man who was
found hidden in a well. Being asked how he had got there, being blind,
he answered that blind men saw only one thing, which was the way to
liberty. He was set free. In this assault the Portuguese lost six men.
During the assault the natives of the island kept at a distance, but now
came with their wives and children, joyfully returning thanks to the
Portuguese commander for having delivered them from the heavy yoke of
the infidels; and De Cunna received them to their great satisfaction
under the protection of the crown of Portugal[95]. The Mosque was
purified by the solemnities of the Catholic church, and converted into a
church dedicated to the _Invocation of Neustra Sennora della Vittoria_,
in which many were baptised by the labours of Father Antonio of the
order of St Francis. De Cunna gave the command of the fort, now named
San Miguel, to Don Alfonso de Noronha, his nephew, who had well deserved
it by his valour, even if he had not been nominated to the command by
the king. Noronha was provided with a garrison of an hundred men, with
proper officers; after which De Cunna wintered at the island of
Socotora, though very ill accommodated, and then sailed for India,
sending Albuquerque, according to the royal orders, to cruise on the
coast of Arabia[96].
[Footnote 95: Little did these poor Jacobite Christians suspect, that in
exchanging masters they were subjected to the more dreadful yoke of the
Portuguese Inquisition! The zeal of the Portuguese for the liberty of
the Christian inhabitants of Socotora soon cooled, when it was found
unable to pay the expence of a garrison, and it was soon abandoned to
the milder oppression of its former Mahometan masters.--E.]
[Footnote 96: From an after part of the text of Faria, we learn that
this fort in the island of Socotora was taken on the 20th of August,
probably of the year 1507.]
While these things occurred at Socotora, the zamorin of Calicut was
arming afresh against the Portuguese, relying on the promises of his
wizards and soothsayers; who, finding that the succours under Tristan de
Cunna were long delayed, assured him of success in that lucky
opportunity, and predicted a great change of affairs, as indicated by an
earthquake and a great eclipse of the sun, so complete that the stars
were seen at noon for a considerable time, and which they pretended was
a sure sign of the approaching destruction of the Portuguese. But on the
viceroy Almeyda receiving notice of the preparations at Calicut, he sent
his son Don Lorenzo thither with a squadron of ten ships. At this time
Gonzalo Vaz was in Cananor with his ship, taking in water; and on his
voyage to join Don Lorenzo he fell in with a ship belonging to Cananor
having a Portuguese pass, which he sunk with all her moorish crew sewed
up in a sail that they might never be seen. But this wicked action was
afterwards discovered, for which Vaz was broke; a very incompetent
punishment for so great a crime, owing to which the Portuguese
afterwards suffered severe calamities, as will appear in the sequel.
On his way towards Dabul in search of the Calicut fleet, Don Lorenzo
cast anchor at the entrance of the port of Chaul, into which seven
vessels belonging to the Moors entered without making any return to his
salute. On this Lorenzo followed them in his boats, and the Moors leaped
overboard to escape on shore, but many of them were slain by the
Portuguese in the water. Lorenzo then took possession of the ships,
which were laden with horses and other goods; and as the Moors
endeavoured to overreach him with regard to ransoming their vessels,
greatly underrating their cargoes, he ordered them all to be burnt.
Going thence to Dabul, where he found the Calicut fleet, he anchored off
the mouth of the river, and called a council of his officers to consult
on the proper measures for an attack; but owing to the narrowness of the
river it was carried in the council not to attack, contrary to the
opinion of Lorenzo, who was eager to destroy the enemies ships. Passing
on therefore to a river four leagues beyond Dabul, a brigantine and
parao which led the van saw a ship sailing up the river, and pursued the
vessel till it came to anchor over against a town, where there were many
other vessels. Seeing the two vessels in pursuit of the ship Lorenzo
sent a galley after them, and the three began to clear the shore with
their shot of many Moors who flocked thither to defend their ships.
Supposing from the noise of firing that his assistance was necessary,
Lorenzo made all possible haste up the river; but before his arrival the
others had taken all the vessels in the harbour, and had burnt a house
on shore full of valuable commodities. All the ships in this harbour
were burnt, except two from Ormuz having very rich cargoes, which were
carried away. On his return to Cochin with victory and rich spoil,
expecting to be received by his father with applause, he was astonished
to find himself threatened with severe punishment for not having fought
with and destroyed the Calicut fleet. He was however excused, as it
appeared he had been overruled by the votes of the other captains,
contrary to his own opinion. The viceroy broke them all therefore, and
sent them home in disgrace to Portugal. By this severity, Don Lorenzo
was much troubled, and in afterwards endeavouring to restore himself to
the esteem of his father, he lost his life in rashly displaying his
valour.
The body of one of the Moors who had been basely destroyed by Vaz, as
formerly mentioned, was washed on shore, and discovered to be the nephew
of _Mamale_, a rich merchant of Malabar. Founding on this circumstance,
the zamorin prevailed upon the rajah of Cananor to break with the
Portuguese; and as it was not known who had been guilty of that
barbarous act, the blame fell upon Lorenzo de Brito, captain of the fort
at Cananor, who got notice of his danger, and not being in sufficient
force to defend himself, sent intelligence to the viceroy. This message
was delivered to Almeyda while in church assisting at the service on
_Maunday_ Thursday; and was of so pressing a nature that he immediately
left the church, to give orders for the immediate shipment of provisions
and men to succour Brito; and these orders were executed with such
speed, that those who had lent their arms to others _to watch the
sepulchre_, as the custom is, had to go to the church to get them back.
Don Lorenzo was appointed to command this relief of Cananor, with orders
on his arrival at that place to put himself under the command of Brito,
who insisted that as son to the viceroy and an officer of reputation and
experience he should take the command: But Lorenzo was positive that he
would not take the command over Brito, pursuant to the orders of his
father; and being unable to prevail, he left the relief at Cananor, and
returned to Cochin.
By this time the rajah of Cananor had drawn together a force of 20,000
men, with which he besieged the Portuguese fort, which Brito determined
to defend to the last extremity, and used every possible means to
strengthen the place. Much blood was spilt about the possession of a
well, which the Portuguese at length made themselves masters of by means
of a mine. After this loss, the enemy retired to a wood of palm-trees,
meaning to prepare engines to batter the fort, of which circumstance
intelligence was conveyed to Brito by a nephew to the rajah of Cananor,
who wished to acquire the friendship of the Portuguese, so that Brito
was prepared to receive the intended assault. Having completed their
preparations, the enemy moved on to fill up the ditch and assault the
fort; but were opposed with so much energy, at first by incessant
discharges of cannon, and afterwards by means of a sally, that the ditch
was filled with dead bodies instead of fascines. After losing a
prodigious number of men, the enemy retreated to the wood; and next
night, which was cold and rainy, Brito sent out eighty men to beat up
their quarters under the command of a Spanish officer named Guadalaxara,
who was next in command. This enterprise was so vigorously executed,
that after the discharge of a few small pieces of artillery, the enemy
fled in every direction to save themselves, leaving 300 of their men
slain. The joy for this victory on the side of the Portuguese was soon
miserably abated in consequence of the destruction of their entire
magazine of provisions by fire, by which they were reduced to the
extremity of famine, and under the necessity of feeding on all kinds of
vermin that could be procured. In this extreme distress, they were
providentially relieved by a rough sea throwing up vast quantities of
crabs or lobsters on the point of land where the chapel of the Virgin
stands, which was the only food which could be procured by the garrison
for a long while. While in this situation, in consequence of powerful
assistance from the zamorin, the rajah of Cananor made a fresh assault
upon Brito with 50,000 men, and was again repulsed with prodigious
slaughter, without the loss of one man on the side of the Portuguese.
Immediately after this exploit, Tristan de Cunna arrived at Cananor with
a reinforcement and a supply of provisions, by which and the noble
defence made by Brito the rajah of Cananor was so much intimidated that
he sued for peace, which was granted upon conditions highly honourable
and advantageous to the Portuguese.
As Tristan de Cunna was now ready to depart for Portugal with the
homeward bound ships, the viceroy went along with him to Paniani, a town
belonging to Calicut which he proposed to destroy, as it was much
frequented by the Moors, who took in loadings of spices at that place
under the protection of four ships belonging to the zamorin commanded by
a valiant Moor named Cutiale[97]. The viceroy and Tristan, having
anchored off the bar, held a council of war to deliberate upon a plan of
attack, when it was determined to send their two sons in two barks and
several boats to attack the place, while the viceroy and admiral should
follow in a galley. When the foremost of the Portuguese assailants were
attacking the trenches, on which some of them had mounted, Pedro Cam
having even planted the colours of Lorenzo Almeyda on the summit, the
viceroy on coming up observed his son climbing up with some difficulty.
He immediately called out, "How comes it Lorenzo that you are so
backward?" When the young man answered, "I have given way, Sir, to him
who has gained the honour of the day." At this moment a gigantic Moor
assailed Lorenzo and even wounded him; but in return he cleft the head
of the Moor down to the breast. The town was now carried by storm, and
all its defenders put to the sword, after which all the ships in the
port were burnt. In this exploit the Portuguese lost only eighteen men,
none of whom were of any note; but above 500 of the enemy were slain.
Though the plunder of this place was of great value, it was all burnt
along with the town and ships, the artillery only being carried off.
[Footnote 97: In an after part of De Faria, this officer is said to have
been a Chinese.--E.]
After this the fleet and army returned to Cananor where De Cunna
completed his lading, and then set sail for Portugal. At Mozambique, on
his way home, he met several ships belonging to a squadron of twelve
sail sent from Lisbon in the former year; seven of which were to return
with goods, and the other five to cruise on the eastern coast of Africa,
under the command of Vasco Gomez de Abreu, who was likewise to command
in the fort of Sofala. There were also two other ships in this fleet,
destined to reinforce the squadron of Albuquerque on the coast of
Arabia. Of this fleet, the ship commanded by Juan Chanoca was lost in
the river Zanaga, that of Juan Gomez in another place, and Abreu was
lost with four vessels while going to Mozambique. Other vessels of this
fleet were driven to various parts, after enduring terrible storms and
imminent dangers; yet these dire misfortunes were insufficient to damp
the boldness of our nation in quest of riches, so prevalent is
covetousness over every consideration of difficulty or danger.
We must now return to Alfonso de Albuquerque, who parted from De Cunna,
after the taking of Socotora on the 20th of August, as formerly related,
being bound for the coasts of Arabia and Persia, pursuant to the
commands of the king, having with him seven ships and 460 soldiers. He
came first to Calayate, a beautiful and strong place in the kingdom of
Ormuz, built after the manner usual in Spain, but which had once been
more populous. Sending a message to the governor, he received supplies
of water and provisions, and entered into a treaty of peace. Proceeding
to Curiate, ten leagues farther on, he was very ill received, in revenge
for which he took the place by storm, losing only three of his own men,
while eighty of the defenders were slain. After plundering this place,
it was destroyed by fire along with fourteen vessels which were in the
harbour. From thence he sailed for Muscat, eight leagues farther, which
was stronger than the two former, and well filled with people, who had
resorted there from all quarters on hearing of the destruction of
Curiate. Being afraid of a similar disaster, the governor sent great
supplies of provisions to Albuquerque, and entered into a treaty of
peace; but while the boats were ashore for water, the cannon of the town
began unexpectedly to play upon the ships, doing, considerable damage,
and obliged them hastily to haul farther off, not knowing the cause of
these hostilities; but it was soon learnt that 2000 men had arrived to
defend the town, sent by the king of Ormuz, and that their commander
refused to concur in the peace which had been entered into by the
governor. Although Albuquerque had received considerable damage from the
smart cannonade, he landed his men early next morning, and attacked the
place with such resolution that the Moors fled at one gate, while the
Portuguese entered at another. The town was given up to plunder, all
except the residence of the governor, who had received the Portuguese in
a friendly manner, and had very honourably given them notice to retire,
when the troops of Ormuz arrived; but he was slain during the first
confusion, without being known.
After the destruction of Muscat, Albuquerque proceeded to Soar, all the
inhabitants of which fled, except the governor and some of the principal
Moors, who offered to surrender the town; but Albuquerque gave it back
to them, on condition of holding it in vassalage from the crown of
Portugal, and payment of the same tribute which used to be given to the
king of Ormuz. Fifteen leagues farther he came to Orfucam, which was
deserted by the inhabitants. Albuquerque sent his nephew, Don Antonio,
to pursue them at the head of 100 men; who, though he brought back
twenty-two prisoners, received almost as much damage from the Moors as
he did, as they were very numerous and fought bravely in defence of
their wives and children. The deserted town of Orfucam was plundered for
three days, during which time Albuquerque disposed all things in
readiness for proceeding against Ormuz, which was the chief object of
his voyage, deeming these previous exploits only a prelude to his grand
enterprise, and accounting them but trifles, though they might appear
considerable to others.
The city of Ormuz or Hormuz is situated on the small island of Jerun at
the mouth of the Persian Gulf, only three leagues in compass, and so
barren that it produces nothing but salt and sulphur. The buildings of
the city are sumptuous. It is the great mart for all the goods of
Africa, Arabia, and India; by which means, though having nothing of its
own, it abounds in all things. It is plentifully supplied with
provisions from the province of Mogostan or Laristan in Persia, and from
the islands of Kishom, Kissmis, or Kishmish, Larek, and others. About
the year 1273, Malek Kaez possessed all the land from the isle of Jerun
to that of Bahrayn, bordering on the kingdom of Gordunshah of the
province of Mogostan[98]. This king by subtile devices prevailed upon
Malek to give him the island of Jerun, being a place of no value
whatever; after which he fortified himself there, and transplanting the
inhabitants of the ancient city of Ormuz on the coast, where the king
used to reside to that island, the king of Persia, fearing he would
refuse the accustomed tribute, prepared to invade him: But the king of
Gordunshah diverted him from his purpose, by engaging to be responsible
for the tribute, and by doing homage by his ambassadors once in every
five years. By these means the city and kingdom of Ormuz was
established, which continued to be ruled over by the heirs of the first
possessor and others, mostly by violence[99].
[Footnote 98: The expression in the text is obscure. It appears that
Malek Kaez, ruled over the sea coast of the kingdom or province rather
of Mogostan, of which Gordunshah was king or governor.--E.]
[Footnote 99: The account in the text is unintelligible and
contradictory: But we fortunately have one more intelligible from the
editor of Astley's Collection, I. 65. c. which being too long for a
note, has been placed in the text between inverted commas.--E.]
"This account of the origin of the kingdom of Ormuz or Harmuz is related
differently in a history of that state written by one of its kings, and
given to us by Teixeira at the end of his history of Persia, as
follows.--In the year of _Hejirah_ 700, and of Christ 1302, when the
Turkomans, or Turks from Turkestan, overran Persia as far as the Persian
Gulf, _Mir Bahaddin Ayaz Seyfin_, the fifteenth king of Ormuz, resolved,
to leave the continent where his dominions then were, and to retire to
some of the adjacent islands. He first passed over with his people to
the large island of _Brokt_ or Kishmish[100], called Quixome by the
Portuguese, and afterwards removed to a desert isle two leagues distant
eastward, which he begged from _Neyn_ king of _Keys_, and built a new
city, calling it _Harmuz_ after the name of his former capital on the
coast, the ruins of which are still visible to the east of _Gamrun_ or
Gambroon. By the Arabs and Persians, this island is called _Jerun_, from
a fisherman who lived there at the time when Ayaz first took possession.
In the course of two hundred years, this new city and kingdom advanced
so much in wealth and power, that it extended its dominion over a great
part of the coasts of Arabia and Persia, all the way to _Basrah_ or
Basora. It became the chief mart of trade in all these parts, which had
formerly been established at Keys; but after the reduction of Ormuz, by
the Portuguese, its trade and consequence declined much, owing to their
tyranny and oppression. Ayaz Seyfin, was succeeded by Amir Ayas Oddin
Gordun Shah. Thus it appears distinctly, that the Malek Kaes in the text
of Faria, ought to have been called the Malek or king of Kaes or Keys;
and that instead of the kingdom of Gordunshah of the province of
Mogostan, it should have been Gordun Shah king of Mogostan; besides, the
island was not granted to him, but to his predecessor Ayaz. As a mark of
their sense of the riches of Ormuz, the orientals used to say
proverbially, if the world were considered as a ring, Ormuz was its
jewel."
[Footnote 100: In a plan of Ormuz given in Astley's Collection, the isle
of Kishoma or Kishmis is placed at a small distance from that of Ormuz
or Jerun, and is said to be the place whence Ormuz is supplied with
water. In fact the island of Kismis or Kishom is of considerable size
and some fertility, though exceedingly unhealthy, while that of Jerun on
which Ormuz was built, though barren and without water, was
comparatively healthy. It was a commercial garrison town of the Arabs,
for the purpose of carrying on the trade of the Persian Gulf, and at the
same time withdrawing from the oppressive rule of the Turkoman
conquerors of Persia.--E.]
When Albuquerque arrived at Ormuz about the end of September 1507, Sayf
Oddin a youth of twelve years of age was sovereign, under the
guardianship of a slave named Khojah Attar, a man of courage but of a
subtile and crafty disposition. Hearing what had been done by
Albuquerque at the towns upon the coast, Attar made great preparations
for resisting the new enemy. For this purpose he laid an embargo on all
the ships in the port, and hired troops from all the neighbouring
countries, so that when the Portuguese entered the port there were
30,000 armed men in the city, of whom 4000 were Persians, the most
expert archers then in the world. There were at that time 400 vessels in
the harbour, 60 of which were of considerable size, the crews of which
amounted to 2500 men. Albuquerque was not ignorant of the warlike
preparations which had been made for his reception; but to shew his
determined resolution, he came immediately to anchor in the midst of
five of the largest ships riding in the harbour, firing his cannon as he
sailed along to strike a terror into the inhabitants, and the shore was
soon lined by 8000 troops. As no message was sent to him by the king, he
commanded the captain of the largest ship, which seemed admiral over the
rest, to repair on board of him, who immediately complied, and was
received with much civility, but in great state. He then desired this
man to go on shore and inform the king of Ormuz, that he had orders from
the king of Portugal to take him under the protection of that crown, and
to grant him leave to trade in the Indian seas, on condition that he
submitted himself as vassal to the crown of Portugal, and agreed to pay
a reasonable tribute: But if these proposals were rejected, his orders
were to subdue Ormuz by force of arms. It was assuredly no small
presumption to offer such degrading terms to a king who was at the head
of above 30,000 fighting men, and 400 ships, while all the force he had
against such prodigious force, was only 460 soldiers and seven ships.
The Moorish captain, who was from Cambaya, went on shore and delivered
this insolent message to the king and his governor Attar; who
immediately sent Khojah Beyram with a message to Albuquerque, excusing
them for not having sent to inquire what the Portuguese wanted in their
port, and promising that the governor should wait upon him next day.
Attar however did not perform this promise, but endeavoured to spin out
the time by a repetition of messages, in order to strengthen the
fortifications of the city, and to receive farther supplies. Albuquerque
immediately perceived the purport of these messages, and told Beyram
that he would listen only to the acceptation of peace on the terms
proposed, or an immediate declaration of war. To this insolent demand,
Beyram brought back for answer, that Ormuz was accustomed to receive,
and not to pay tribute.
During the night, the noise of warlike instruments, and the shouts of
the troops collected in Ormuz were heard from all parts of the city; and
when morning came, the whole walls, the shore, and the vessels in the
harbour were seen crowded with armed men, while the windows and flat
tops of all the houses were filled with people of both sexes and all
ages, anxious to behold the expected events. Albuquerque immediately
began to cannonade the city and the large Moorish ships, and was
spiritedly answered by the enemy, who took advantage of the obscurity
occasioned by the smoke to send a large party of armed men in 130 boats
to attack the ships, and did some damage among the Portuguese by
incessant and prodigious discharges of arrows and stones. But as many of
the boats were sunk by the Portuguese artillery, and numbers of the men
slain and drowned, they were forced to retire. They returned again to
the charge with fresh numbers; but after a severe conflict were again
obliged to retreat with prodigious loss, the sea being dyed with blood,
and great numbers of them slain. By this time, Albuquerque had sunk two
of the largest ships in the port and taken a third, not without
considerable opposition on the part of the enemy, forcing the surviving
Moors to leap into the sea; and the other captains of his squadron had
captured three ships, and had set above thirty more on fire. The crews
of these cut their cables and drifted over to the Persian shore to
enable themselves to escape; but by this means communicated the
conflagration to other vessels that were lying aground. These disasters
struck such terror into the people of Ormuz that they all fled in dismay
within their walls, and Khojah Attar sent a message to Albuquerque
offering to submit to his proposals; on which he put a stop to farther
hostilities, yet suspecting the governor of treachery, he threatened to
inflict still heavier calamities on the city unless the terms were
performed with good faith. Thus, with the loss only of ten men on the
side of the Portuguese, most of the numerous vessels belonging to the
enemy, full of various rich commodities, were taken, burnt, sunk, or
torn to pieces, and above seventeen hundred of the Moors were slain,
numbers of whose bodies were seen floating in the harbour. Many of these
were seen to have ornaments of gold, which the Portuguese anxiously
sought after, and on this occasion it was noticed that several of the
enemy had been slain by their own arrows, none being used by the
Portuguese.
Khojah Attar, dismayed by the prodigious injury sustained in the
conflict, and afraid of still heavier calamities, called a council of
the chief officers of the kingdom to deliberate on what was best to be
done, when it was agreed to submit for the present to the demands of
Albuquerque; after which articles of pacification were drawn up and
sworn to between the parties. The two principal articles were, that the
king of Ormuz submitted to pay a tribute to the king of Portugal of
15,000 _Xerephines_ yearly[101], and that ground should be allowed for
the Portuguese on which to build a fort. The fort was accordingly
immediately commenced, and considerable progress was made in its
construction in a few days. On purpose to avoid the payment of the
tribute, Khojah Attar dressed up a pretended embassy from the king of
Persia demanding payment of the usual tribute, and required that
Albuquerque should give them an answer, as the king of Ormuz was now
subject to the crown of Portugal. Albuquerque penetrated into this
design, and desired Attar to send some one to him to receive the answer.
The pretended Persian ambassador accordingly waited upon him, to whom he
gave some spears and bullets, saying such was the coin in which the
tribute should be paid in future. Finding this contrivance fail, Attar
endeavoured to corrupt some of the Portuguese, and actually prevailed on
five seamen to desert, one of whom had been bred a founder, who cast
some cannon like those belonging to the Portuguese. Being informed by
these deserters that Albuquerque had only about 450 soldiers, Attar
began to pick up fresh courage, and entered into contrivances for
breaking the peace, pretending at the same time to lay the blame on
Albuquerque, and refused to deliver up the deserters.
[Footnote 101: A Xerephine being worth about half a crown, this tribute
amounted to about L. 1875 sterling.--Astl. I. 66. a.--According to
Purchas a Xerephine is worth 3s. 9d; so that the yearly tribute in the
text is equal to L. 2812 20s. sterling.--E.]
The high spirit of Albuquerque could not brook this conduct, and
determined upon taking vengeance, but had little success in the attempt
being badly seconded by the officers serving under him. Taking advantage
of this spirit of insubordination, of which he had ample intelligence as
it was occasioned by his own intrigues, Attar one night set fire to a
bark which the Portuguese were building on the shore; and at the same
time one of the deserters called aloud from the wall on Albuquerque, to
defend his boat with his 400 men, and he should meet 7000 archers. At
this time some of the Portuguese captains gave intelligence to the
enemy, and had even assisted the five renegades to desert. Enraged at
this affront in burning his bark, Albuquerque endeavoured to set some
ships on fire which were building or repairing in the arsenal of Ormuz,
but failed in the attempt. He next undertook to besiege the city; and
having taken several persons who were carrying provisions thither, he
cut off their hands, ears, and noses, and sent them into the city in
that miserable condition, to the great terror of the inhabitants. About
this time there was a hot dispute between the Portuguese and the
garrison of Ormuz, about some wells which supplied the inhabitants with
water, which Albuquerque endeavoured to fill up, in which the Moorish
captain and the guard over the wells were all slain, and the wells
filled with the carcasses of their men and horses. The young king and
his governor sallied out from the city to drive the Portuguese away, and
actually cut off the retreat of Albuquerque; but a lucky cannon-ball
opened the way, by throwing the cavalry of the enemy into confusion.
In these actions with the Ormuzians, Albuquerque was ill seconded by his
people, three of his captains having resolved to leave him and to sail
for India. These men drew up a letter or remonstrance, assigning reasons
why he should desist from his present enterprise; which Albuquerque
ordered one of the masons to lay beneath a stone in the wall of the
fort, saying that he had there deposited his answer, and would be glad
to see if any one dared to remove the stone to read what he had written.
Though much offended by this, these captains did not venture to make any
reply; yet jealous about the command of the fort, when it should be
built, the three captains actually sailed away for India. Though much
troubled at this shameful desertion, Albuquerque determined upon
continuing his enterprise, notwithstanding that two other captains who
still remained opposed him, and were desirous to follow the example of
the other three; but by proper severity he deterred them from executing
their designs. Learning that a fleet was on its way from Bahrayn for
Keyshom with a reinforcement of men and provisions, Albuquerque
endeavoured ineffectually to intercept it. After failing in this, he
fell upon a country palace belonging to the king which was guarded by
three hundred foot and sixty horse, whom he defeated with the loss of
one man, killing eighty of the enemy. He then fell upon Keyshom or
Queixome, which was defended by five hundred archers sent to Ormuz by
the king of Lar or Laristan in Persia under the command of two of his
nephews, both of whom were slain with most of their men, and the bodies
of the two slain princes were sent by Albuquerque as a present to Attar.
The town of Keyshom was plundered and burnt. Among the plunder was taken
a large Persian carpet, which the soldiers were going to cut in pieces
to divide among them, and for the greater convenience of removal, which
Albuquerque purchased from them, and sent afterwards to the shrine of St
Jago in Gallicia.
Having but few men left who were much harassed, and winter approaching,
Albuquerque resolved to go to Socotora, and gave leave to Juan de Nova
to sail for India, where he had formerly had the command of a fleet. He
accordingly wintered at Socotora, where he relieved the Portuguese
garrison, then much distressed by famine; for which purpose he went in
his own ship to Cape Guardafu, and sent others to Melinda and Cape Fum,
to seize some ships for the sake of their provisions. When winter was
over, be resolved to return to Ormuz, though too weak to carry his
designs into execution, yet to see in what disposition were the young
king and his governor. On his way thither he determined to take revenge
upon the town of Kalayat, for some injury that had been done there to
the Portuguese. Kalayat is situated on the coast of Arabia beyond Cape
Siagro, called also Cape Rasalgat, at the mouth of the Persian Gulf.
Behind this town there is a rugged mountain, in which are some passes
which open a communication with the interior; and by one of these
opposite the town almost all the trade of Yemen or Arabia Felix, which
is a fertile country of much trade and full of populous cities, is
conveyed to this port. Immediately on his arrival, Albuquerque landed
his troops and took possession of the town, most of the inhabitants
escaping to the mountains and some being slain in the streets. He
remained here three nights, on one of which a thousand Moors entered the
town by surprise and did considerable damage before the Portuguese could
be collected to oppose them, but were at length put to flight with great
slaughter. Having secured all the provisions of Kalayat, which was the
principal booty, Albuquerque set the place on fire and proceeded to
Ormuz, where he arrived on the 13th of September[102]. He immediately
sent notice of his return to the king and governor; on which Attar sent
him a message, saying they were ready to pay the tribute of 15,000
Xerephins, but would on no account consent to the erection of the
intended fort. Albuquerque therefore determined to recommence the siege
of Ormuz, and ordered Martin Coello to guard with his ship the point of
_Turumbaka_[103], where the wells are situated, and Diego de Melo to
prevent intercourse with the island of Keyshom; while he and Francisco
de Tavora anchored before the city. He there observed that Khojah Attar
had completed the fort formerly begun by the Portuguese. In this new
attempt the success was no greater than it had been formerly. On one
occasion Diego de Melo and eight private men were slain; and on another
Albuquerque was himself in much danger. Finding himself unable to
effectuate any thing of importance, he returned to India, having taken a
ship in which was a great quantity of valuable pearls from Bahrayn, and
Francisco de Tavora took another ship belonging to Mecca.
[Footnote 102: No year is mentioned in the text of Faria, which is
throughout extremely defective in dates; but from the context it was now
probably the year 1508--E.]
[Footnote 103: Turumbaka, in the plan of Ormuz mentioned in a former
note, is a palace belonging to the king of Ormuz, in the same island
with the city. The Isle of Keyshom has already been stated as the place
whence Ormuz was supplied with water; but there may have been tanks or
cisterns at Turumbaka.--E]
During the time when Albuquerque was employed before Ormuz, the Soldan
of Egypt fitted out a fleet of twelve sail with 1500 Mamelukes, which he
sent under the command of Mir Husseyn to oppose the Portuguese in India.
While on his voyage up the Red Sea, Husseyn attacked the towns of Yembo
and Jiddah, putting the sheikhs of both places to death, and making
great plunder. He then sailed for Diu, where Malek Azz commanded for the
king of Cambaya, with whom he was ordered to join his forces to oppose
the Portuguese. The timber of which these ships were built was cut in
the mountains of Dalmatia, by procurement as it was said of the
Venetians, as the Soldan and the Turks were then at variance. It was
conveyed from Dalmatia to Egypt in twenty-five vessels, commanded by a
nephew of the Soldan, who had a force of 800 Mamelukes on board, besides
mariners. At this time the gallies of Malta were commanded by a
Portuguese knight, Andrea de Amarall; who, learning that the timber was
designed to be employed against his countrymen in India, attacked the
Egyptian fleet with six ships and four gallies, in which he had 600
soldiers. After a sharp engagement of three hours, he took seven ships
and sunk five; but the rest escaped to Alexandria, whence the timber was
carried up the Nile to Cairo, and thence on camels to Suez.
At this time the viceroy Almeyda was on the coast of Malabar, and had
sent his son Don Lorenzo with eight ships to scour the coast as far as
_Chaul_, a town of considerable size and importance seated on the banks
of a river about two leagues from the sea, and subject to the
Nizam-al-Mulk[104], by whose orders Don Lorenzo was well received. They
had some intelligence of the fleet of the Soldan, but believed it an
unfounded rumour, till it appeared in sight while Don Lorenzo was on
shore with most of his officers. They hastened immediately on board,
giving such orders as the time permitted, and were hardly on board when
the enemy entered the harbour, making great demonstrations of joy at
having so opportunely found the enemy of whom they were in search.
Husseyn thought himself secure of victory, as he had surprised the
Portuguese ships, and determined himself to board the ship commanded by
Don Lorenzo. For this purpose he ran her on board, pouring in balls,
arrows, hand-grenades, and other fireworks; but was answered with such
determined bravery, that he gave over his intention of boarding, though
the Portuguese vessel was much smaller than his. The other Egyptian
vessels had no better success; and as night approached, both parties
gave over the engagement to prepare for its renewal next morning.
[Footnote 104: Called Nizamaluco by De Faria.]
As soon as day appeared Don Lorenzo gave the signal to renew the fight;
and in his turn endeavoured to board the Egyptian admiral, in which he
was imitated by the other captains: Only two of them succeeded in
capturing two gallies belonging to the enemy, all the men on board which
were put to the sword. The battle was carried on with much bravery on
both sides, and the Portuguese seemed fast gaining the superiority; when
Malek Azz, lord of Diu, made his appearance with a great number of small
vessels well manned, coming to the assistance of Husseyn. Don Lorenzo
immediately dispatched two gallies and three caravels to hinder the
approach of this reinforcement to his enemies, which executed their
orders so effectually that Azz was obliged to flee for shelter to
another place. The battle still continued between Lorenzo and Husseyn
till night again parted them, both endeavouring to conceal their loss
from the other. In the evening after the cessation of the battle, the
Portuguese captains met in council on board the admiral to deliberate on
what was best to be done; and were unanimously of opinion that it was
rash to continue to defend themselves in the river of Chaul, especially
as Malek Azz was so near with such a powerful reinforcement, and
strongly recommended that they should go out to the open sea, where they
might fight with less disadvantage, and would have it in their power to
escape if circumstances rendered it necessary. But, remembering the
displeasure of his father for not having attacked the fleet of Calicut
in the river of Dabul, and fearing his retreat into the open sea might
be construed as flight, Lorenzo determined resolutely to await the
events of the next morning, only making some change in the disposition
of his force, in order to protect some ships belonging to Cochin which
were much exposed to the enemy.
Next morning, on observing the change of posture in the Portuguese
ships, Malek Azz conceived that they meant to retreat; he immediately
came out therefore from the place where he had taken shelter, and boldly
charged them, undismayed at the havock which was made among his small
vessels by the Portuguese cannon. Most unfortunately at this time the
ship of Don Lorenzo ran foul of some stakes in the bed of the river, and
let in so much water that she was in danger of sinking. The brave
Lorenzo exerted himself to the utmost in this perilous situation, till a
ball broke his thigh; then ordering himself to be set up leaning against
the main-mast, he continued to encourage his men till another ball broke
his back and killed him. His body was thrown below deck, where it was
followed by his page Gato, who lamented the fate of his master with
tears mixed with blood, having been shot through the eye by an arrow.
After a vigorous resistance, the Moors boarded the ship, and found Gato
beside his masters body. He immediately rose and slew as many of the
Moors as covered the body of Lorenzo, and then fell dead among them. At
length the ship sunk, and of above an hundred men who belonged to her
only nineteen escaped. In all the Portuguese ships an hundred and forty
men were slain, while the enemy lost upwards of six hundred. The other
captains got to Cochin, where the viceroy then was, and who received the
intelligence of his sons glorious death with wonderful resolution.
Soon after the defeat of the Portuguese fleet at Chaul, Almeyda received
a letter from Malek Azz. This man was born in slavery, being descended
of heretic Christian parents of Russia, and had risen by degrees to the
rank he now held. The origin of his advancement was owing to the
following trivial incident. One day a kite flying over the king of
Cambaya, muted on his head, on which the king was so enraged that he
declared he would give all he was worth to have the kite killed. Malek
Azz who heard this, was an excellent bowman, and immediately let fly an
arrow which brought down the kite. The king of Cambaya rewarded this
lucky shot so bountifully, that the archer soon rose to be lord of Diu,
a famous sea-port in Guzerat, seated on a triangular peninsula, which is
joined to the continent by so small an isthmus that it is generally
reputed an island. In this letter to the viceroy, Malek Azz craftily
endeavoured to secure himself at the same time both in the favour of the
king of Cambaya, and to conciliate the Portuguese, though he mortally
hated them for the injury they had done to the trade of Diu. While he
pretended to condole with the viceroy on the death of his son, whose
bravery he extolled in exalted terms, he sent him the nineteen men saved
from his sons ship, who had been made prisoners in the late battle;
endeavouring by this conciliatory conduct to appease his wrath for
having aided Mir Husseyn and occasioned the defeat of the Portuguese.
In this same year 1508, seventeen vessels sailed for India from Lisbon
about the beginning of April, which were all separated by bad weather,
but all rejoined at Mozambique, except one which was lost on the Islands
of Tristan de Cunna. These ships, with those of the former year, coming
all together to India about the close of the year 1508, greatly raised
the courage of the Portuguese, which had been much depressed by their
defeat at Chaul. By this fleet an order came from the king for Don
Francisco de Almeyda to resign the government of India to Don Alfonso de
Albuquerque, and to return to Portugal in one of the trading ships. But
Almeyda took upon him to suspend the execution of this order, under
pretence that he had already made preparations for taking revenge upon
Mir Husseyn, and the Rums or Turks[105] who had slain his son. Owing to
this a controversy arose between Albuquerque and Almeyda, the former
demanding possession of the government, which the latter refused to
demit; which became a precedent for succeeding governors to protract the
time of their command. Albuquerque, much offended by this conduct of
Almeyda, retired to Cochin, where he appears to have lived in private
till the departure of Almeyda from India.
[Footnote 105: The Turks, as having conquered the eastern Roman empire,
have succeeded in India to the name of Rums, Rumi, or Romans. The
Circassian Mamelukes of Egypt are here named Turks, because so soon
afterwards conquered by that nation.--E.]
Having dispatched the homeward bound ships under the command of Fernando
Soarez and Ruy de Cunna, who perished by the way, Almeyda sailed on the
12th of November, 1508 from Cananor towards Diu in pursuit of Mir
Husseyn. On this expedition he had nineteen vessels of different sizes,
with 1600 soldiers and mariners, 400 of whom were native Malabars. All
western India was alarmed at this armament, but chiefly the zamorin and
Malek Azz, who had used every precaution in his power to ward off the
danger. Having landed with his officers in the delightful island of
Anchediva, Almeyda called a council of war, in which it was unanimously
determined to attack Dabul in the first place. This city was one of the
most noted on the coast[106], seated on a navigable river at the
distance of two leagues from the sea. Its buildings were then
magnificent and stately, and it enjoyed considerable trade, the
inhabitants being a mixture of Pagans and Moors, subject to Sabay king
of the Decan. It was always defended by a considerable garrison, which
was at present augmented by 6000 men, being in fear of an attack from
the Portuguese, and new works had been raised for its defence, which
were planted with cannon. On the approach of the Portuguese fleet, the
inhabitants began to remove their families and goods into the country,
but were forbidden by the governor under pain of death; and the more to
encourage them he brought his own wife into the town, in which example
he was followed by many of the principal inhabitants, whose wives were
brought in from their country-houses.
[Footnote 106: Dabul is on the coast of Canara, in lat. 17° 46' N. in
that part usually called the Pirates coast, which is occupied by a
number of half independent Mahratta chieftains, who often plunder
defenceless trading ships, by means of armed grabs full of
desperadoes.--E.]
On the 30th of December 1508, the fleet entered the harbour, and the
troops immediately landed with the utmost promptitude, dividing into
three bodies to attack three several gates at once. The Moors made a
brave resistance at each attack, but the works being high, their shot
flew over the heads of the assailants, who were more obstructed by the
dead bodies than by the defenders or their works. Nunno Vaz Pereyra, who
was sent with a detachment to force an entrance at another place, put
the numerous troops who resisted him to flight after a brave resistance;
but they now fled in such haste towards the mountain, though pursued by
ten Portuguese only, that they tumbled over each other in their haste,
and retarded their own escape. In this fight, which lasted five hours,
fifteen hundred of the enemy were slain with the loss only of sixteen
Portuguese. Having gained possession, Almeyda distributed his men in
several quarters of the streets, with orders to keep strict guard, lest
the enemy might return; which they accordingly did by stealth in the
night, in order to recover their wives, children, and goods. In the
morning, the viceroy gave permission to his troops to plunder the town;
but this was speedily prevented by the houses taking fire, which in a
few hours reduced the whole to ashes, so that the booty did not exceed
150,000 ducats. In fact the town was purposely set on fire by the
private orders of the viceroy, lest the men might have been so satiated
by the riches of the place as to retard his ulterior designs. The ships
in the harbour were likewise destroyed by fire, to the no small risk of
the Portuguese ships which were very near.
In fitting out for this expedition, the viceroy had not laid in any
considerable store of provisions, as he expected to have got supplies on
the coast; but on sending to the neighbouring villages none was to be
had, as the last crop had been utterly eaten up by locusts, many of
which were found preserved in pots for food by the natives, and being
tasted by the Portuguese were found palatable, and not unlike shrimps.
This made them conclude that there were land shrimps, as in some places,
particularly in the vineyards about Rome, there are crabs found not
unlike those of the sea. Hence if locusts were not so numerous and
destructive, so as to blast the hopes of harvest and to be dreaded like
a plague, they might be useful as food; and we know from Scripture that
St John fed upon them in the desert.
Leaving Dabul, the viceroy proceeded for Diu, expecting to procure
provisions along the coast. Payo de Sousa, having seen some cattle
feeding on the banks of a river, went up the stream in his galley in
hopes of procuring some; but was opposed by the natives, and he and
George Guedez were both slain. Diego Mendez succeeded in the command of
that galley, and while continuing the voyage towards Diu he met one of
the Mameluke galleys going from Diu to Dabul, which was well manned and
commanded by a courageous and experienced Turk; who, on discovering the
Portuguese galley ordered all his soldiers to conceal themselves, so
that Mendez immediately boarded without suspecting any danger, on which
the Turks rushed out from their concealment and had almost gained the
Portuguese galley; but the Portuguese recovered from their surprise, and
made themselves masters of the Turkish galley, slaying every one of the
enemy without losing a single man on their side. The chief booty taken
on this occasion consisted of a young and beautiful Hungarian lady of
noble birth, who was brought to the viceroy, and given by him to Gaspard
de la India, who gave her to Diego Pereyra, who afterwards married her.
Farther on, they took in the river of Bombaim, now called Bombay, a bark
with twenty-four Moors belonging to Guzerat, by whose means they
procured a supply of sheep and rice, while some cattle were procured in
other places, and a farther supply was got at the fort of Maim, all the
people flying to the mountains from terror of the Portuguese, having
heard of what had happened at Dabul.
On the 2d of February 1509, the viceroy arrived at Diu, which from the
ships appeared a grand and spacious place, girt with strong walls and
lofty towers, all handsomely built and well laid out like towns in
Portugal, which recalled in the men the memory of their own country, and
animated their courage to achieve the conquest. Malek Azz the lord of
Diu was at this time with his army about twenty leagues distant, making
war upon the Rajaputs; but immediately on receiving notice of the
approach of the Portuguese fleet, he hastened to his capital with all
possible celerity. He had already used such precautions as not to excite
suspicions in Husseyn of his fidelity, though little inclined to assist
him, and he was now anxious not to exasperate the viceroy in case of his
proving victorious. Taking into consideration the strength of the place,
the courage and conduct of Azz and Husseyn, and above all that there
were above two hundred vessels well manned and armed, he thought it
necessary to proceed with the greatest circumspection, and accordingly
it was settled in a council of war, that Nunna Vaz Pereyra should lead
in with his ship, in which there were 120 fighting men, many of them
gentlemen of tried valour. Pereyra was to be seconded by George de Melo,
whose crew was equally numerous; after which the rest of the ships were
to follow in succession, having from 80 down to 25 men in each according
to their size. The night was spent by the Portuguese in anxious
preparation for the approaching conflict, by exercises of religion and
putting their arms of all kinds in order.
Between nine and ten next morning, when the tide had risen sufficiently
to float the ships over the bar, the viceroy gave the signal for
entering the port in the appointed order, and the fleet moved on amid
the noise of loud shouts and the din of warlike instruments from both
sides. The vessels belonging to Malek Azz made haste to oppose the
entrance of the Portuguese, and poured in a shower of bullets and arrows
into the galley commanded by Diego Perez who led the way for Nunno Vaz,
by which ten men were slain; yet Nunno courageously continued his
course, pouring his shot among the large ships of the enemy and sunk one
of them. Vaz was in great danger between two ships of the enemy, when
Melo came up gallantly to his rescue, and ran so furiously upon one of
these ships that he drove it up against the ship commanded by Vaz, so
much disabled that it was immediately boarded and taken by the next ship
in succession commanded by Sebastian de Miranda. All the ships having
penetrated into the harbour, pushed on in emulation of each other who
should do most damage to the enemy; while the viceroy, placing himself
in the midst of the enemy, directed his shot wherever it seemed most
calculated to annoy the enemy and to aid his own ships. In this manner
the action continued to rage for some time with reciprocal courage and
violence, till at length the paraos belonging to Calicut fled along the
coast, giving out every where that the _Rumis_ or Mamelukes were
victorious.
On the flight of the Moors of Calicut, and seeing many of his fleet
destroyed, Mir Husseyn, who was wounded, went on shore in disguise; and
mounting on horseback, went in all haste to the king of Cambaya, being
no less fearful of the fury of the Portuguese than of the treachery of
Malek Azz, against whom he made loud complaints, that though he had
given aid in the battle with his vessels, he had not assisted in person.
Yet did not the absence of Husseyn discourage his men, for those of his
own vessel being boarded disdained to yield, and fought valiantly till
they were all slain. The Portuguese now attempted to carry a large ship
belonging to Malek Azz by boarding, but being unable to succeed, the
ship commanded by the viceroy in person sunk her by repeated broadsides.
Antonio de Campo boarded and took a large galleon. Ruy Soarez, who was
next in order to enter the harbour, dashed boldly through the thickest
of the enemies ships and placed his vessel in front of the city, where
he fought his ship in so gallant a style, forcing the crews to abandon
two gallies, which he took, that being noticed by the viceroy he
exclaimed, "Who is this who so nobly excels the rest? I wish I were he!"
The victory was now complete, and the viceroy and all the captains
assailed the smaller vessels, whose crews endeavoured to escape by
swimming; but the gallies and boats of the Portuguese being sent among
them, killed such numbers that the sea was dyed in blood. In this great
battle, the enemy lost above 1500 men, and the Portuguese only 40. Vast
riches were acquired by plunder in the captured vessels; and by the
great variety of books which were found in different languages, it was
concluded that the crews were made up of various nations. Some of these
books were in Latin, some in Italian, and others in Portuguese.[107] The
colours of the Soldan and of his admiral Mir Husseyn were taken, and
afterwards sent to the king of Portugal. Of all the vessels taken in
this glorious and decisive victory, four ships and two gallies only were
preserved, all the rest being ordered to be burnt by Almeyda. This great
victory would have much more redounded to the honour of the Portuguese
arms, had not the conquered been treated with barbarous cruelty: owing
to which, many persons very reasonably considered the unhappy end of
Almeyda and other gentlemen, as a just punishment for their crimes on
this occasion.[108]
[Footnote 107: It is hardly necessary to observe that these books
belonged in all probability to Christian galley slaves serving under the
Mamelukes.--E.]
[Footnote 108: Though not called upon to vindicate the conduct of
Albuquerque and the Portuguese on this occasion; it may be noticed that
the almost interminable war which subsisted for many centuries between
the Christians and Moors of the Peninsula, and after the expulsion of
the latter, with the states of Barbary; joined to the hellish
Inquisition on the one side, and the most degrading slavery inflicted on
both by their enemies, long nourished the most rancorous spirit of
enmity and hatred, now farther exalted by commercial rivalship.--E.]
Next morning Malek Azz sent a message to Almeyda by one of his principal
officers, in which he congratulated the Portuguese viceroy on his
glorious victory, with which he pretended to be well pleased. It was
reported in the Portuguese fleet that the city of Diu was in the utmost
consternation, being afraid of an assault from the victors; and when the
Portuguese saw that Almeyda seemed inclined to accept the congratulatory
compliments of Azz in good part, they complained of him for checking
them in the career of fortune. On being informed of these murmurs, the
viceroy convened his principal officers, and represented to them that he
did not act on the present occasion from any regard to Malek Azz, but
out of respect for the king of Cambaya who was still the friend of the
Portuguese, and to whom the city of Diu belonged. He requested them
likewise to consider that the city was strongly fortified, and defended
by a numerous garrison; That they were already fatigued by the exertions
of the late battle; and that between the men who had been slain and
wounded, and those who were sick, out of 1200 there were now only 600
fit to carry arms in the assault of Diu: Even supposing they were to
succeed in capturing the place, it would be utterly impossible to
maintain possession of it; and that they might easily revenge themselves
of Malek Azz by the capture of his trading ships. All the officers being
completely satisfied by these reasons, the viceroy received the envoy of
Malek Azz very graciously, and told him that two motives had principally
induced him to make the late assault on Diu; one of which was to be
revenged on the _Rumi_ or Mamelukes, and the other to recover the
Portuguese prisoners who had been taken by them at Chaul, as he
considered them in the same light as the son he had lost on that former
occasion. The first object he had already completely attained, and he
demanded immediately to obtain the second, by having all the Portuguese
prisoners in the power of Malek Azz delivered up to him. He demanded in
addition to these, that all the artillery and ammunition which had
belonged to the _Rumi_, still remaining in such of their ships as had
been hawled on shore, should be delivered up, and these ships burnt; and
that Malek Azz should supply the Portuguese fleet with provisions.
All these conditions were readily agreed to by Malek Azz, and executed
with the utmost readiness and punctuality; in consequence of which a
treaty of peace and friendship was settled between Azz and the viceroy.
Almeyda left one of the liberated Portuguese prisoners at Diu, to load
two ships with such articles as were in request at Cochin and Cananor;
and besides supplying his own fleet with provisions, he dispatched
Norenha with a supply of provisions, and some of the booty procured in
the late battle, to his brother Don Alfonso at Socotora. These important
affairs being dispatched, the viceroy left Diu and proceeded to Chaul,
where the king was so much intimidated by the accounts he had received
of the late victory, that he submitted to pay an yearly tribute. Passing
thence to Cananor, he was received in the most honourable manner; and
entered afterwards into Cochin in triumph. Even before he had laid aside
his festive ornaments, Albuquerque pressed him to resign the government,
pursuant to the royal orders; but the viceroy begged he would give him
time to divest himself of his present heavy robes, after which there
would be sufficient opportunity to talk of those matters. Evil
councillors fomented the dispute on both sides, some persuading the
viceroy to retain the government in his hands, while others incited
Albuquerque to insist upon his resignation. The rajah of Cochin even
became in some measure a party in these dispute, insomuch that he
delayed loading two homeward bound ships with pepper, till Albuquerque
should be installed in the government. Disputes at length rose so high,
that Almeyda sent Albuquerque as a prisoner to Cananor, where he was
courteously received by Lorenzo de Brito who commanded there; and to
whom Almeyda wrote a few days afterwards to conduct himself towards the
prisoner as one who was soon to be viceroy of India.
Some considerable time before this, the king of Portugal having been
informed of the preparations which were making by the Soldan of Egypt,
resolved to send a powerful reinforcement to India. This consisted of
fifteen sail of ships commanded by Don Fernando Coutinno, who had an
extraordinary power given him to regulate all matters that might happen
to be amiss, as if the king had even surmised the probability of a
disagreement between Almeyda and Albuquerque. Coutinno arrived safely at
Cananor, whence he carried Alfonso de Albuquerque along with him to
Cochin as viceroy. At first Coutinno treated Almeyda with much civility,
but afterwards thwarted him, as he refused to let him have a ship which
he had purposely prepared and fitted out for his return to Lisbon, and
was obliged to put up with another which he had no mind to.
Don Francisco de Almeyda, now divested of the viceroyalty which indeed
he had for some time unlawfully retained, sailed from Cochin on the 19th
of November 1509, with two more ships in company. Before leaving Cochin
some of the sorcerers or astrologers of that place predicted that he
would not pass the Cape of Good Hope. He did pass the Cape however, but
was slain and buried at the Bay of Saldanna only a few leagues beyond
that place. Having passed the Cape of Good Hope with fine weather, he
observed to some of his attendants, "Now God be praised! the witches of
Cochin are liars." Near that place, he put into the Bay of Saldanna to
procure a supply of water; and as some of the people went on shore to
exchange goods with the natives for provisions, a servant belonging to
the ex-viceroy treated two of the Hottentots so ill that they knocked
out two of his teeth and sent him away bleeding. Some of the attendants
upon Almeyda thought proper to consider this as an affront which ought
to be avenged, and persuaded him to go on shore for that purpose, when
they ought to have counselled him to punish the servant for abusing
people among whom they sought relief. Almeyda yielded to their improper
suggestions, though against his inclination, being heard to exclaim as
he went into the boat, "Ah! whether and for what end do they now carry
my old age?" Accompanied by about 150 men, the choice of the ships, they
went to a miserable village, whence they carried off some cattle and
children. When on their return to the boats, they were attacked by 170
natives, who had fled to the mountains, but now took courage in defence
of their children; and though these naked savages were only armed with
pointed stakes hardened in the fire, they soon killed fifty of the
Portuguese and Almeyda among them, who was struck through the throat,
and died kneeling on the sea-shores with his hands and eyes raised to
heaven. Melo returned with the wounded men to the ships, and when the
natives were withdrawn from the shore, he again landed with a party and
buried Almeyda and the others who had been slain. This was a manifest
judgment of God, that so few unarmed savages should so easily overcome
those who had performed such heroic actions in India.
Don Francisco de Almeyda was the seventh son of Don Lope de Almeyda,
Count of Abrantes, and was a knight of the order of St Jago. He was
graceful in his person, ripe in council, continent in his actions, an
enemy to avarice, liberal and grateful for services, and obliging in his
carriage. In his ordinary dress, he wore a black coat, instead of the
cloak now used, a doublet of crimson satin of which the sleeves were
seen, and black breeches reaching from the waist to the feet. He is
represented in his portrait as carrying a truncheon in his right hand,
while the left rests on the guard of his sword, which hangs almost
directly before him[109].
[Footnote 109: De Faria uniformly gives some description, as here, of
the persons and dress of the successive viceroys and governors of
Portuguese India; which however has been generally omitted in the
sequel.--E.]
Among the ships which were dispatched from Lisbon for India in 1508,
were two squadrons under the command of Duarte de Lemos and Diego Lopez
de Sequeira, which were sent upon separate services, and which could not
be conveniently taken notice of in their proper place. After
encountering a storm, Lemos arrived at a place called _Medones de Oro_,
whence he went to Madagascar, and thence to Mozambique, where he was
rejoined by the rest of the squadron, except one ship commanded by
George de Aguilar, which was lost. He now assumed the government of the
coasts of Ethiopia and Arabia, according to his commission from the
king. From Mozambique he sailed for Melinda, whence he proceeded to
visit the several islands and towns along the eastern coast of Africa to
compel payment of the tribute they had been in use to pay to Quiloa, and
which was now considered as belonging of right to the crown of Portugal
by the conquest of that place. Monfia submitted. Zanzibar resisted, but
the inhabitants were driven to the mountains and the town plundered.
Pemba acted in a similar manner, the inhabitants taking refuge in
Mombaza, and leaving their houses empty; but some plunder was taken in a
small fort in which the sheikh had left such things as he had not been
able to remove. Returning to Melinda, he gave the necessary orders for
conducting the trade of Sofala.
Lemos departed from Melinda for the coast of Arabia with seven ships,
one of which was separated from the rest in the night on the coast of
Magadoxa, and carried by the current to the port of Zeyla near the mouth
of the Red Sea, and there taken by the Moors. In his progress along the
Arabian coast, Lemos managed the towns more by cunning than force. Using
the same conduct at Ormuz, he was well treated by the king and Khojah
Attar, and received from them the stipulated tribute of 15,000
xerephines. From this place he dispatched Vasco de Sylveyra to India,
who was afterwards killed at Calicut. He then went to Socotora, of which
he gave the command to Pedro Ferreira, sending Don Antonio Noronha to
India, who fell in with and took a richly laden ship belonging to the
Moors. Noronha manned the prize with some Portuguese; but she was cast
away in a storm between Dabul and Goa and the men made prisoners. His
own ship was stranded in the Bay of Cambaya, where he and some others
who attempted to get on shore in the boat were all lost, while about
thirty who remained in the ship were made prisoners by the Moors and
sent to the king of Cambaya. On his return to Melinda, Lemos took a
Moorish vessel with a rich loading. When the winter was passed, he
returned to Socotora, where he found Francisco Pantaja, who had come
from India with provisions, and had made prize of a rich ship belonging
to Cambaya; the great wealth procured in which he generously shared with
Lemos and his men, saying they had a right to it as being taken within
the limits of his government. Finding himself now too weak for any
farther enterprises, Lemos sailed for India, where he was received with
much civility by Albuquerque, who was now in possession of the
government.
Diego Lopez de Sequeira, the other captain who sailed from Lisbon at the
same time with Lemos, was entrusted with the discovery of Madagascar and
Malacca. Arriving at the port of St Sebastian in the island of
Madagascar, he run along the coast of that island, using a Portuguese as
his interpreter, who had been left there[110] and had acquired the
language. In the course of this part of his voyage he had some
intercourse with a king or prince of the natives named _Diaman_, by whom
he was civilly treated; but being unable to procure intelligence of any
spices or silver, the great object of his voyage, and finding much
trouble and no profit, he proceeded to India in the prosecution of the
farther orders he had received from the king. He was well received by
Almeyda, then viceroy, who gave him an additional ship commanded by
Garcia de Sousa, to assist in the discovery of Malacca. In the
prosecution of his voyage, he was well treated by the kings of Pedir and
Pacem[111], who sent him presents, and at both places he erected crosses
indicating discovery and possession. He at length cast anchor in the
port of Malacca, where he terrified the people by the thunder of his
cannon, so that every one hastened on board their ships to endeavour to
defend themselves from this new and unwelcome guest.
[Footnote 110: Probably a malefactor left on purpose, as has been
formerly mentioned from Castaneda in our _second_ volume.--E.]
[Footnote 111: Pedier and Pisang; as called by the English.--Astl. I.
70. b.] A boat came off with a message from the town, to inquire who
they were and what they wanted, to which Lopez sent back for answer that
he brought an ambassador from the king of Portugal, to propose entering
into a treaty of peace and commerce advantageous for the king and city
of Malacca. The king sent back a message in dubious language, such as is
usual among the orientals when they mean to act treacherously, as some
of the Moorish merchants, from enmity to the Portuguese, had prevailed
upon him and his favourite Bandara, by means of rich presents, to
destroy Lopez and the Portuguese. On the third day, Lopez sent Hierom
Teixeyra in the character of ambassador, attended by a splendid retinue,
who was well received on shore, and conducted on an elephant to the
king, from whom he returned well pleased. All this was only a bait to
entrap the Portuguese to their destruction; and in addition, the king
sent an invitation to Lopez to dine with him in public. Lopez accepted
this invitation, but was informed by a friend of _Jao-Utimuti-rajah_,
that the king intended to murder him, on which he sent an excuse under
pretence of indisposition. Credit was now given to an advice sent by a
Persian woman to Duarte Fernandez, after she had been prevented by
Sequeira from coming on board under night, thinking she came on an
amorous errand, but which contributed to save the ships. Another
contrivance was put in practice to destroy Lopez and his ships, by
offering a lading of spice, and pretending that it was requisite to send
for it to three several places. This succeeded in part; as while thirty
men were sent on shore according to agreement, a fleet of small vessels
was secretly prepared under cover of a point of land, ready to assault
the ships, while the thirty men were to be murdered in the town. At this
time likewise, a son of Utimuti-rajah came on board under pretence of a
visit to Lopez, and finding him engaged at draughts requested him to
continue his game, that he might have the better opportunity of
assassinating him unobserved; and in fact he frequently put his hand to
his dagger for that purpose, but waited till the other branches of the
intended treachery should begin. At this time, a seaman on one of the
tops who was on the outlook, seeing a throng in the town and hearing a
considerable noise, called out 'Treachery! Treachery! they kill our
men.' Lopez instantly threw away the draught board, calling out to arms;
and the son of Utimuti, perceiving the treacherous designs discovered,
leapt into his boat with his attendants in great consternation. The
fleet of boats now came round the point and attacked the Portuguese, who
exerted themselves as well as possible in their defence, considering the
suddenness of the attack; and after sinking many of the enemies boats,
forced the rest to retire. Not having a sufficient force to take
vengeance for this treachery, Lopez was under the necessity of quitting
Malacca, where he left sixty of his men in slavery, who were made
prisoners on shore, and having eight slain. On his way back he took two
Moorish ships bound for Malacca; and, having arrived at Cape Comorin, he
sent on Teixeyra and Sousa with their ships to Cochin; resolving, though
ill provided, to return alone to Portugal, being afraid of Albuquerque,
as he had sided with Almeyda in the late disputes respecting the
government of India. He reached the island of Tercera with much
difficulty, and from thence proceeded to Lisbon.
SECTION V.
_Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of Don
Alfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515_.
Being put into possession of the government of India in November 1509,
Albuquerque prepared for an expedition against Calicut, in conjunction
with Fernando Coutinno. The design was kept secret, yet the zamorin and
all the other princes along the coast provided for their defence, on
hearing that the Portuguese were making preparations for war. Setting
out from Cochin with thirty vessels of various sizes and 1800 land
forces, besides several boats full of Malabars who followed in hopes of
plunder, he arrived at Calicut on the 2d of January 1510; and consulting
on the difficulties attending the enterprise, it was determined that the
division of the fleet belonging to Albuquerque should be left in charge
of Don Antonio de Noronha, while that belonging to Coutinno was to be
commanded by Rodrigo Rabelo. Every one strove to be so posted as to land
first, and the men were so eager for landing that they were under arms
all night, and so tired in the morning that they were fitter for sleep
than fighting, yet soon recovered when the signal was given and the
cannon began to roar.
The troops landed in two divisions; that under Coutinno consisting of
800 men with some field-pieces, and that commanded by Albuquerque of the
same number of Portuguese troops, together with 600 Malabars. They
marched in strange confusion, each striving to be foremost. The first
attack was made on the bulwark or bastion of Ceram by De Cunna and De
Sousa, who were bravely resisted by 600 men, till on the coming up of
Albuquerque, the defenders fled and the Portuguese got possession of the
bulwark. Being fearful of some disastrous event from the confusion of
his men, Albuquerque sent notice to Coutinno, who came with all speed to
his assistance. On seeing the Portuguese colours flying on the bulwark,
Coutinno believed he had been called back by a contrivance of the
viceroy to prevent him from acquiring honour, and addressed him in the
following terms. "Were you ambitious, Sir, that the rabble of Lisbon
should report you were the first in storming Cochin, that you thus recal
me? I shall tell the king that I could have entered it with only this
cane in my hand; and since I find no one to fight with, I am resolved to
proceed to the palace of the zamorin!" Without waiting any reply from
Albuquerque, Coutinno immediately marched his men to the palace. Being
above five leagues from the shore, and the road much encumbered with
palm trees, and having met some opposition by the way, Coutinno and his
people were tired by their long march, and rested some time in a plain
before the palace. He then attacked it, and though well defended, the
Moors[112] were forced to fly to the woods and mountains. The Portuguese
soldiers being now possessed of the palace, quitted their ranks and
began plundering in a disorderly manner, as if they had been close to
the shore under protection of their ships, and had no enemy to fear. But
the enemy having procured reinforcements, returned to the palace, and
fell upon the disordered Portuguese, many of whom they killed while
loaded with plunder, and did much harm to Coutinno and his men, though
Vasco de Sylveira signalized himself by killing two of three chiefs
called _Caymals_.
[Footnote 112: The author here very improperly calls the Nayres, or
Malabar soldiers of the zamorin, Moors; though in all probability there
might be some Mahometans among the defenders of Calicut.--E.]
In the meantime Albuquerque had got possession of the city of Cochin,
which he set on fire; and finding no enemy to oppose him, he thought
proper to march to the palace to see what Coutinno was about. On his
arrival he found the palace surrounded by armed men, and that Coutinno
was within in the most imminent danger. Having cleared the way from the
enemy, he sent word to Coutinno that he waited for him; and after the
third message, Coutinno sent back word that Albuquerque might march on
and he would follow, being busy in collecting his men who were dispersed
over the palace. Albuquerque accordingly began his march, much pressed
upon by the enemy, and had not marched far when he received notice that
Coutinno was in great danger. He immediately endeavoured to return to
his relief, but was impeded by the multitude of the enemy, who slew
many of his men, and he was himself so severely wounded by a dart in the
throat, and a stone on the head, that he was carried senseless to the
shore.
By this time Coutinno and many more were slain in the palace, and
several others on their way back to the shore; being oppressed by the
multitude of the enemy, spent with labour and heat, and almost stifled
by the great dust. The whole of Coutinnos division had certainly been
cut off, if Vasconcelles and Andrada, who had been left in the city with
a reserve of 200[113] men had not checked the fury of the enemy and
forced them to retire. There was now as keen a contest about who should
get first on board, as had been about landing first, not considering
that all their misfortunes had been occasioned by hurry and confusion.
At length they got on board and sailed on their return to Cochin, having
lost 80[114] men in this ill conducted enterprise, among whom were
Coutinno and many persons of note. On recovering his senses while at
sea, Albuquerque gave orders for the dispatch of the homeward bound
ships; and on his arrival at Cochin, immediately made preparations for
an attempt to reduce Ormuz.
[Footnote 113: In Paris, this reserve is stated at 2000 men, obviously a
typographical error, yet copied in Astley's Collection, without
considering that the whole original force was only 1800.--E.]
[Footnote 114: The loss acknowledged in the text is ridiculously small
for so disastrous an enterprise, and we are almost tempted to suspect
the converse of the error noticed in the preceding note, and that the
loss might have been 800.--E.]
Being recovered from his wounds, all the preparations made for his
expedition to Ormuz, and the homeward trading ships dispatched,
Albuquerque set sail from Cochin with 1700 troops in 21 vessels of
various sorts and sizes. On arriving at the river of Onor, he sent for
the pirate _Timoja_, who being powerful and desirous of acquiring the
friendship of the Portuguese, came immediately and supplied Albuquerque
with provisions. Being skilful in the political affairs of India,
Albuquerque consulted Timoja respecting his intended enterprise against
Ormuz; but he endeavoured to dissuade him from that attempt,
endeavouring to shew that Goa would be a more advantageous conquest, and
might be easily taken as quite unprovided for defence. This advice
pleased Albuquerque, and it was resolved upon in a council of war to
change the destination of the armament, for which Timoja agreed to
supply twelve ships, but gave out that he meant to accompany the
Portuguese to Ormuz, that the governor of Goa might not be provided for
defence. Timoja had been dispossessed of his inheritance and ill treated
by his kindred and neighbours, and the desire of vengeance and of
recovering his losses caused him to embrace the alliance of the
Portuguese against the interest of his own countrymen.
The small island of Ticuari, in which the city of Goa stands, is
situated in lat. 15° 30' N. in a bay at the mouth of the river Gasim on
the coast of Canara, being about three leagues long and one broad. It
contains both hill and level ground, has good water, and is fertile,
pleasant, and healthy. The city of Goa, now seated on the northern part
of the island, was formerly in its southern part. The present city was
built by a Moor named Malek Husseyn about 40 years before the arrival of
the Portuguese in India. It is not known when the old city was founded,
but some authentic writings mention that _Martrasat_, king of that city
above 100 years before, believed in one God, the incarnation of the Son,
and the Trinity in Unity; besides which, a copper crucifix was found
affixed to a wall when the city was taken. These Christians may have
been descendants from the converts to the true faith through the
ministration of the holy apostle Thomas.
About the year 1300 the Mahometans began to conquer India[115]. The
first who attempted this with great power was Shah Mahmud
Nasraddin[116], king of Delhi, who came down with a powerful army from
the north, and conquered all the gentiles as far as the kingdom of
Canara. He returned to Delhi, leaving Habed Shah to prosecute the
conquest, who became so powerful by his valour and conduct that he coped
with his master; and his nephew Madura prosecuting his enterprise after
the decease of Habed, cast off his allegiance to the king of Delhi, and
having possessed himself of the kingdom of Canara, called it the Deccan,
from the various nations composing his army, this word having that
import in their language[117]. Too great an empire is always in danger
of falling to pieces. Mahmud Shah[118], being aware of this, used every
possible precaution for his safety, which was effectual for some time;
but at length several of the governors of this extensive empire erected
their provinces into independent sovereignties. The greatest of these
was he of Goa, the sovereign of which about the time of the Portuguese
coming into India was named Sabayo, who died about the time that
Albuquerque went against Goa; upon which Kufo Adel Khan, king of
Bisnagar possessed himself of Goa, and placed it in the hands of his son
Ismael. The other princes were Nizamaluco, Mudremaluco, Melek Verido,
Khojah Mozadan, Abexeiassado, and Cotèmaluco, all powerful but some of
them exceedingly so[119]. Sabayo was born of very mean parentage at Saba
in Persia, whence his name; but having long served the king of the
Deccan with great fidelity, had a grant of the city of Calberga, whence
he extended his conquests over the Pagans of Bisnagar, and reduced Goa
which had belonged to the Moors of Onor, killing Malek Husseyn its
prince or ruler who defended it with a garrison of twelve hundred men.
Goa had several dependencies, with which and the other territories he
had acquired Sabayo, became the most powerful prince in these parts, and
was consequently hated by them all. He maintained himself however
against all his neighbours while he lived, sometimes by means of force,
and at other times by profound policy; but his death produced great
alteration.
[Footnote 115: From various circumstances in the context, the word
India, is here evidently confined to the peninsula to the south of the
Nerbudda, called generally Deccan, or the south.--E]
[Footnote 116: He was the sixth king of a dynasty of Turks from Persia,
which founded the kingdom of Delhi in 12O2, or rather usurped it from
the family of Ghaur, who conquered it in 1155 from that of Ghazni, which
had subdued all India in 1001 as far as the Ganges. Mahmud Shah Nasr
Addin began his reign in 1246, so that the conquests mentioned in the
text must have happened considerably before 1300.--Astl. I. 71. 2.]
[Footnote 117: Deccan or Dakshin signifies the _south,_ and is properly
that portion of India which lies between the Nerbudda and Kistna river.
It would far exceed the bounds of a note to illustrate the Indian
history, which is very confusedly, and imperfectly stated in the
text.--E.]
[Footnote 118: In the text of Faria named Mamud-xa, and probably the
same person named immediately before Madura.--E.]
[Footnote 119: These names are strangely corrupted in the Portuguese
orthography of Faria, and the princes are not well distinguished. Only
three of them were very considerable: Nizam Shah, or Nizam-al-Mulk, to
whom belonged Viziapour; Koth, or Kothb-shah, or Kothb-al-Mulk, the same
with Cotamaluco of the text, who possessed Golconda; and Kufo Adel Khan,
called Cufo king of Hidalcan in Faria, who held Bisnagar.--Astley, I.
71. d.--The great king of Narsinga is here omitted; which Hindoo
sovereignty seems at that time to have comprised the whole of southern
India, from the western Gauts to the Bay of Bengal, now the high and low
Carnatic with Mysore.--E.]
Having sailed from Onor accompanied by Timoja, Albuquerque came to
anchor off the bar of Goa on the 25th of February 1510. As it was
necessary to sail up the northern arm of the bay or river, on the bank
of which the city was situated, Albuquerque sent his nephew Antonio de
Noronha, accompanied by Timoja, to sound the channel. A light vessel of
easy draught of water which led the way gave chase to a brigantine
belonging to the Moors, which took shelter under protection of a fort or
blockhouse, erected for protecting the entrance of the harbour, which
was well provided with artillery and garrisoned by 400 men, commanded by
Yazu Gorji, a valiant Turk. Seeing the other vessel in chase, Noronha
pressed after him; and though the fort seemed strong, they attacked and
took it after a stout resistance, during which the commandant lost
greater part of one of his hands, yet persisted to defend his post till
deserted by his men, when he too retired into the city. In the mean
time, in emulation of his new allies, Timoja attacked and took another
blockhouse on the continental shore of the channel leading to Goa, which
was defended by some artillery and forty men. After these exploits the
channel was sounded without any farther obstruction.
Next day, as Albuquerque was sailing up the channel to proceed in his
enterprise, he was met by Mir Ali and other chief men of the city, who
came to surrender it to him, only stipulating, that their lives,
liberties, and goods should be secured. The reason of this surrender was
because Gorji had terrified them by his account of the astonishing and
irresistible prowess of the Portuguese, and because a _Joghi_, or native
religious saint, had predicted a short time before, that Goa was soon to
be subjected by strangers. Albuquerque readily accepted the surrender on
the terms proposed, and having anchored before the town on the 27th of
February, was received on shore by the inhabitants with as much honour
and respect, as if he had been their native prince. Mounting on a
superbly caparisoned horse which was brought for his use, he received
the keys of the city gates, and rode in great pomp to the palace which
had been built by Sabayo, where he found a great quantity of cannon,
arms, warlike ammunition, and horses. Having issued orders and
regulations which were much to the satisfaction of the inhabitants, he
dispatched several messages or embassies to the neighbouring sovereigns,
the only effect, of which was to shew his high spirit. Such of the
neighbouring towns as were dependent upon God, sent deputations without
delay to proffer their obedience and submission. The command of the
fort or castle was given to Don Antonio de Noronha, the government of
the infidels to Timoja, and the other offices were disposed of to the
general satisfaction. Understanding that several ships belonging to
Ormuz and other places on the Arabian coast, were lading in the port of
Baticala, four Portuguese vessels were sent thither, which took and
carried them to Cochin, and sent an ample supply of provisions to Goa.
About four months after the easy conquest of Goa, the fortune of
Albuquerque began to change its appearance, as those persons in Goa on
whose fidelity he had reposed most confidence, in spite of the
remonstrances of Timoja, entered into plots to deliver up the place to
its former master Ismael. They had submitted so easily to Albuquerque,
because unprovided for effectual resistance, to save their properties,
and to gain time till Ismael Adel Khan was prepared to come to their
relief. Having at length completed his preparations, he sent on before
him in June 1510 his general-in-chief Kamul Khan with 1500 horse and
8000 foot, on which Albuquerque took proper measures to defend his
recent acquisition. Having detected a conspiracy of the Moors to deliver
up the city, his first step was to secure and punish the chief
conspirators; among these were Mir Cassem and his nephew, to whom he had
confided the command of four hundred Moors, whom he caused to be hewed
in pieces by his guards; several others were hanged in the most public
places of the city, and the rest were rigorously imprisoned, above 100
being convicted of participating in the plot. By these rigid measures
the city was terrified into submission.
Soon afterwards Kamul Khan approached with the van of the army of
Ismael, and attempted to pass over into the island by means of boats
which he had provided for that purpose. He was courageously opposed by
Noronha, who captured twelve of the boats; many of the enemy were killed
by the Portuguese, and many others devoured by the alligators which
swarmed in the channel round the island; but at length Kamul Khan
effected a landing in force on the island, and the Portuguese were
obliged to take refuge within the walls of the city. Kamul Khan then
invested the city with his army, which he began to batter with his
cannon, and Albuquerque used every possible effort to defend the place.
Ismael Adel Khan now came up to second his general, at the head of
60,000 men, 5000 of whom were cavalry. Part of this great army passed
over into the island to strengthen the besiegers, and the rest took post
in two divisions on the continent to prevent the introduction of
provisions, one of these being commanded by an officer of reputation,
and the other by the mother and women belonging to Ismael, who
maintained their troops by _the gain from 4000 prostitutes_, who
followed the camp. By the arrival of this vast army the city of Goa was
completely surrounded, and no opportunity was left for Albuquerque to
execute any enterprise against the numerous assailants. Making what was
necessary prudent, he and his officers resolved to abandon the city
before day, which was accordingly executed though with much hazard, the
way being occupied by the troops of the enemy, and Albuquerque had his
horse killed under him; yet he got off all his men without loss after a
siege of twenty days.
After this retreat, it was resolved to spend the winter in these seas,
for which purpose the fleet came to anchor in a bay, which although not
commodious was the best that could be had on this part of the coast; and
being incommoded by a fort named _Pangi_ which had a considerable number
of cannon, it became necessary to gain possession[120]. Accordingly 300
Portuguese troops were appointed for the assault, while Noronha had the
command of a body of reserve, and Albuquerque guarded the shore. While
the Portuguese prepared during the night to assail the fort next
morning, 500 men marched by order of Ismael to reinforce the garrison;
and when the Portuguese marched to the assault, both the Moorish
garrison and the relief, being all drunk, mistook the Portuguese for
friends; the garrison believing them to be the reinforcement, and the
relief conceiving them to have been the garrison coming out to meet
them. They were soon however fatally undeceived by the attack of the
Portuguese, in which 340 of them were slain, and the rest put to the
rout, while the Portuguese only lost one man who was drowned
accidentally. A similar circumstance happened at the bulwark which had
been formerly won by Timoja at _Bardes_. By these two severe defeats of
his people, Ismael was so excessively alarmed that he left Goa, and his
fear was much increased as some conjurer had foretold that he was to be
killed by a cannon-shot near some river. He sent several ceremonious
messages to Albuquerque, on purpose to discover what was doing on board
the ships, and by the threatening answers he received his fears were
materially augmented. In consequence of this intercourse of messages,
Ismael was prevailed on to exchange some Portuguese, who had necessarily
been left behind when Goa was abandoned; for the Moors engaged in the
late conspiracy who remained prisoners with Albuquerque.
[Footnote 120: From the context it is obvious that this bay and the fort
of Pangi were in the close neighbourhood, of Goa; in fact the bay
appears to have been the channel leading to Goa, and the fort one of
those bulwarks on the continental shore which defended the navigation of
that channel.--E.]
About this time Albuquerque received intelligence that some vessels were
preparing at Goa to set his ships on fire, on which he anticipated the
intentions of the Moors by sending a force up the river to burn these
vessels, which was effected, but Don Antonio de Noronha was slain in
this enterprise; Noronha used to moderate the violent passions of his
uncle Albuquerque, who after his death allowed the severity of his
temper to proceed to extremities. Having detected a soldier in an amour
with one of the female slaves he used to call his daughters, and whom he
was accustomed to give away in marriage, he ordered him immediately to
be hanged; and as some of his officers demanded to know by what
authority he had done this arbitrary and cruel deed, he ordered them all
below deck, and flourishing his sword said that was his commission for
punishing all who were disobedient, and immediately cashiered them all.
During the continuance of this winter, the Portuguese fleet suffered
extreme hardships, especially from scarcity of provisions; and on
sailing from thence after the cessation of winter[121], they discovered
four sail which they supposed to have been Turks, or Mamelukes rather,
but on coming nearer, they were found to be a squadron from Portugal
under the command of Diego Mendez. Besides these, the king had sent out
this year other seven ships, under Sequeira, who arrived at Cananor soon
after Albuquerque; and a third armament of two ships to settle a trade
at Madagascar.
[Footnote 121: By winter on the coast of Malabar, must only be
understood, the period of storms and excessive bad weather which occurs
at the change of the monsoons, when it is imminently perilous to be at
sea.--E.]
On the return of Albuquerque from Goa to Cananor, he was much rejoiced
at the prospect of such powerful succours, and communicated his
intentions of immediately resuming his enterprise against Goa, but was
overruled in the council by Sequeira, on which Albuquerque went to
Cochin, and obtained a victory over the Malabars of Calicut, who
endeavoured to obstruct the Portuguese from loading pepper. Having
dispatched Sequeira with the homeward bound ships, and soon afterwards
Lemos with four more, he determined to resume the enterprise upon Goa.
As Diego Mendez, who had formerly been favourable to this design, and
several other captains, now opposed it, because it interfered with their
intentions of going to Malacca, as directed by the king, Albuquerque
commanded them all under the severest penalties not to quit the coast
without his orders. Though much dissatisfied, they were obliged to obey.
Accordingly, having fitted out twenty-three ships at Cananor, in which
he embarked with 1500 soldiers, he proceeded to Onor to join his ally
Timoja, whom he found busied in the celebration of his marriage with the
daughter of a queen; and being anxious to have the honour of the
viceroys presence at the wedding he invited him to land, which proved
very dangerous, as they were kept on shore for three days in consequence
of a storm, and when Albuquerque returned to the ships a boat with
thirty men was lost. On leaving Onor for Goa, Timoja sent three of his
ships along with Albuquerque, and promised to join him at Goa with 6000
men.
Albuquerque anchored for the second time before the bar of Goa on the
22d of November 1510. Impressed with a strong recollection of the
dangers he had escaped from on the former attempt, and anxious to sooth
the discontent which he well knew subsisted among some of his principal
officers on account of having been reluctantly compelled to engage in
this expedition, he addressed them in a conciliatory harangue by which
he won them over entirely to concur with him in bringing the hazardous
enterprise in which he was engaged to a favourable issue. Having made
the proper dispositions for the assault, the troops were landed at early
dawn on the 25th of November, and attacked the enemy who defended the
shore with such determined intrepidity that they were put to flight with
great slaughter, and without the loss of a man on the side of the
Portuguese. The enemy fled and endeavoured to get into the city by one
of the gates, and being closely pursued by the Portuguese who
endeavoured to enter along with them, the fight was there renewed, till
at length many of the Portuguese forced their way into the city doing
prodigious execution, and the battle was transferred to the streets.
These were successively cleared of the enemy by dint of hard fighting
all the way to the palace, in which time the Portuguese had lost five
officers of some note, and the fight was here renewed with much valour
on both sides. Albuquerque, who had exerted himself during the whole
action with equal courage and conduct, now came up with the reserve, and
the Moors were completely defeated, flying in all directions from the
city and endeavouring to escape to the continent, but through haste and
confusion many of them perished in the river. After this decisive
victory, it was found that of 9000 men who defended the city, 6000 had
perished, while the Portuguese lost fifty men. _Medeorao_[122], or
_Melrao_, nephew to the king of Onore, who commanded the three ships
sent by Timoja, behaved with great courage and fidelity on this
occasion; Timoja came himself to Goa with a reinforcement of 3000 men,
but too late to assist in the attack, and was only a witness to the
carnage which had taken place. The booty in horses, artillery, arms,
provisions, and ships, was immense, and contributed materially to enable
Albuquerque to accomplish the great designs he had in contemplation.
[Footnote 122: This person is afterwards named by Faria _Melrao_, and is
said to have been nephew to the king of Onore; the editor of Astley
calls him _Melrau_. Perhaps his real name might have been _Madeo row_,
and both he and Timoja may have been of the Mahrana nation.--E.]
The Portuguese who were slain in this brilliant exploit were all
honourably interred; those of the enemy were made food for the
alligators who swarmed in the river. All the surviving Moors were
expelled from the city, island, and dependencies of Goa, and all the
farms were restored to the gentiles, over whom Timoja was appointed
governor, and after him Medeorao, formerly mentioned. While employed in
settling the affairs of his conquest, ambassadors came from several of
the princes along the coast to congratulate Albuquerque on his brilliant
success. Both then and afterwards, many of the officers of Adel Khan
made inroads to the neighbourhood of Goa, but were always repelled with
loss. At this time, Diego Mendez and other two captains belonging to his
squadron, having been appointed by the king of Portugal for an
expedition to Malacca, stole away from the port of Goa under night in
direct contravention of the orders of Albuquerque, intending to proceed
for Malacca. Albuquerque sent immediately after them and had them
brought back prisoners; on which he deprived them of their commands,
ordering them to be carried to Portugal to answer to the king for their
conduct, and condemned the two pilots who had conducted their ships from
the harbour to be immediately hung at the yard-arm. Some alleged that
Albuquerque emulously detained Diego Mendez from going against Malacca,
which enterprise he designed for himself, while others said that he
prevented him from running into the same danger which had been already
met with by Sequeira at that place, the force under Mendez being
altogether inadequate to the enterprise.
To provide for the future safety of Goa, Albuquerque laid the
foundations of a fort, which he named _Manuel_, after the reigning king
of Portugal. On this occasion, he caused the names of all the captains
who had been engaged in the capture of Goa to be engraven on a stone,
which he meant to have put up as a monument to their honour; but as
every one was desirous of being named before the others, he turned down
the stone so as to hide all their names, leaving the following
inscription,
_Lapidem quem reprobaverant aedificantes_.
Thus they were all pleased, rather wishing their own individual praises
to be forgotten, than that others should partake. Albuquerque assuming
all the powers of sovereignty in his new conquest for the king of
Portugal, coined money of gold, silver, and copper, calling the first
_Manuels_, the second _Esperas_, and the third half esperas. Resolving
to establish a permanent colony at this place, he engaged several of the
Portuguese to intermarry with the women of the country, giving them
marriage portions in lands, houses, and offices as an encouragement. On
one night that some of these marriages were celebrated, the brides
became so mixed and confounded together, that some of the bridegrooms
went to bed to those who belonged to others; and when the mistake was
discovered next morning, each took back his own wife, all being equal in
regard to the point of honour. This gave occasion to some of the
gentlemen to throw ridicule on the measures pursued by Albuquerque; but
he persisted with firmness in his plans, and succeeded in establishing
Goa as the metropolis or centre of the Portuguese power in India.
The king of Portugal had earnestly recommended to Albuquerque the
capture of the city of Aden on the coast of Arabia near the entrance of
the Red Sea; and being now in possession of Goa, he thought his time
mispent when not occupied in military expeditions, and resolved upon
attempting the conquest of Malacca; but to cover his design, he
pretended that he meant to go against Aden, and even sent off some ships
in that direction the better to conceal his real intentions. Leaving Don
Rodrigo de Castel Branco in the command of Goa with a garrison of 400
Portuguese troops, while the defence of the dependencies and the
collection of the revenue was confided to Medeorao with 5000 native
soldiers, Albuquerque went to Cochin to prepare for his expedition
against Malacca.
The city of Malacca is situated on the peninsula of that name, anciently
called _Aurea Chersonesus_, or the Golden Peninsula, and on the coast of
the channel which separates the island of Sumatra from the continent,
being about the middle of these straits. It is in somewhat more than two
degrees of north latitude[123], stretching along the shore for about a
league, and divided in two nearly equal parts by a river over which
there is a bridge. It has a fine appearance from the sea, but all the
buildings of the city are of wood, except the mosque and palace which
are of stone. Its port was then frequented by great numbers of ships,
being the universal mart of all eastern India beyond the bay of Bengal.
It was first built by the _Celates_, a people who chiefly subsisted by
fishing, and who united themselves with the _Malays_ who inhabited the
mountains. Their first chief was Paramisora, who had been a person of
high rank in the island of Java, whence he was expelled by another chief
who usurped his lordship, on which occasion he fled to Cincapura, where
he was well received by the lord of that place and raised to high
employment. But having rebelled against his benefactor, he was driven
from thence by the king of Siam, and was forced to wander about Malacca,
as a just punishment for his ingratitude. Having drawn together a number
of the before-mentioned natives, with whom he established a new colony,
he gave the name of _Malacca_ to the rising city, signifying in the
language of the country _a banished man_, as a memorial of his own
fortunes. The first king of Malacca was _Xuque Darxa_, or sheikh
Dár-shah, called by some authors _Raal Sabu_, or Ra-el-Saib, who was the
son of Paramisora, and was subject to the kings of Siam; but from whom
his successors revolted. The country of Malacca is subject to
inundations, full of thick woods, and infested by dangerous and savage
beasts, particularly tigers, so that travellers are often forced to pass
the nights on the tops of high trees, as the tigers can easily take them
off from such as are low by leaping. The men of Malacca are courageous,
and the women very wanton. At this time the city of Malacca was rich and
populous, being the centre of trade between the eastern and western
parts of India, Mahomet was then king of Malacca, against whom the king
of Siam had sent an army of 40,000 men, most of whom perished by sundry
misfortunes, but chiefly through similar treacherous devices with those
which had been put in practice against Sequeira. But now Albuquerque
approached to revenge them all. Mahomet, fearing to meet the reward of
his former treachery to the Portuguese, had procured the assistance of
the king of _Pam_[124], who brought an army of 30,000 men with a great
number of pieces of artillery[125].
[Footnote 123: In lat. 2° 25' N.]
[Footnote 124: Named Pahang or Pahan, by the editor of Astleys
Collection.]
[Footnote 125: In the text of Faria, and following him in Astley, the
number of cannon is said to have been 8000; a number so incredible that
we have used a general expression only on this occasion in the
text.--E.]
On the 2d of May 1511, Albuquerque sailed from Cochin on his expedition
against Malacca, with 19 ships and 1400 soldiers, 800 of whom were
Portuguese, and 600 Malabars. While off the island of Ceylon he fell in
with and captured five vessels belonging to the Moors, which were bound
for Malacca. On arriving at the island of Sumatra, the kings of Pedier
and Pisang sent friendly messages to Albuquerque, on which occasion Juan
de Viegas, one of the men left behind by Sequeira was restored to
freedom, he and others having made their escape from Malacca. About this
time likewise, Nehoada Beguea, who had been one of the principal authors
of the treachery practiced against Sequeira, fled from Pedier and being
taken at sea by Ayres Pereira, to the great astonishment of every one
shed not one drop of blood, though pierced by several mortal wounds; but
on taking off a bracelet of bone from his arm the blood gushed out. The
Indians, who discovered the secret, said this bracelet was made from the
bone of a certain beast which is found in Java, and has this wonderful
virtue. It was esteemed a great prize and brought to Albuquerque. After
this, they fell in with another ship in which were 300 Moors[126] who
made so resolute a defence, that Albuquerque was obliged to come up in
person to assist in the capture, which was not accomplished without
considerable danger. In this vessel was _Geniall_, the rightful king of
Pisang; who had been banished by an usurper. Three other vessels were
taken soon after, from one of which a minute account was procured of the
military preparations at Malacca.
[Footnote 126: All are Moors with Faria, particularly Mahometans. The
crew of this vessel were probably Malays, perhaps the most ferociously
desperate people of the whole world.--E.]
On the 1st of July 1511, the Portuguese fleet cast anchor in the roads
of Malacca, infusing terror and dismay among multitudes that covered the
whole shore, by the clangour of their warlike instruments, and the noise
of repeated discharges of cannon; being sensible of their guilty conduct
to Sequeira and conscious that the present armament was designed for
their condign punishment. Next day a Moor came off in great state with a
message from the king, and was received with much courtesy and
ceremonious pomp by Albuquerque[127], to whom he said that if he came
for trade, the king was ready to supply whatever merchandise he wanted.
Albuquerque made answer that the merchandise he sought for was the
restitution of the Portuguese who had been left there by Sequeira, and
when they were restored, he should then say what farther demands he had
to make from the king. On his return to the city, the Moor spread
universal consternation by this answer, and it was agreed to endeavour
to avert the threatened danger, by restoring the Portuguese, and by
paying a large sum of money. But Prince Al'oddin, the son of the king of
Malacca, and his brother-in-law the king of Pahang opposed this, and
made ready for defence. Upon this Albuquerque began some military
execution, and the king restored the captives. After this some farther
negotiations ensued, as the king was desirous of peace, which
Albuquerque offered to agree to, on condition of having permission to
build a fortress at Malacca, and that the king should repay the entire
charges incurred by Sequeira and the present armament, all the damage
having been occasioned by his own treachery and falsehood; but he
demanded to have an immediate answer; whether the king chose peace or
war. The king was willing to have submitted to the terms demanded by the
Portuguese viceroy, but his son and the king of Pahang opposed him, and
it was at length determined to stand on their defence.
[Footnote 127: On this occasion, Faria mentions that Albuquerque wore
his beard so long that it was fastened to his girdle; having made a vow
when he was forced to retreat from Ormuz, that it should never be
trimmed till he sat on the back of Khojah Attar for that purpose.--E.]
On the 24th of July, being the eve of St James the apostle, every thing
being disposed in order for attack, the signal was given for landing, by
the discharge of artillery, and immediately the Portuguese leapt on
shore and charged the enemy with loud shouts. The hottest of the battle
was about gaining and defending the bridge, which enterprise Albuquerque
undertook in person, and where the enemy after a vigorous defence, in
which great numbers of them were slain, were forced to leap into the
river, where many of them were drowned. The prince and the king of
Pahang bravely opposed another party of the Portuguese who endeavoured
to force their way to the bridge to join the viceroy, and at the same
time King Mahomet came out on a large elephant, attended by two others
having castles on their backs, whence numbers of darts were launched
against the Portuguese. But the elephants being soon severely wounded,
turned and fled through among their own men, trampling many of them to
death and making way for the Portuguese to join those who had possession
of the bridge. At this place Albuquerque fortified himself, and as
considerable harm was done to his men by poisoned arrows discharged from
the tops of the adjoining houses, he caused them to be set on fire.
After bestowing great praises on his captains for their courageous
behaviour, and perceiving that his people began to grow faint by long
exertions, excessive heat, and want of food, he withdrew to the ships
towards night. Ten of the Portuguese died in consequence of their wounds
from the poisoned arrows. The loss of the enemy was not known. The king
of Pahang withdrew to his own country, under pretence of bringing a
reinforcement, but never returned.
While Albuquerque rested and refreshed his men on board, Mahomet was
busily employed in making every possible preparation for defending the
city. For this purpose he undermined the streets in several places, in
hopes to blow up the assailants, and strewed poisoned thorns in the way,
covering them over to prevent their being observed. He likewise
fortified the bridge, and planted cannon in many places. As a prelude
to the second assault, Albuquerque sent Antonio de Abren in a vessel
well manned to gain possession of the bridge. On his way thither he had
to pass through showers of bullets from both sides of the river and from
the battlements of the bridge, and though desperately wounded, refused
to be brought off, when Deniz Fernandez Melo, who came up to his rescue
proposed sending him to the ships to have his wounds dressed, saying,
"Though he neither had strength to fight nor voice to command, he would
not quit his post while life remained." Floats of wildfire were sent
down the river to burn the vessel; but at length Albuquerque in person
gained possession of the bridge, and the vessel being freed from the
fire rafts, had liberty to act against the enemy. Having rested his men
a short time on the bridge, Albuquerque penetrated the city, through
showers of bullets, darts, and arrows; and having been apprised of the
mines in the principal street, he took, another way and gained the
mosque. At length, after a prodigious slaughter of the enemy, he gained
entire possession of the city, having only with him in this action 800
Portuguese and 200 Malabars.
At the end of nine days every one of the Moors who inhabited this great
city were either slain or driven out, and it was repeopled with
strangers and some Malays, who were permitted to take possession of the
vacant houses. Among these last was Utimuti rajah, whose son had
formerly endeavoured to assassinate Sequeira. Utimuti was a rich and
powerful native of Java, of whom more hereafter. The soldiers were
allowed to plunder the city during three days. There were found 3000
pieces of _great cannon_, out of 8000[128] which King Mahomet had relied
upon for the defence of his city, the rest having been carried off to
_Bintang_, where the king and prince Al'oddin had fortified themselves.
As it might have been of dangerous consequence to permit these princes
to establish themselves so near the city of Malacca, Albuquerque sent a
force to dislodge them, consisting of 400 Portuguese, 400 Malays
belonging to Utimuti, and 300 men belonging to the merchants of Pegu who
resided in Malacca. On the approach of these troops, the king and prince
took flight, leaving seven elephants with all their costly trappings,
and the Portuguese returned to Malacca. Now reduced to wander in the
woods and mountains of the interior, Mahomet so severely reflected upon
the obstinacy of his son and the king of Pahang, that he and his son
quarrelled and separated, each shifting for himself.
[Footnote 128: This prodigious train of artillery is quite incredible,
though, twice repeated in the same terms, but it is impossible to form
any rational conjecture for correcting the gross error or exaggeration
in the text.--E.]
To secure this important conquest, Albuquerque built a fort or citadel
at Malacca, which from its beauty was called _Hermosa_. He likewise
built a church, which was dedicated to the _Visitation of our Lady_; and
coined money of different values and denominations, which was ordered to
pass current by proclamation, and some of which he caused to be
scattered among the populace. By these and other prudent measures he
gained the hearts of the people, attracted strangers to settle in
Malacca, and secured this important emporium of trade. Although
Albuquerque was perfectly conscious of the deceitful character of
Utimuti rajah, yet considering it to be sometimes prudent to trust an
enemy under proper precautions, he gave him authority over all the Moors
that remained in Malacca. It was soon discovered however, that Utimuti
carried on a private correspondence with Prince Al'oddin, under pretence
of restoring him to the sovereignty of Malacca, but in reality for the
purpose of using his remaining influence among the people to set himself
up. On receiving authentic information of these underhand practices,
Albuquerque caused Utimuti with his son and son-in-law to be
apprehended, and on conviction of their treason, he ordered them to be
publicly executed on the same scaffold which they had formerly destined
for Sequeira. This was the first public exertion of sovereign justice
which was attempted by the Portuguese in India, but was soon followed by
others. _Pate Quitir_, another native of Java, whom Albuquerque
appointed to succeed Utimuti in the government of the Moors in Malacca,
was gained by the widow of Utimuti, by promise of her daughter in
marriage with a portion of 100,000 ducats, to revenge the death of her
husband on the Portuguese, and to assassinate Albuquerque. Quitir
accepted her offer, meaning to seize the city for himself. About the
same time also, the king of Campar formed a similar design, for the
attainment of which purpose he sent a congratulatory embassy to
Albuquerque, from whom he demanded the office which had been conferred
on Quitir. These plots having no consequences at this time, shall be
farther explained in the sequel.
During his residence at Malacca, Albuquerque received embassies from
several princes, particularly from the king of Siam; and he sent
likewise embassies in return, to the kings of Siam and Pegu. He sent
also two ships to discover the Molucca islands and Banda[129], and gave
orders to let it be known in all quarters that Malacca was now under the
dominion of Portugal, and that merchants from every part of India would
be received there on more favourable terms than formerly. Having now
established every thing in Malacca to his mind, Albuquerque determined
upon returning to Cochin, leaving Ruy de Brito Patalim to command the
fort with a garrison of 300 men. He left at the same time Fernando Perez
de Andrada with ten ships and 300 soldiers to protect the trade, and
carried four ships with himself on his return to Cochin.
[Footnote 129: According to some authors these were commanded by Lopez
de Azevedo and Antonio de Abreu, who set out in 1511 and returned in
1513; but according to others Antonio de Abreu, Francisco Serrano, and
Ferdinand Magalhaens were the officers employed on this occasion, during
which Magalhaens projected his circumnavigation of the globe.--Astley,
I. 74. 2.]
During these transactions at Malacca a rebellion broke out among the
natives at Goa, taking advantage of which, _Pulate Khan_, an officer in
the service of Kufo Adel Khan king of Bisnagar passed over into the
island of Goa with considerable army, and laid siege to the city. One of
the principal exploits during this siege was a sally made by Rodrigo
Robello de Castello Franco the governor, in which the besiegers suffered
considerable loss. But Rodrigo was soon afterwards slain, and Diego
Mendez de Vasconcellos was chosen to take the command by the universal
suffrages of the besieged. At this time Adel Khan became jealous that
his general Pulate Khan intended to usurp the sovereignty over the
territory of Goa, on which account he sent his brother-in-law, Rotzomo
Khan to supersede him, who entered into a treaty with Diego Mendez, by
whose assistance he got the mastery over Pulate Khan. Finding himself at
the head of 7000 men, while there were not above 1200 troops in the city
of Goa, 400 only of whom were Portuguese, Rotzomo resolved to endeavour
to drive them out, and resumed the siege. Being short of provisions, the
besieged began to suffer severely from famine, and several of the men
deserted to the enemy, some of whom repented and returned to the city.
In this critical situation, Emanuel de la Cerda who had wintered at
Cochin fortunately arrived with succours, and was followed soon after by
Diego Fernandez de Beja, who had been sent to demolish the fort at
Socotora, and to receive the tribute at Onnuz. By these the besieged
were abundantly relieved and succoured with recruits and provisions when
almost reduced to extremity. Soon afterwards arrived Juan Serram who had
gone from Portugal the year before with Peyo de Sa, in order to settle a
trade in the island of Madagascar, but ineffectually; and Christopher de
Brito, who happened to be at Cananor with a large ship and four smaller
vessels, where he heard of the distressed situation of Goa, went
immediately thither with a strong reinforcement and an ample supply of
provisions.
On his voyage from Malacca to Cochin, the ship in which Albuquerque was
embarked struck during the night on a rock off Cape Timia in the kingdom
of _Aru_ on the coast of Sumatra. Being completely separated a midships,
the people who had taken refuge on the poop and forecastle were unable
to communicate with each other, and the night was so exceedingly dark
that no assistance could be sent from the other vessels. When day-light
appeared next morning, Albuquerque was seen holding a girl in his arms,
whom chance had conducted to him during the confusion. Pedro de Alpoem
came up to his relief, though with much difficulty and danger. On this
occasion some of the men were lost, and much valuable commodities, but
what Albuquerque most regretted was the wonderful bone which prevented
the wounded Moor from bleeding, and some iron lions of curious
workmanship, which he had intended for supporters to his tomb.
Albuquerque continued his voyage after this disaster in the ship
commanded by Alpoem; and on his way back took two Moorish ships, which,
though rich did not make amends for the loss he had sustained in the
wreck of his own. Immediately on his arrival at Cochin, being informed
of the distress of Goa, he dispatched eight vessels to that place with
men and provisions, promising soon to repair thither in person. There
were then in the town 1000 men, who were besieged by an army of 20,000
natives.
It being now the year 1512, six ships arrived in India from Portugal,
having spent a whole year on the voyage without touching at any port;
and though the men were tired and sick, they relieved several places. At
this time likewise a fleet of thirteen ships arrived from Portugal, one
of which was lost on the island of _Angoxa_. This fleet, which carried
1800 soldiers, anchored off the bar of Goa on the 15th of August 1512.
They immediately drove the enemy from a fort which they had constructed
at Benistarim; after which Don Garcia and George de Melo passed on with
their squadrons, accompanied by Juan Machado and others, who had been
recently delivered from slavery in Cambaya. Albuquerque was much
rejoiced at the great reinforcements brought out by his nephew Don
Garcia and Melo, and by the relief of the captives, as they enabled him
to proceed in the enterprises which he had in contemplation. His
satisfaction was much increased by the arrival of Antonio de Saldanna
with the garrison of Quiloa, which had been abandoned as a place of
small importance. About the same time there arrived ambassadors from
Persia and Ormuz, the latter of whom had orders from his master to
proceed to Portugal.
Having arranged everything at Cochin, and appointed Melo to the command
of Cananor, Albuquerque proceeded to Goa, where he was received with
every demonstration of joy and respect. After visiting the
fortifications, he endeavoured to concert measures for driving Rotzomo
Khan from the works which he had constructed for besieging Goa. On the
sixth day after his arrival, being on an eminence with several officers
taking a view of the works of the enemy, 4000 Moors, 200 of whom were
horse, were seen sporting on the plain, it being Friday, which is the
sabbath of the Mahometans. On this occasion, a detachment of the
Portuguese made a sudden attack on the Moors, and after a hot skirmish
drove them for shelter to their works, having slain above an hundred of
the enemy, with the loss of one officer and one private, and several
wounded. Having resolved to take possession of a strong fort which the
enemy had erected near Goa for the protection of their camp, Albuquerque
caused it to be attacked both by sea and land at the same time; and
thinking that the sea attack was not conducted with sufficient vigour,
he went himself in a boat to give orders, and came so near that a
cannon-shot struck the head of a Canara who steered his boat, dashing
the blood and brains on his beard. Enraged at this incident, he offered
a high reward to any one who should destroy that cannon; on which one of
his gunners aimed a shot so exactly that it struck the muzzle of the
cannon which flew in pieces, and killed the Moorish cannoneer. By this
fortunate circumstance, the Portuguese were able to get farther up the
river and to get close to the fort. At this time _Zufolari_, one of the
generals of the Moors, appeared with 7000 men on the continental shore
to relieve the fort; but being unable to effectuate his purpose, was
forced to retire after sustaining some loss by a distant cannonade.
Albuquerque now closely invested the fort with 4000 men, 3000 of whom
were Portuguese. He divided these into two bodies, one under his own
immediate command, and the other under the charge of his nephew Don
Garcia. At first the Portuguese received some damage; but in the end
Rotzomo Khan agreed to surrender the fort with all its cannon and
ammunition, to deliver up all the Portuguese prisoners and deserters,
and to evacuate the island of Goa and its dependencies. The Portuguese
deserters were severely punished by order of Albuquerque, having their
ears, noses, right hands, and the thumbs of their left cut off, in which
mutilated condition they were sent home to Portugal. One of these, named
Ferdinando Lopez, as a penance for his crimes, voluntarily remained with
a negro at the island of St Helena, where he began some cultivation, and
was afterwards serviceable to several ships that called in there, by
furnishing them with refreshments.
Having thus completely relieved Goa, Albuquerque endeavoured to gain
over Rotzomo Khan to the Portuguese service, but unsuccessfully; but his
good fortune made a great impression on many of the native princes,
several of whom sent pacific embassies to the viceroy. The king of
Calicut, terrified at the growing power of the Portuguese, concluded a
treaty of peace with Don Garcia, whom his uncle had sent to take the
command at Cochin[130]. The kings of Narsinga, Visiapour, Bisnagar, and
other districts of India, sent ambassadors to the viceroy; who
endeavoured in his answers to impress them powerfully with the value of
amity with the Portuguese, and dread of encountering their arms, and
sent back envoys of his own to these princes, to acquire intelligence
respecting their power and resources. There arrived likewise at Goa an
ambassador from the Christian sovereign of Abyssinia, whom the
Europeans denominate Prester John[131], who was destined to go over to
Portugal, carrying a piece of the _true cross_, and letters for the king
of Portugal from the queen-mother _Helena_, who governed Abyssinia
during the minority of her son David. The purport of this embassy was to
arrange a treaty of amity with the king of Portugal, and to procure
military aid against the Moors who were in constant hostility with that
kingdom. This ambassador reported that there were then three Portuguese
at the Abyssinian court, one of whom, named Juan, called himself
ambassador from the king of Portugal; and two others, named Juan Gomez
and Juan Sanchez, who had been lately set on shore at Cape Guardafu, by
order of Albuquerque, in order to explore the country.
[Footnote 130: The editor of Astleys Collection adds, _with liberty to
build a fort_; but this condition is not to be found in the text of
Faria, which is followed in that work literally on most occasions,
though often much abridged.--E.]
[Footnote 131: In our early volumes it will be seen that this imaginary
_Prete Jani_, Prester John, or the Christian Priest-king, had been
sought for in vain among the wandering tribes of eastern Tartary. The
Portuguese now absurdly gave that appellation to the Negus of Habesh, or
Emperor of the Abyssinians; where a degraded species of Christianity
prevails among a barbarous race, continually engaged in sanguinary war
and interminable revolution.--E.]
Every thing at Goa being placed in order, the viceroy now determined
upon carrying the enterprise against Aden into execution, which had been
formerly ordered by the king of Portugal. Without communicating his
intentions to any one, he caused twenty ships to be fitted out, in which
he embarked with 1700 Portuguese troops, and 800 native Canaras and
Malabars. When just ready to sail, he acquainted the captains with the
object of his expedition, that they might know where to rendezvous in
case of separation. Setting sail from Goa on the 18th of February 1513,
the armament arrived safe at Aden. This city, called Modocan by Ptolemy,
is situated on the coast of Yemen or Arabia Felix, in lat. 12° 45' N.
near the mouth of the Red Sea, and looks beautiful and strong from the
sea, being rich and populous owing to the resort of many nations for
trade. But Immediately behind are the barren and rocky mountains of
Arzira, which present numerous cliffs and precipices. The soil is arid,
having very little water, which is procured from a few wells and
cisterns, as this part of the country is scarcely watered from the
heavens above once in two or three years. Hence it is devoid of all
trees, and has neither gardens nor orchards.
Immediately on the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, Miramirzan the
governor sent a complimentary message to the viceroy with a present of
provisions; but as there was no prospect of voluntary submission or
surrender, Albuquerque resolved upon carrying the place by assault, but
found the enterprise more difficult than he expected. Having landed his
men early in the morning, the troops advanced to the walls with scaling
ladders: but after a considerable number had got up to the top of the
wall, the ladders broke under the weight of the multitudes who pressed
to get up; so that Albuquerque was obliged to order down those who had
already ascended, by means of a single ladder constructed out of the
broken fragments of the rest. Thus, after four hours engagement, the
Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack with some loss,
occasioned more by the insufficiency of the ladders than by the prowess
of the enemy. George Sylveyra and five men were killed on the spot, but
several others died afterwards of their wounds, and some from bruises
occasioned by falling from the walls and ladders. Submitting to his bad
fortune, and by the persuasion of his officers, Albuquerque resolved to
abandon this enterprise, that he might have sufficient time remaining to
sail for the month of the Red Sea. But before leaving Aden, he took a
redoubt or bulwark which defended the entrance into the harbour, where a
great many Moors, or Arabs rather, were slain, and 37 pieces of cannon
taken. Having plundered the ships in the harbour, they were all burnt;
and on the fourth day after arriving at Aden, the fleet set sail for the
mouth of the Red Sea, on their arrival at which great rejoicings were
made by Albuquerque and the Portuguese, as being the first Europeans who
had ever navigated that celebrated sea.
The form of the Red Sea is not unlike that of a crocodile, having its
mouth at the narrow Straits of Mecca or Babelmandeb, the head being that
sea which lies between Cape Guardafu and Fartaque, and the extremity of
the tail at the town of Suez. Its general direction is from N.N.W. to
S.S.E. being 530 leagues long, and 40 over where broadest[132]. The
channel for navigation is about the middle, where it has sufficient
depth of water for the largest ships, but both sides are very shallow,
and much encumbered by sand banks and numerous small islands. No river
of any note falls into it during its whole extent. It is called by the
Moors or Arabs, _Bahar Corzu_ or the Closed Sea, and by others the Sea
of Mecca; but by Europeans the Arabian Gulf or the Red Sea, owing to the
red colour it derives from its bottom, as was proved by a subsequent
viceroy, Don Juan de Castro, who caused some of the bottom to be dragged
up in several places, when it was found to consist of a red coralline
substance; while in other places the bottom was green, and white in
some, but mostly red. The water itself, when taken up, is as clear as in
any other part of the sea. The Red Sea does not abound in fish, but it
produces small pearls in many places. The mouth of the Red Sea, called
the Straits of Mecca or of Bab-al-mandeb, is in lat. 12° 40' N. and is
as it were locked up by seven small islands, the largest of which, now
_Mehun_, was called by Ptolemy _Perantonomasiam_. On going from the
straits towards Suez along the eastern or Arabian shore, there are only
a few small ports of no note for the first 44 leagues, till we come to
the island of _Kamaran_, which is subject to the king of Aden. At 60
leagues from thence we come to _Gezan_ a large town; thence 130 leagues
to _Yambo_, all in the dominions of Mecca, having several good towns and
harbours. Among these are the famous and well known ports of _Ziden_ and
_Juddah_, or _Joda_; _Mecca_ being 15 leagues inland from the latter.
From Yambo it is 60 leagues to _Toro_, where the children of Israel are
said to have crossed the Red Sea, which at this place is 3 leagues
across. Thence to _Suez_ is 40 leagues, and there ends the Arabian
shore. On sailing back to the straits along the western shore of Egypt
and Ethiopia, from Suez which is 20 leagues from Grand Cairo the vast
metropolis of Egypt, it is 45 leagues to Al-cosier; thence 135 to the
city of Suakem, in which space there are many ports: From thence 70
leagues farther on is the island and port of Massua, and opposite to it
Arkiko; and thence other 85 leagues bring us back to the Straits of
Bab-el-mandeb. Behind a ridge of mountains which runs close along the
whole coast of Ethiopia, lie the dominions of Prester John, which has
always preserved Christianity after its own manner, and has of late been
much supported therein by the Portuguese arms.
[Footnote 132: The extreme length of the Red Sea is 400 geographical
leagues, 20 to the degree, or about 1380 statute miles, and its greatest
breadth 65 of the same leagues, about 225 miles.--E.]
Entering into the Red Sea, Albuquerque sailed along the coast to the
island of Kamaran, which he found abandoned by its inhabitants from
dread of his approach. He took two vessels by the way, and found four
others at this place, one of which belonged to the Soldan of Egypt. From
this island he visited several others; and one day there appeared in
the sky to the whole persons in the fleet a very bright red cross,
seemingly about six feet broad, and of a proportional length. All the
Portuguese knelt down and worshipped the heavenly sign, Albuquerque
making a devout prayer; after which the happy omen was joyfully hailed
by the sound of music and cannon, till at length it was covered over by
a bright cloud and disappeared. As the trade wind failed for carrying
him to Judduh, Albuquerque returned to Kamaran where he wintered, and
where his people suffered extreme misery from famine and sickness. In
July 1513, as soon as the weather would permit, he sailed again for
India, meaning to appear again before Aden, and touched at the island of
Mehun, in the middle of the straits, to which he gave the name of Vera
Cruz, in memory of the miraculous vision with which they had been
favoured, and erected a very high cross upon an eminence. From thence he
sent two ships to examine the city and port of Zeyla, on an island in a
bay of the coast of Adel, where they burnt two ships belonging to the
Moors, and joined the fleet again before Aden. He found the
fortifications of this place repaired and strengthened; and after
exchanging a cannonade which did little damage on either side, and
burning some ships in the harbour, he sailed for India.
Albuquerque arrived at Diu about the middle of August 1513, and was
immediately supplied, with some provisions accompanied by a courteous
message from Malek Azz the lord of that city under the king of Cambaya,
more from fear than affection. Being aware of his duplicity, Albuquerque
dealt cautiously with this chief, and demanded permission to erect a
fort at Diu; but Malek Azz excused himself, referring Albuquerque to the
king of Cambaya, whom he secretly advised to refuse if asked. However it
was agreed to settle a Portuguese factor at this place to conduct the
trade; and at parting Azz treated Albuquerque with so much artful
civility, that he said he had never seen a more perfect courtier, or one
more fitted to please and deceive a man of understanding. Some time
afterwards, the king of Cambaya gave permission for the Portuguese to
erect a fort at Diu, on condition that he might do the same at Malacca.
At this time there arrived two ships from Portugal, a third having been
cast away in the voyage, but the men saved. Albuquerque went to Goa, and
sent his nephew Noronha to Cochin to dispatch the homeward bound trade,
along with which an ambassador was sent from the zamorin to the king of
Portugal, peace being now established with that sovereign, who permitted
a fort to be erected at his capital. By these ships likewise were sent
the presents of many of the Indian princes to the king of Portugal,
together with many captives taken in war. There went also a Portuguese
Jew, who had been an inhabitant of Jerusalem, and had been sent by the
guardian of the Franciscans to acquaint Albuquerque that the Soldan of
Egypt threatened to destroy all the holy places at Jerusalem.
Pate Quitir, the native of Java, who had been preferred by Albuquerque
to the command of the native inhabitants of Malacca, continued to carry
on measures for expelling the Portuguese, and having strengthened
himself secretly, at last broke out into rebellion. Having slain a
Portuguese captain and several men, and taken some pieces of cannon, he
suddenly fortified the quarter of the city in which he resided, and
stood on his defence with 6000 men and two elephants. Ferdinando Perez
and Alfonso Pessoa went against him with 320 men, partly by land and
partly by water, and after a long contest forced him to flee for refuge
into the woods after many of his men were slain. A considerable quantity
of artillery and ammunition was found in that part of the city which he
had fortified, which was burnt to the ground after being plundered of
much riches. Having received succour from Java and Mahomet, the expelled
king of Malacca, Quitir, erected another fort in a convenient place at
some distance from the city, where he became powerful by sea and land,
being in hopes of usurping the sovereignty of Malacca. Perez went out
against him, but though he fought as valiantly as before, he was forced
to retreat after losing three captains and four soldiers. At this time
_Lacsamana_, an officer belonging to Mahomet, entered the river of
Malacca with a great number of men and many cannon on board several
vessels. Perez attacked him with three ships, and a furious battle took
place which lasted for three hours, with much advantage on the side of
the Portuguese, but night obliged the combatants to desist, and Perez
took a position to prevent as he thought the Malayans from escaping out
of the river during the darkness. But Lacsamana threw up an intrenchment
of such respectable appearance during the night, that it was thought too
dangerous to attempt an attack, and Perez retired to the fort. At this
time three ships entered the port from India, bringing a supply of
ammunition and a reinforcement of 150 soldiers; but Lacsamana had
established himself so advantageously, that he intercepted all the
vessels carrying provisions for Malacca, which was reduced to such
straits that many fell down in the streets from famine. The same plague
attended Pate Quitir in his quarters.[133]
[Footnote 133: It is probable that Mr Stevens has mistaken the sense of
Faria at this place, and that the famine in Malacca was occasioned by
the joint operations of Lacsamana and Pate Quitir, holding the city in a
state of blockade.--E.]
When the season became fit for navigation, Perez set out with ten ships
and a galley in quest of provisions. While sailing towards Cincapura,
the galley discovered a sail, and stuck by it till the fleet came up. It
was found to be laden with provisions and ammunition for Pate Quitir.
Perez brought the captain and other head men on board his own ship,
where they attempted to slay the Portuguese, even Perez being stabbed in
the back by a cris or dagger. Being foiled in this attempt, most of them
leapt into the sea, but some were taken and put to the rack who
confessed there was a son of Quitir among them, and that they were
followed by three other vessels similarly laden. These were likewise
captured and carried to Malacca. At the same time Gomez de Cunna arrived
with his ship laden with provisions from Pegu, where he had been to
settle a treaty of amity and commerce with the king of that country. The
famine being thus appeased, and the men recovered, Perez attacked Pate
Quitir by sea and land; and having fortunately succeeded in the capture
of his fortified quarters, which were set on fire, that chieftain was
forced to retire to Java, and Lacsamana, on seeing this success of the
Portuguese, retired with his forces.
Java is an island to the south-east of Sumatra, from which it is divided
by a strait of fifteen leagues in breadth. This island is almost 200
leagues in length from east to west, but is narrow in proportion to its
breadth, being divided by a long range of mountains through its whole
length, like the Apennines of Italy, which prevents intercourse between
the two coasts. It has several ports and good cities, and its original
inhabitants appear to have come from China. In after times the Moors of
Malacca[134] possessed themselves of the sea coast, obliging the natives
to take shelter in the forests and mountains of the interior. At this
period a Malay chief named _Pate Unuz_ was lord of the city of Japara,
who became afterwards king of Sunda. Indignant that the metropolis of
the Malayan territories should he possessed by the enemies of the
Mahometan faith, he had been seven years preparing a powerful armament
of 90 sail to attempt the conquest of Malacca, during all which time he
kept up a secret correspondence with the Javan Malays who inhabited that
city. Several of his ships were equal in size to the largest Portuguese
galleons, and the one destined for himself was larger than any ship then
built by the Europeans. Having completed his preparations, he embarked
with 12,000 men and a formidable train of artillery, and appeared
suddenly before the city. Ferdinando Perez immediately embarked with 350
Portuguese and some native troops in 17 vessels, and attacked the Javan
fleet, with which he had an obstinate engagement, doing considerable
damage to the enemy, but night parted the combatants. Next morning Pate
Unuz endeavoured to get into the river Maur with his fleet; but Perez
pursued him, and penetrating into the midst of the enemy plied his
cannon and fireworks with such success, that many of the Javan ships
were sunk and set on fire. After a furious battle of some endurance,
Unuz fled and was pursued all the way to Java, where he preserved his
own vast vessel as a memorial of his escape and of the grandeur of his
fleet, and not without reason, as a merchant of Malacca engaged to
purchase it of Perez for 10,000 ducats if taken. This victory cost the
Portuguese some blood, as several were slain, and few escaped without
wounds. From this time forwards, the natives of Java were for ever
banished from Malacca.
[Footnote 134: Faria perpetually confounds all Mahometans under the
general denomination of Moors. These possessors of the coast of Java
were unquestionably Malays.--E.]
Soon after this brilliant victory, Ferdinando Perez sailed from Malacca
to Cochin with a valuable cargo of spice, accompanied by Lope de Azevedo
and Antonio de Abreu, who came from the discovery of the Molucca islands
with three ships. After their arrival at Cochin, Antonio de Miranda
arrived there from Siam, to the great joy of Albuquerque, who thus
reaped the rich fruits of his care and labour for the acquisition of
Malacca, and the happy return of those whom he had sent upon other
discoveries.
King Mahomet had not yet lost all hope of recovering Malacca, to which
he now drew near; and having in vain attempted to succeed by force, had
recourse to stratagem. For this purpose he prevailed on a favourite
officer named Tuam Maxeliz, to imitate the conduct of Zopirus at
Babylon. Being accordingly mutilated, Tuam fled with some companions to
Malacca, giving out that he had escaped from the tyrannical cruelty of
his sovereign. Ruy de Brito, who then commanded in the citadel of
Malacca, credited his story and reposed so much confidence in his
fidelity that he was admitted at all times into the fortress. At length,
having appointed a particular day for the execution of his
long-concerted enterprise, on which Mahomet was to send a party to
second his efforts or to bring him off, he and his accomplices got
admittance into the fort as usual, and immediately began to assassinate
the Portuguese garrison by means of their daggers, and had actually
slain six before they were able to stand to their defence. Brito, who
happened to be asleep when the alarm was given, immediately collected
his men and drove the traitor and his companions from the fort, at the
very moment, when a party of armed Malays came up to second their
efforts. The commander of this party, named Tuam Calascar, on learning
the miscarriage of Tuam Maxeliz, pretended that he came to the
assistance of Brito, and by that means was permitted to retire.
Soon after this Pedro de Faria arrived at Malacca from the Straits of
Sabam, bringing with him _Abdela_ king of Campar, who being no longer
able to endure the insolence of his father-in-law Mahomet, came to
reside in security under the protection of the Portuguese in Malacca.
This was in the month of July [135], shortly after the arrival of George
de Albuquerque from Goa to command at Malacca. By instructions from the
viceroy, Abdela was appointed _Bendara_, or governor, of the natives,
which office had till then been enjoyed by _Ninachetu_, who was now
displaced on account of some miscarriage or malversation. Ninachetu, who
was a gentile, so much resented this affront, that he resolved to give a
signal demonstration of his fidelity and concern. He was very rich, and
gave orders to dress up a scaffold or funeral pile in the market-place
or bazar of Malacca, splendidly adorned with rich silks and cloth of
gold, the middle of the pile being composed of a vast heap of aromatic
wood of high price. The entire street from his dwelling to the pile was
strewed with sweet-scented herbs and flowers, and adorned with rich
hangings, correspondent to the magnificence of the pile. Having
collected all his friends, and clad himself and family in splendid
attire, he went in solemn procession to the bazar, where he mounted the
scaffold and made a long harangue, in which he protested his innocence
and declared that he had always served the Portuguese with the utmost
zeal and fidelity. Having ordered the pile to be fired, and seeing the
whole in flames, he declared that he would now mount to heaven in that
flame and smoke, and immediately cast himself into the flaming pile, to
the great admiration of all the beholders.
[Footnote 135: Faria omits any mention of the year, but from the context
it appears to have been in 1513.--E.]
At this time the king of Campar had gone home, intending to return to
assume his office of Bendara, but was hindered by Mahomet and the king
of Bintang, who fitted out a fleet of 70 sail with 2500 men under the
command of the king of _Linga_, and besieged Campar, in the harbour of
which town there were eight Portuguese vessels and some native _proas_,
under the command of George Botello. Observing this squadron to be
somewhat careless, the king of Linga fell suddenly with his galley on
the ship commanded by Botello, followed by the rest of his fleet; but
met with so warm a reception that his galley was taken, so that he had
to leap overboard, and the rest of the enemies fleet was put to flight.
The siege was now raised, and Botello conveyed the king of Campar to
Malacca, where he exercised the office of Bendara with so much judgment
and propriety, that in four months the city was visibly improved, great
numbers of people resorting thither who had formerly fled to Mahomet to
avoid the oppressions of Ninachetu. Perceiving the growth of the city
under the wise administration of Abdela, Mahomet determined to put a
stop to this prosperity by means of a fraud peculiar to a Moor. He gave
out secretly, yet so that it might spread abroad, that his son-in-law
had gone over to the Portuguese at Malacca with his knowledge and
consent, and that the same thing was done by all those who seemed to fly
there from Bintang, with the design to seize upon the fort on the first
opportunity, and restore it to him who was the lawful prince. This
secret, as intended by Mahomet, was at length divulged at Malacca, where
it produced the intended effect, as the commandant, George de
Albuquerque, gave more credit to this false report than to the honest
proceedings of the Bendara, who was tried and condemned as a traitor,
and had his head cut off on a public scaffold. In consequence of this
event, the city was left almost desolate by the flight of the native
inhabitants, and was afterwards oppressed by famine.
During the year 1513, while these transactions were going on at Malacca,
the viceroy Albuquerque visited the most important places under his
charge, and gave the necessary, orders for their security. He dispatched
his nephew Don Garcia to Cochin, with directions to expedite the
construction of the fort then building at Calicut. He appointed a
squadron of four sail, under the command of his nephew Pedro de
Albuquerque, to cruise from the mouth, of the Red Sea to that of the
Persian Gulf, with orders to receive the tribute of Ormuz when it became
due, and then to discover the island of Bahrayn, the seat of the great
pearl-fishery in that gulf. He sent ambassadors well attended to several
princes. Diego Fernandez de Beja went to the king of Cambaya, to treat
about the erection of a fort at Din, which had been before consented to,
but was now refused at the instigation of Maluk Azz. Fernandez returned
to Goa with magnificent presents to Albuquerque, among which was a
Rhinoceros or _Abada_, which was afterwards lost in the Mediterranean on
its way from king Manuel to the pope along with other Indian rarities.
Juan Gonzalez de Castello Branco was sent to the king of Bisnagar, to
demand restitution of the dependencies belonging to Goa, but with little
success.
In September 1513, five ships arrived at Goa from Portugal under the
command of Christopher de Brito, one of which bound for Cambaya was
lost. Having dispatched these ships with their homeward cargoes,
Albuquerque prepared for a military expedition, but was for some time
indetermined whether to bend his course for Ormuz or the Red Sea, both
expeditions having been ordered by the king. In order to determine which
of these was to be undertaken, he convened a council of all his
captains, and it was agreed that Ormuz was to be preferred, which was in
fact quite consonant to the wishes of the viceroy. He accordingly set
sail on the 20th of February 1514, with a fleet of 27 sail, having on
board a land force of 1500 Portuguese and 600 native Malabars and
Canaras. The fleet anchored in the port of Ormuz on the 26th of March,
and an immediate message of ceremony came off from the king with rich
presents; but Albuquerque was better pleased with finding that Michael
Ferreyra, whom he had sent on an embassy to Ismael king of Persia, to
negociate a treaty of amity and commerce, had strong hopes of success.
_Seif Addin_ king of Orrauz and his governor Khojah Attar were now both
dead, and Reis Hamet now possessed the entire favour and confidence of
the new king. Among other things, Albuquerque sent to demand being put
immediately in possession of the fort which he had formerly begun to
build at Ormuz, and that some principal persons should be sent to ratify
and confirm the submission which the former king Seif Addin had made of
the kingdom to the supremacy of the king of Portugal. All was consented
to, as there was no sufficient power for resistance; and Reis Noradin
the governor came to wait upon Albuquerque accompanied by his nephew, to
make the desired ratification. The viceroy made rich presents on the
occasion, and sent a splendid collar of gold to the king, with the
Portuguese standard, as a mark of the union between the two nations.
Public rejoicings were made on both sides on account of this amicable
arrangement; and Albuquerque took possession of the fort, which had been
formerly begun, and by using every exertion it rose in a few days to a
great height, so that the viceroy and his principal officers took up
their residence in some houses in its neighbourhood. Albuquerque now
made splendid preparations to receive the ambassador from the king of
Persia, who brought a magnificent present from his sovereign, consisting
of rich brocades, precious stones, splendid golden ornaments, and many
fine silks. The ambassador was honourably received, and the treaty
concluded to mental satisfaction. This ceremony took place on a scaffold
erected in public near the residence of the viceroy, and had been
delayed for a considerable time on purpose to be exhibited in great
splendour to the people of Ormuz, that they might see that the
Portuguese friendship was sought after by so powerful a sovereign. The
king of Ormuz was at a window to see the procession.
Reis Hamet[136], formerly mentioned, had come to Ormuz from Persia with
the design of seizing the city and delivering it up to the Sophi. He had
insinuated himself so effectually into the favour of the king as to
govern him in all respects, and nothing was done but by his directions.
The better to carry on his enterprise, he had gradually introduced a
number of his dependents into the city, and was actually preparing to
kill the king and seize the government, but deferred his intentions to
a more favourable opportunity. Albuquerque was fully informed of all
these secret practices, and that the king was anxious to be delivered
from the influence of Hamet; he therefore endeavoured to devise means
for effectuating the purpose, and fortune soon gave him an opportunity.
An interview had been appointed to take place between the king and
Albuquerque; but prompted by his fears, Hamet endeavoured to shun this
danger, by proposing that Albuquerque should wait upon the king, lest if
the king went to visit the viceroy, he might be obliged to attend him.
But Albuquerque insisted upon receiving the visit of the king, which was
at last agreed to, on condition that neither party was to be armed. Some
of the attendants upon Hamet were however secretly armed, and Hamet came
armed himself, and pressed foremost into the room with much rudeness, on
which Albuquerque made a concerted signal to his captains, who.
instantly dispatched him. After this the king came, and a conference
began between him and the viceroy, which was soon interrupted by a
violent clamour among the people, who supposed their king was slain. But
the people belonging to Hamet, knowing that their master had been
killed, ran and fortified themselves in the kings palace. Albuquerque
proposed immediately to have dispossessed them by means of his troops;
but the king and governor found other means of expelling these men from
the city, who to the number of 700 men went to Persia.
[Footnote 136: Reis or Rais signifies a chief, and is commonly given on
the coasts of Arabia and Persia to sea captains: In Faria it is
Raez.--Astl I. 75. 2.]
When this tumult was appeased, the people of Ormuz were much gratified
at seeing their king conducted back to his palace in great pomp,
attended by Albuquerque and all his officers, more especially as he was
now freed from the tyranny of Hamet, and restored to the majesty of a
king[137]. Albuquerque now dispatched the Persian ambassador,
accompanied by Ferdinando Gomez, carrying a present of double the value
of that he had received, and having orders to give a proper account of
the late transactions at Ormuz, especially in regard to Reis Hamet.
Gomez was well received, and brought back a favourable answer. It would
require more room than can be spared in this history to give an account
of the affairs of Persia; it may therefore suffice to say that the
valiant prince who reigned over Persia at this time was engaged in war
with the Turks, and was desirous of taking advantage of the Portuguese
assistance against his enemy.
[Footnote 137: It is scarce possible to conceive how Faria could gravely
make this observation, when the Portuguese had imposed an annual tribute
on the king of Ormuz, and were actually building a fortress to keep the
capital under subjection.--E.]
While the fort of Ormuz was building, or rather finishing, Albuquerque
persuaded the king that it would contribute to the safety of the city to
put all their cannon into the fort to defend them against their enemies,
but in reality to disable them from resisting the Portuguese domination.
Security is a powerful argument with those who are in fear, so that the
king and his governor reluctantly consented to this demand. Thus the
rich and powerful kingdom of Ormuz was completely subjected to the
Portuguese dominion, yet more to the advantage than detriment of its
native princes; who were more oppressed before by the tyranny of their
ministers, than afterwards by the tribute they had to pay to the
Portuguese, besides the security they enjoyed under protection of the
Portuguese arms. Yet liberty is sweeter than all other conveniences.
Albuquerque dispatched his nephew Don Garcia de Noronha with most of the
fleet to Cochin, with orders to send home the ships of the season with
the trade to Portugal, remaining behind to conclude such arrangements as
seemed to require his presence. He soon afterwards fell sick, and was
persuaded by his attendants to return to India for the recovery of his
health, which he consented to, and left Pedro de Albuquerque in the
command of the fort at Ormuz. His departure gave great concern to the
king, who loved him as a father. While on the voyage to Goa, he got
notice that 12 ships were arrived in India from Portugal with orders for
his return to Europe, Lope Soarez who commanded that fleet being
appointed his successor. He was likewise informed that Diego Mendez and
Diego Pereyra, both of whom he had sent home as prisoners for heinous
crimes, had come back to India, the one as governor of Cochin and the
other as secretary to the new viceroy. These news gave him much
dissatisfaction, and he is reported to have vented his distress on the
occasion to the following purpose. "It is now time for me to take
sanctuary in the church, having incurred the kings displeasure for the
sake of his subjects, and their anger for the sake of the king. Old man!
fly to the church! Your honour requires that you should die, and you
have never yet omitted any thing in which your honour was concerned!"
Then raising his hands and eyes to heaven, he gave God thanks that a
governor had come out so opportunely, not doubting that he should soon
die. He fell into a profound melancholy, and arrived at Dabul almost in
the arms of death, at which place he wrote the following letter to the
king. "This, Sir! is the last letter your highness will receive from me,
who am now under the pangs of death. I have formerly written many to
your highness full of life and vigour, being then free from the dread
thought of this last hour, and actively employed in your service. I
leave a son behind me, _Blas de Albuquerque_, whom I entreat your
highness to promote in recompence of my services. The affairs of India
will answer for themselves and me."
Having arrived on the bar of Goa, which he called his _Land of Promise_,
he expired on the 16th of December, 1515, in the sixty-third year of his
age, retaining his senses to the last, and dying as became a good
Christian. Alfonso de Albuquerque was second son to Gonzalo de
Albuquerque lord of Villaverde, by Donna Leonora de Menezes, daughter of
Alvaro Gonzalez de Atayde, first count of Atouguia. He had been master
of the horse to King John the Second. He was of moderate stature, having
a fair and pleasing countenance, with a venerable beard reaching below
his girdle to which he wore it knotted. When angry his looks were
terrible; but when pleased his manners were merry, pleasant, and witty.
He was buried in a chapel which he built near the gate of the city of
Goa, dedicated to _Our Lady of the Mountain_, but, after a long
resistance from the inhabitants of Goa, his bones were transferred to
the church of _Our Lady of Grace_ at Lisbon.
The dominion of the Portuguese in India was founded by three great men,
Duarte Pacheco, Francisco de Almeyda, and Alfonso de Albuquerque; after
whom scarcely was there a single successor who did not decline from
their great character, having either a mixture of timidity with their
valour, or of covetousness with their moderation, in which the vices
predominated. In gaining this Indian crown, Pacheco alone acted with
that fiery heat which melted the arms and riches of the zamorin; only
_Almeyda_ could have filed and polished it, by his own and his sons
sword, bringing it into form by humbling the pride of the Egyptian
Soldan while _Albuquerque_ gave a finish to its ornaments, by adorning
it with three precious jewels, _Goa, Malacca_ and _Ormuz_[138].
[Footnote 138: Portuguese Asia, II. vii. This rhetorical flourish by De
Faria, gives a specimen of what was perhaps considered fine writing in
those days; but it strongly marks the important services of Albuquerque,
and is therefore here inserted.--E.]
SECTION VI.
_Portuguese Transactions in India, under several governors, from the
close of 1515, to the year 1526_.
While the great Alfonso de Albuquerque was drawing towards the last
period of his life, Manuel, as if he had foreseen that event, sent out
Don Lope Soarez de Albergaria to succeed him in the government, with a
fleet of 13 ships, carrying a force of 1500 soldiers, many of whom were
gentlemen by birth, and still more so by their actions. Among them was
Duarte Galvam, a person of learning and judgment, who was sent
ambassador to Abyssinia with considerable presents, some for _Prester
John_, and some for the church. On his arrival at Cochin, the new
governor offended many by the reservedness of his carriage and manners,
and became particularly disagreeable to the rajah, who had been
accustomed to the discreet and easy civility of Albuquerque. Don Garcia
de Noronha took charge of the homeward bound ships, and went away after
no small disagreement with Soarez. Till this time, the Portuguese
gentlemen in India had followed the dictates of honour, esteeming arms
their greatest riches; but henceforwards they gave themselves entirely
up to trade, those who had been captains becoming merchants; insomuch
that command became a shame, honour a scandal, and reputation a
reproach. Having entered upon the exercise of his government, he visited
the forts, in which he placed new captains, gave out orders, and
transacted other affairs of small moment, which serve rather to fill the
page than to advance the dignity of history.
In the year 1515, five ships sailed from Lisbon under the command of
Juan de Sylveira, three of which arrived in Lisbon, and the other two
were lost on the sands of St Lazarus. By orders from the king,
proceeding on information that the Soldan was fitting out a great fleet
at Suez, Soarez sailed from Goa on the 8th of February 1516, with 27
sail of vessels of various sizes and descriptions, having 1200
Portuguese and 800 Malabar soldiers on board, besides 800 native seamen,
and directed his course for the Red Sea in order to oppose the Mameluke
fleet. On arriving at Aden, Miramirzan the governor immediately offered
to surrender the place, declaring he would have done so to Albuquerque
if that officer had not at the very first proceeded to hostility. The
real state of the matter was that the place was indefensible, as Reis,
Soliman, the admiral of the Egyptian fleet of which Soarez was in search
had beaten down a part of the wall so that the town was defenceless.
Lope Soarez was so much pleased by this flattering offer that he trusted
Miramirzan and declined taking possession of the city till his return
from the Red Sea, and went away in search of Reis Soliman; but he
neither met with him, nor did he take Aden on his return. While on his
voyage up the Red Sea, Don Alvaro do Castro with forty men was lost
through covetousness, as he so overloaded his ship with goods from some
captured vessels that she became water-logged and went to the bottom.
Some other ships of the fleet received damage during this part of the
voyage. Hearing that Soliman was driven by stress of weather to Jiddah,
where he had no means of defence, Soarez determined to sail to that
place.
Jiddah or Juddah, the sea-port of Mecca, is a town and harbour of Arabia
on the eastern shore of the Red Sea in about 22° of north latitude,
situated in a most barren soil composed of deep loose sand, being more
calculated for commerce than delight. The buildings are good, but the
harbour very bad, and its inhabitants consist partly of native Arabs and
partly of foreign merchants. It was fortified by Mir Husseyn after his
defeat by Almeyda, under pretence, of defending the sepulchre of
Mahomet, but in reality for his own security as he was afraid to return
defeated to the Soldan. While he was occupied in constructing the
fortifications, Reis Soliman a low born Turk of Mitylene in the
Archipelago, but a bold and successful corsair, offered his services to
the Soldan, and was appointed admiral of the Suez fleet of 27 sail,
which was fitting out for the attack of Aden. Mir Husseyn was
accordingly discarded and Soliman appointed in his place. After the
failure of his attempt on Aden, where he lost a considerable number of
men, Soliman made a descent on Zobeid in the Tehamah near the island of
Kamaran, where he acquired a considerable booty, from whence he
proceeded to Jiddah, where he slew Mir Husseyn: And learning that the
emperor of the Turks had slain the Soldan in battle, and subverted the
sovereignty of the Mamelukes in Egypt, he surrendered the Egyptian fleet
and the port of Jiddah to the conqueror.
Finding the port dangerous, Soarez came to anchor about a league from
the city of Jiddah, yet so excellent were some of the cannon of the
place, that three or four pieces were able to carry that prodigious
distance. Soliman sent a message to the Christian fleet offering a
single combat man to man, which Gaspar de Silva and Antonio de Menezes
both offered to accept, but Soarez would not allow the combat. Soarez
now caused the channel leading up to Jiddah to be sounded, and at this
time the inhabitants were much alarmed by the fire of one of the
Portuguese vessels; but Soliman appeased the tumult, and made his
appearance without the walls with some of his men, while the walls were
filled by vast multitudes of the infidels, who rent the air with loud
cries. After two days of inaction, the Portuguese began to complain of
the delay; but Soarez appeased his officers by shewing his instructions,
in which he was ordered to fight the fleet of the Mamelukes, which could
not be accomplished, and not to attack the city, where there might be
much danger and little chance of profit. Though the votes differed in
the council of war, it was resolved by a majority to desist from the
enterprise against Jiddah, and accordingly Soarez and his armament
retired to Kamaran, whence he detached several ships to different parts
of the Red Sea. At this place died Duarte Galvam, a learned and
ingenious man, who had been employed in several embassies in Europe, and
though above seventy years of age was now going ambassador to _Prester
John_. At the time of his death, he told his attendants that his son
George and all his men had been cast away in their vessel, and that the
inhabitants of the island of Dalac had cut off the heads of Lorenzo de
Cosme and others that had been sent to that place. All this was
afterwards found true, yet it was utterly impossible that the
intelligence could have reached Duarte at Kamaran before his death.
After suffering much distress from famine, of which several men died,
and losing seventeen Portuguese who were made prisoners by the Arabs,
and carried to Jiddah, Soarez set sail from Kamaran and appeared before
Zeyla in the kingdom of Adel, on the north-east coast of Africa, a
little way out from the mouth of the Red Sea. This place was called
_Emporium Avalite_ by Ptolemy, who describes it as a great mart in
ancient times. On the present occasion Zeyla was taken with little
opposition, being unprepared for defence, and was reduced to ashes. From
Zeyla, Soarez went to Aden on the coast of Arabia, but soon found he had
been to blame for not taking possession when formerly offered it; as
Miramirzan had repaired the wall, and now procrastinated the surrender
of his city by various affected delays. Soarez fearing to lose the
season of the trade winds for returning to India, set sail for Barbora
on the same coast with Zeyla, which he meant likewise to destroy; but
the fleet was dispersed in a storm, and on its being afterwards
collected, it was found that more than eight hundred men had perished,
from famine, disease, and shipwreck, in this disastrous and
ill-conducted expedition.
While these disasters attended Soarez, the city of Goa, where Monroy
commanded, was threatened with destruction. According to orders from
Soarez, some ships had been taken from the enemy, but with more profit
than reputation, though not without danger. One Alvaro Madureira, who
had married at Goa, fled to the enemy and turned Mahometan. He
afterwards repented and returned to Goa; but again fled to the Moors and
brought them to attack the Portuguese ships, which were in imminent
danger of being captured. About this time likewise, one Ferdinando
Caldera, who was also married at Goa, fled from that city to avoid
punishment for some crime he had committed, and joined the Moors; though
some say that he was forced to desert by Monroy, who was in love with
his wife. However this may have been, Caldera went to serve under
_Ancostan_ an officer of the king of Bisnagar. Don Gutierre de Monroy
demanded of Ancostan to deliver him up, which was refused; after which
Monroy suborned another person to go over to the enemy to assassinate
Caldera; which was done, but the assassin was instantly slain by the
Moors. On the return of Soarez to Goa, being informed of these
incidents, he left Monroy to take what satisfaction he thought proper
from Ancostan. Monroy accordingly sent out his brother Don Fernando at
the head of 150 Portuguese, 80 of whom were horse, and a considerable
body of natives, to attack Ancostan. Fernando defeated the Moors at
_Ponda_; but the Moors having rallied defeated him in his turn, and
obliged him to retire with the loss of 200 men killed and taken
prisoners. On these hostilities, the whole country was up in arms, and
Adel Khan the king of Bisnagar ordered his general _Sujo Lari_ to
besiege Goa. Lari accordingly endeavoured to cross over into the island
at the head of 4000 horse and 26,000 foot, but was repulsed. In the mean
time, as all intercourse was cut off between the island and the
continent, the besieged became distressed by want of provisions; but on
the arrival of three ships, one from Portugal, one from Quiloa, and the
third from China, Lari raised the blockade and the former peace was
renewed.
Similar misfortunes took place at Malacca, through the misrule of George
de Brito and others, which occasioned all the native inhabitants to
desert the city to avoid oppression. In this situation, Mahomet, the
exiled king, sent a considerable force to attempt recovering his
capital, under the command of _Cerilege Rajah_ his general. Cerilege
intrenched his army, and so pressed the besieged that the Portuguese had
assuredly been driven from Malacca, had not Don Alexius de Menezes
arrived to assume the government with a reinforcement of 300 men.
Antonio de Saldanna arrived in India in 1517 with six ships. In this
fleet one Alcacova came out as surveyor of the king's revenue, invested
with such power as greatly curtailed the influence of Soarez, and having
the inclination to encroach still farther on his authority than he was
warranted. This occasioned great dissensions between the governor and
surveyor; who finding himself unable to prevail, returned into Portugal
where he made loud complaints against the administration of affairs in
India. Hence began the practice of listening to complaints at home
against the governors and commanders employed in India; and hence many
took more care in the sequel to amass riches than to acquire honour,
knowing that money is a never-failing protection from crimes. Soarez
sent Juan de Sylveira to the Maldive islands, Alexius de Menezes to
Malacca, Manuel de la Cerda to Diu, and Antonio de Saldanna with six
ships to the coast of Arabia by orders from the king. The only exploit
performed by Saldanna was the capture and destruction of Barbora, a town
near Zeyla but much smaller, whence the inhabitants fled. Saldanna then
returned to India, where he found Soarez about to sail for the island of
Ceylon.
The island of Ceylon, the southernmost land in India, is to the east of
Cape Comorin. It is sixteen leagues distant from the continent[139], to
which some imagine that it was formerly joined. This island is about 80
leagues from north to south, and about 45 leagues from east to
west[140]. The most southerly point, or Dondra Head, is in lat. 5° 52' N.
The most northerly, or Point Pedro, in 9° 48'. In the sea belonging to
this island there is a fishery of the most precious pearls. By the
Persians and Arabs it is called _Serendib_[141]. It took the name of
_Ceylon_ from the sea by which it is surrounded, owing to the loss of a
great fleet of the Chinese, who therefore named that sea _Chilam_,
signifying danger, somewhat resembling _Scylla_; and this word was
corrupted to Ceylon. This island was the _Taprobana_ of the ancients,
and not Sumatra as some have imagined. Its productions are numerous and
valuable: Cinnamon of greatly finer quality than in any other place;
rubies, sapphires, and other precious stones; much pepper and cardamoms,
Brazil wood, and other dyes, great woods of palm-trees, numbers of
elephants which are more docile than those of other countries, and
abundance of cattle. It has many good ports, and several rivers of
excellent water. The mountains are covered with pleasant woods. One of
these mountains, which rises for the space of seven leagues, has a
circular plain on the top of about thirty paces diameter, in the middle
of which is a smooth rock about six spans high, upon which is the print
of a man's foot about two spans in length. This footstep is held in
great veneration, being supposed to have been impressed there by a holy
man from Delhi, who lived many years on that mountain, teaching the
inhabitants the belief in the one only God. This person returned
afterwards to his own country, whence he sent one of his teeth to the
king of the island as a token of remembrance, and it is still preserved
as a holy relick, on which they repose much confidence in time of
danger, and many pilgrims resort thither from places a thousand miles
distant. The island is divided into nine kingdoms, _Columbo_ on the west
being the chief of these. The others are _Gale_ on the south, _Jaula,
Tanavaca, Cande, Batecalon, Vilacem, Trinquinimale,_ and
_Jafanapatam_[142].
[Footnote 139: The distance between Ceylon and the Carnatic across Palks
Bay is about 63 English miles; but at Jafnapatnam and Ramiseram, this
distance is lessened to 43, by two capes, at the former projecting from
the island, and at the latter from the continent.--E.]
[Footnote 140: From Point Pedro in the north to Dondra Head in the south
are 265 miles, and its widest part from Negombo in the west to Poukiri
Chene in the east is 143 statute miles.--E.]
[Footnote 141: More properly Selan-dib, or the Isle of Selan. The
derivation of the name of Ceylon in the text does not admit of
commentary.--E.]
[Footnote 142: All of these except _Cande, Candi_, or _Kandi_, the
central mountainous region, still occupied by the native Hindoo race,
appear to have been small sovereignties of the Moors or Malays; and have
been long under European rule, having been conquered by the Portuguese,
Dutch; and British in succession. The topography of Ceylon will be
illustrated hereafter, and does not admit of being explained in the
compass of a note--E.]
Albuquerque had established a treaty of amity and commerce with the king
of Columbo, who furnished the Portuguese with cinnamon; and Soarez went
thither at this time, by order of the king of Portugal, to construct a
fort at Columbo, and to reduce the prince of that country to pay
tribute. On this occasion his fleet consisted of seven gallies, two
ships, and eight small vessels, carrying materials and workmen for
building the fort, and 700 Portuguese soldiers. At first the king
consented to have the fort built, but changed his mind at the
instigation of the Moors, and put Soarez to considerable difficulty; but
in the end the Moors were put to flight, the fort built, and the king
constrained to become a tributary vassal of Portugal, by the yearly
payment of 1200 quintals of cinnamon, twelve rings of rubies and
sapphires, and six elephants.
At this time Juan de Sylveira returned from the Maldives, where he had
taken two ships belonging to Cambaya, and had got permission of the king
of the Maldives to erect a fort at the principal harbour. Sylveira went
upon a similar mission to Bengal, where he was in great danger; as a
young man of Bengal who sailed there with him, gave notice of his having
taken these two ships, so that he was considered as a pirate. He had
fared worse than he did, but for the arrival of Juan Coello from Pisang,
sent by Andrada to the king of Bengal. After passing the winter in
Bengal with great difficulty on account of famine, Sylveira set sail,
being invited by the king of Aracan to come to his port of Chittagon by
a messenger who brought him a valuable present; but all this kindness
was only intended to decoy him to his ruin, at the instigation of the
king of Bengal. He escaped however from the snare, and arrived at Ceylon
as Soarez had finished the fort of Columbo, of which he appointed
Sylveira to the command, leaving Azevedo with four ships to guard the
sea in that neighbourhood.
About the same time Menezes secured the safety of Malacca, as mentioned
before, by supplying it with men and ammunition, and appointed Alfonso
Lopez de Costa to the government, in place of Brito who was dying.
Duarte de Melo was left there with a naval force; and Duarte Coello was
sent with an embassy and present to the King of Siam, to confirm a
treaty of peace and amity, and to request of him to send a colony of his
subjects to inhabit the city of Malacca, so that the Moors whom he hated
as much as the Portuguese, might be for ever excluded from that place.
All this was agreed to, and as a testimonial of his friendship to the
Christians, he caused a great cross, ornamented with the arms of
Portugal, to be erected in a conspicuous part of the city of Hudia,
where he then resided. Having thus succeeded in his mission, Coello was
forced by stress of weather upon the coast of Pahang, where he was
received in a friendly manner by the king, who voluntarily submitted to
become a vassal to the crown of Portugal, and to pay a cup of gold as an
annual tribute. This was done more from hatred to the king of Bintang,
than from love to the Portuguese.
The kingdom of Siam was at this time one of the greatest in the east,
the two others of greatest consequence being China and Bisnagar. The
great river _Menam_ runs through the middle of the kingdom of Siam from
north to south, having its source in the great lake of _Chiamay_ in lat.
30° N. and its mouth in 13°, so that the length of this kingdom is 330
leagues. On the west it joins Bengal, on the south Malacca, on the north
China, and on the east Cambodia. Its territory contains both mountains
and plains, and it is inhabited by many different races of people, some
of whom are extremely cruel and barbarous, and even feed on human flesh.
Among these the _Guei_ ornament themselves with figures impressed by hot
irons[143]. Siam abounds in elephants, cattle, and buffaloes. It has
many sea-ports and populous cities, _Hudia_ being the metropolis or
residence of the court. The religion of the Siamese agrees in many
considerable points with Christianity, as they believe in one God, in
heaven and hell, and in good and bad angels that attend upon every
person[144]. They build sumptuous temples, in which they have images of
vast size. They are very religious, sparing in their diet, much given to
divination, and addicted to the study of astrology. The country is
exceedingly fertile, and abounds in gold, silver, and other metals. The
memorable services of the subjects are recorded that they may be read to
the kings. When the king of Siam takes the field, he is able to set on
foot a force of 300,000 men and 10,000 elephants.
[Footnote 143: Perhaps tattooing may be here alluded to.--E.]
[Footnote 144: It is hardly possible to conceive how it could enter into
the conception of any one to compare the stupid polytheism of the
worshippers of Budda with the Christian religion: In one thing indeed
the Catholic church has contrived to establish a resemblance, by the
subordinate worship of innumerable idols or images.--E.]
About this time, Fernan Perez de Andrada arrived at Pisang, where he was
well received, but lost his largest ship, which was set on fire by the
careless management of a lighted candle, so that he was forced to return
to Malacca. From that place Juan Coello[145], was sent to China, meeting
with furious storms and other dangers by the way. While on the coast of
Tsiompa, taking in fresh water, he was nearly lost. At Patane and other
places he established commercial treaties with the native princes, and
spent the winter without being able to reach China, being obliged to
return to Malacca to refit. After which he again resumed his voyage for
China with eight ships. The empire of China is the most eastern in Asia,
as Spain is the most westerly in Europe; and opposite to China is the
island of Hainan, as that of Cadiz is to Spain. It is almost as large as
all Europe, being divided from Tartary by a wonderful wall which runs
from east to west above 200 leagues, and ends at a vast mountain or
promontory which is washed by the eastern sea of Tartary. This vast
empire is divided into fifteen provinces. Along the coast are those of
_Quantung, Fokien, Chekiang, Nanking, Xantung_, and _Leaotung_; those of
the inland country are _Queichieu, Junnan, Quangsi, Suchuen, Huquang,
Xensi, Kiangsi, Honan_, and _Xansi_, in all of which there are 244
cities. Its riches are prodigious, and its government admirable above
all others. The natives allege that they alone have two eyes, the
Europeans one, and that all the other nations are blind. They certainty
had both printing and cannon long before the Europeans. The city of
Quantung or Canton, which is the principal sea-port, is remarkable for
its size, the strength of its fortifications, and the prodigious resort
of strangers for trade.
[Footnote 145: It will appear from the sequel that Fernan Perez de
Andrada commanded on this voyage, not Coello as stated in the text.--E.]
After some considerable difficulties and dangers, Fernan Perez arrived
at Canton, where he had a conference with the three governors of the
city, to whom he presented Thomas Perez as ambassador to the emperor
from the king of Portugal, and requested them to forward him and the
present he was charged with. Perez settled a commercial treaty with the
governors of Canton, and having concluded his traffic there and at the
neighbouring parts, he returned to Malacca, loaded with riches. He was
no less welcome there than Menezes had been formerly, as it was reduced
to a dangerous situation in consequence of war with the king of Bintang,
of which we shall have occasion to give an account in the sequel.
In 1518 Diego Lopez de Sequeira was sent out as governor of India, in
reward for his services in Africa and for having discovered Malacca. One
of his ships was in danger of perishing at the Cape of Good Hope in
consequence of being run against by a great fish, which stuck a long
horn or beak two spans length into her side. It was afterwards found
that this was a fish called the _needle_. Soarez immediately resigned
the government to Sequeira, and set sail for Portugal with nine ships.
On taking possession of the government, Sequeira sent Alonson de Menezes
to reduce Baticala in the island of Ceylon, the king of which place had
neglected to pay the stipulated tribute; and Juan Gomez was sent to
build a fort at the Maldive islands. Sequeira then went from Cochin to
Goa, whence he dispatched Antonio de Saldanna to the coast of Arabia,
and Simon de Andrada to China.
About this time the king of Bintang attacked Malacca by land with 1500
men and many elephants, while 60 vessels blockaded the harbour. The
Portuguese garrison consisted only of 200 men, many of whom were sick,
but the danger cured them of their fevers, and every one ran to repel
the enemy. After a severe encounter of three hours the enemy was
repulsed with great loss: He continued however before the town for three
weeks and then retired, having lost 330 men, while 18 of the Portuguese
were slain. On the arrival of reinforcements, having been much injured
by frequent inroads from the fort of _Maur_ not far from Malacca, the
Portuguese took that place by assault, killing most of the garrison
which consisted of 800 Moors, and after securing the spoil burnt Maur to
the ground. There were 300 cannon at this place, some of which were
brass. Nothing more of any note happened this year, except that Diego
Pacheco with most of his men were lost in two ships, which went in
search of the _Island of Gold_[146].
[Footnote 146: Possibly Japan is here meant.--E.]
In the year 1519, Antonio Correa concluded a treaty of amity and
commerce with the king of Pegu, which was mutually sworn to between him
and the kings ministers, assisted by the priests of both nations,
Catholic and Pagan. The heathen priest was called the grand _Raulim_,
who, after the treaty or capitulation was read, made according to their
custom _in the golden mine_[147], began to read from a book, and then
taking some yellow paper, a colour dedicated to holy purposes, and some
sweet-smelling leaves impressed with certain characters, set both on
fire; after which, holding the hands of the minister over the ashes, he
pronounced some words which rendered the oath inviolable. By way of a
parallel to this solemnity, Correa ordered his priest to attend in his
surplice with his breviary; but that was so tattered and torn that it
was unfit to be seen by these heathens, on which he ordered a book of
church music to be brought, which had a more creditable appearance,
being larger and better bound; and opening at the first place which
appeared, the priest began the lesson _Vanity of Vanities_, which
answered among these ignorant people as well as if it had been the
gospel[148]. The metropolis of the kingdom is called _Bagou_, corruptly
called Pegu, which name is likewise given to the kingdom. It has the Bay
of Bengal on the west, Siam on the east, Malacca on the south, and
Aracan on the north. This kingdom is almost 100 leagues in length, and
in some places of the same breadth, not including the conquered
provinces. The land is plain, well watered, and very fertile, producing
abundance of provisions of all kinds, particularly cattle and grain. It
has many temples with a prodigious multitude of images, and a vast
number of ceremonies. The people believe themselves to have descended
from a Chinese _dog_ and a woman, who alone escaped from shipwreck on
that coast and left a progeny; owing to which circumstance in their
opinion, the men are all ugly and the women handsome. The Peguers being
much addicted to sodomy, a queen of that country named Canane, ordered
the women to wear bells and open garments, by way of inviting the men to
abandon that abominable vice.
[Footnote 147: This singular expression may have been some court phrase
of the court of Pegu, meaning the royal presence.--E.]
[Footnote 148: On this trifling incident, the editor of Astley's
Collection gives the following marginal reference, _A merry passage_.
Ludere cum sacris is rather a stale jest, and perhaps the grand Raulim
was as ingenious as Correa and his priest, to trick the ignorant
unbelievers in their sacred doctrines of Bhudda.--E.]
On the arrival of Antonio Correa with relief at Malacca, Garcia de Sa
resolved to take revenge on the king of Bintang. He therefore gave
Correa the command of 30 ships, with 500 soldiers, 150 of whom were
Portuguese, with which armament Correa proceeded to the place where the
king had fortified himself, which was defended by a fort with a great
number of cannon and a numerous garrison. The access to this place was
extremely difficult and guarded by a great number of armed vessels; yet
Correa attacked without hesitation and carried the fort, which had 20
pieces of cannon, the garrison being forced to retire to the town, where
the king still had a force of 2000 men and several armed elephants. The
Portuguese, following up their first success, pushed up the river
clearing away all that obstructed them; after which they landed and took
the town, killing many of the enemy, and put the rest to flight, the
king among the rest fled on an elephant, and never stopped till they
came to Bintang. The town above mentioned was plundered and burnt by the
Portuguese; and the discomfited king remained long at Bintang unable for
any new enterprise against the Portuguese. The successes of the king of
Bintang in the beginning of this war had encouraged the kings of Pisang
and Acheen to commit some outrages against the Portuguese; for which
reason being now victorious, Garcia de Sa determined to be revenged upon
them. Having some success, he fitted out a ship commanded by Manuel
Pacheco to take some revenge for the injuries, he had sustained; and
Pacheco had occasion to send a boat for water rowed by Malays, having
only five Portuguese on board, which fell in with three ships belonging
to Pisang each having 150 men. Finding it impossible to escape, they
boarded the commander with such resolute fury that they soon strewed the
deck with the dead bodies of the enemy, and the remainder of the crew
leapt overboard, followed by their captain, who was seen hewing them
with his cymeter in the water in revenge for their cowardice. The _five_
Portuguese thus obtained possession of the ship, and the other two fled,
on which Pacheco returned to Malacca with his prize in triumph, and the
captured ship was long preserved as a memorial of this signal exploit.
The king of Pisang was so much terrified by this action that he sued
for peace, and offered ample reparation of all the injuries he had done
to die Portuguese.
In this same year 1519 Diego Gomez went to erect a fort at the principal
island of the Maldives; but behaved himself with so much arrogance that
the Moors lulled ten or twelve of his men. This is the chief of _a
thousand isles_ which lie in clusters in that sea, and such is the
signification of _Male-dive_. They resemble a long ridge of mountains,
the sea between being as valleys and serving for communications from
isle to isle; and about the middle of the group is the large island, in
which the king resides. The natives of these islands are gentiles, but
the government is in the hands of the Moors. They are so close together,
that in many of the channels the yard-arms of ships passing through rub
against the shores, or on the trees on both sides. Their chief product
is cocoa-nut trees, the kernel of these nuts producing a pleasant and
nutritive fruit, while the outer rhind or husk is useful for making
cables. There is another sort of these trees _growing at the bottom of
the sea_, having larger fruit than the land cocoa-nut, and which is a
more powerful antidote against poison than even the _Bezoar_ stone[149].
[Footnote 149: This submarine cocoa-nut tree is utterly inexplicable.
--E.]
During this same year 1519, a fleet of 14 ships was sent from Portugal
to India, which was dispersed to several parts. Some fell in with the
coast of Brazil, where fifty men were slain; and Don Luis de Guzman, one
of the captains, turned pirate and became very rich, but afterwards met
with his deserts. Six staid at Mozambique. George de Albuquerque the
admiral reached India with only four sail. One was driven back to
Lisbon. Another watering at _Matira_ lost some men, and six more at
_Oja_, whom the king long kept with kind entertainment; but their ship
which left them was lost on a sand bank off Quiloa, and the Moors of
that place and of Monfia and Zanzibar slew them all except one man.
After Sequeira had dispatched the homeward bound trade of the season,
under the command of Fernan Perez de Andrada, he sailed on the 13th of
February 1520, from Goa with 24 sail of ships of various sizes, having
on board 1800 Portuguese soldiers, and about an equal number of Malabars
and Canarins, bound for the Red Sea. Off the coast of Aden his ship
struck on a rock and split in pieces; but the men were all saved, and
Sequeira the governor went into the galleon of Pedro de Faria. A Moorish
ship was taken at the entrance into the Red Sea, from which they learnt
that there were six Turkish gallies at Jiddah with 1200 men, intending
to proceed against Aden.. The weather prevented the Portuguese from
going in quest of the Turkish squadron, and in fact it would have been
to no purpose; as on hearing that the Portuguese were in these seas, the
Turks hauled their gallies on shore. While Sequeira was on his voyage
for Massua, a small black flag was seen on the disk of the sun towards
evening on the 9th of April being Easter Sunday. On arriving at Massua
they found all the inhabitants had fled, yet they found some vessels in
the port which they captured. The inhabitants of Massua had fled to the
neighbouring port of _Arkiko_ in the dominions of _Prester John_, and
the governor of the town sent a messenger with a letter to Sequeira
desiring that he would make peace with the people who had fled to him
for protection; at the same time he asked nothing for the town where he
commanded, because they were all Christians, and because they had a
prophecy among them which foretold the coming of Christians to settle a
correspondence with them, and which he now believed to be fulfilled on
seeing the Christian colours. Sequeira sent a courteous answer, and drew
nearer the shore, on which several Christians came on board. They told
him that their prince had sent several years before an ambassador named
Mathew, to a king at the other end of the world whose fleet had
conquered India, on purpose to become acquainted with these remote
Christians and to demand succour against the Moors; but that the
ambassador had never returned. On hearing this, Sequeira was satisfied
that they dealt ingeniously with him, as he had actually brought that
ambassador along with him, and had orders from the king of Portugal to
land him safe in the dominions of _Prester John_. On this, the
ambassador of whom they spoke of was brought before them, to their great
mutual joy, as he had been ten years absent from his country. Next day
ten monks came from a neighbouring convent of _the Vision_ to visit
Mathew, and were received in great ceremony by the priests of the fleet
dressed in their surplices. Great rejoicings were made on occasion of
this meeting between two such distant nations agreeing in the same
faith; and the consequence of this meeting was, that those who from the
beginning had not acknowledged the supremacy of the Roman pontiff, now
submitted to his authoritye[150].
[Footnote 150: The submission of the Abyssinian church to the Roman
pontiff was a mere pretence, which afterwards produced long and bloody
civil wars, and ended in the expulsion of the Portuguese from the
country.--E.]
The kingdom of _Prester John_, now first visited by Sylveira, is mostly
known by this appellation but improperly, as its right name is the
empire of Abyssinia, Abassia, Habesh, or the higher Ethiopia. It
received the former appellation from the great king _Jovarus_, who came
to it from the Christians of Tartary, having a cross carried before him
like our bishops, and carrying a cross in his hand, with the title of
_Defender of the Faith_, as being a Jacobite Christian[151]. The
dominions of this prince are situated between the rivers _Nile,
Astabora_, and _Astapus_. To the east they border on the Red Sea for 120
leagues, this being the smallest side, as their whole extent is 670
leagues. On the west it borders on those Negroes who possess the great
mines of gold, and who pay tribute to the sovereign of Abyssinia. On the
north it is divided from the Moors by a line drawn from the city of
_Suakem_ to the isle of _Meroe_ in _Nubia_. On the south it borders on
the kingdom of _Adel_, from the mountains of which country the river
_Obi_ descends, and falls into the sea at the town of _Quilimane_ in the
kingdom of _Melinda_.
[Footnote 151: It is not worth while to inquire whence this ridiculous
legend of king or Saint Jovarus has been derived. The origin of
Christianity in Abyssinia will be considered on an after occasion, when
we come to the particular travels in that country.--E.]
The kings of Abyssinia pretend to descend from King Solomon by the queen
of _Sheba_ or _Saba_; who being delivered by the way, named her son
_Melech_, and sent him to his father, to be by him declared king of
Ethiopia. Whereupon Solomon anointed him, and gave him the name of
_David_, after his grandfather. Solomon likewise appointed him a
household, giving him officers of his own, and sent with him as high
priest, Azaria the son of Zadoc, who stole the tables of the law from
the temple of Jerusalem, and carried them along with his new prince. It
is affirmed that the descendants of these original officers still
possess the same employments. The Abyssinians had some knowledge of the
law of Christ from Queen _Candace_, in whom they glory as being of their
country: But their true apostles were St Philip and St Mathew. In memory
of his descent, the king or emperor of Abyssinia begins the enumeration
of his many titles in this manner: "_David_, beloved of God, pillar of
the Faith, descendant of Judah, grandson of David, son of Solomon, son
of the pillar of Sion, son of the progeny of David, son of the hand of
Mary, &c. Emperor of the higher Ethiopia," &c. He dwells for the most
part in a camp, resembling a populous city, and is frequently removing
from one part of the country to another. In his messages, he uses a
style similar to that of the kings of Portugal and Spain, beginning "_I
the king_." The people are very religious, having many churches and
great numbers of monasteries which belong only to two religious orders,
that of St Anthony, and the Canons regular. Those religious persons who
live in convents wear long cotton garments; but all the others, and
their priests and nuns, are dressed in skins, hardly covering so much as
modesty requires. They have no considerable towns, have little learning,
no skill in mechanics, and are very rude in their diet and clothing. In
such houses as assume any degree of grandeur, all the furniture is
brought from other countries. There are as expert thieves in this
country as our gypsies are in Europe. This is the substance of what
could be gathered by the first discoverers of Abyssinia.
On the news of the arrival of the Portuguese fleet at Massua, and of the
return of Mathew the ambassador, the Baharnagash[152] or governor of the
province in which Arkiko is situated came there attended by 200 horse
and 2000 foot. After some difference about a proper place of meeting
between him and Sequeira, they at length agreed to meet on the
sea-shore, and were seated on chairs on the sand, under the burning heat
of the sun. At this meeting, Sequeira delivered Mathew the Abyssinian
ambassador to the Baharnagash, and recommended to his protection Don
Rodrigo de Lima who was sent ambassador from King Manuel to the emperor
of Abyssinia. They treated likewise about building a fort as a
protection against the Moors, either at Kamaran or Massua, and both
swore to the sincerity of their friendly intentions on a cross, after
which they separated and presents were mutually interchanged. Don
Rodrigo de Lima set forwards on his journey unaccompanied by Mathew, who
soon afterwards died in the monastery of the Vision. Sequeira erected a
great cross in that port, in memory of the arrival of the Portuguese
fleet, and caused many masses to be said in the mosque of Massua. From
that port he went to the island of Dalac, where he burnt the town,
previously abandoned by its inhabitants. He then stood over to the coast
of Arabia, where one galley was cast away in a storm and most of her men
lost. Leaving the Red Sea and sailing along the coast of Yemen, the
fleet arrived at Cape Kalayat, towards the entrance of the Persian Gulf,
where George Albuquerque waited its arrival. Going from thence to
Muscat, Albuquerque was left to winter there with all the ships, and
Sequeira went on to Ormuz with the gallies.
[Footnote 152: In Faria called Barnagux.]
In this same year 1520, during the expedition of Sequeira to the Red
Sea, _Chrisna-rao_ king of Bisnagar collected together a vast army of
35,000 horse, 733,000 foot, and 686 armed elephants, each of which
carried a castle on its back with four men. In this army there were
12,000 water-bearers, that all might be supplied without any being under
the necessity of dispersing to seek for it. The baggage was immense and
the followers numberless, among whom were above 20,000 common women.
This prodigious army was collected for the purpose of taking the city of
_Rachol_ then under the power of Adel Khan king of Visiapour, but which
had belonged to the ancestors of Chrisna-rao, who had left it in charge
to their successors to attempt its recovery. The city of Rachol was
naturally almost impregnable, being situated on a high mountain and
fortified by several stone walls, with large deep ditches and strong
towers, well stored with artillery and other means of defence, and
having a garrison of 400 horse, 8000 foot, 20 elephants, and a
sufficient quantity of provisions and ammunition to tire out the most
patient besiegers. Chrisna-rao encamped his vast army around the city,
to which he gave many fruitless assaults during three months. At length
Adel Khan approached to relieve the siege, having an army of 18,000
horse, 120,000 foot, 150 elephants, and many large pieces of cannon.
After many skirmishes, the two armies at last joined battle, in which at
the beginning Chrisna-rao received much damage; but rallying his
innumerable forces, made such havoc among the troops of Adel Khan, that
only those escaped from the sword or from captivity who at last moved
pity even in their enemies. Besides great riches in the camp of Adel
Khan, the victor got 100 elephants, 4000 horses, 400 large cannons, and
a great many small ones. Adel Khan made his escape on an elephant; but
forty Portuguese who served in his army were all slain after behaving
themselves with great valour.
After this great victory, Chrisna-rao resumed the siege of Rachol, but
was unable to make any impression on its walls. At this tine one
_Christopher de Figueredo_ came to his camp, attended by twenty other
Portuguese, bringing some Arabian horses for sale to the king. In
discourse with Chrisna-rao respecting the siege, Figueredo asked
permission to view the place, and to try what he could do with his
Portuguese, which was granted. Figueredo gave two assaults, and being
seconded in the latter by the troops of Chrisna-rao, he gained
possession of the place. Soon afterwards, Adel Khan sent an embassy to
Chrisna-rao, begging the restoration of the prisoners and plunder which
had been taken in the late battle and in the captured city. Chrisna-rao
offered to restore the whole, on condition that Adel Khan would
acknowledge his supreme authority, as emperor of Canara, and come to
kiss, his foot in token of submission and vassalage. This degrading
condition was accepted, but its performance was prevented by several
accidents. In the mean while, however, Ruy de Melo, who commanded in
Goa, taking advantage of the declining situation of the affairs of Adel
Khan, possessed himself of those parts of the continent adjoining to the
Isle of Goa, with a force only of 250 horse and 800 Canara foot.
In the same year 1520, Lope de Brito went to succeed Juan de Sylveira in
the command of the fort of Columbo in Ceylon, and carried with him 400
soldiers and many workmen, by whose means he made the fort so strong
that it raised the jealousy of the natives of Columbo, who at the
instigation of the Moors gave over trade with the Portuguese, and
besieged the fort for five months, during which the garrison suffered
great hardships. At length Antonio de Lemos arrived with a reinforcement
of fifty men; with which small additional force Brito ventured to attack
the vast multitude of the enemy, whom he completely routed, and matters
were immediately restored to their former quiet.
On the change of the monsoon, Sequeira set sail from Ormuz and joined
Albuquerque at Muscat, where he found one ship from Lisbon of nine that
sailed together, but all the rest came safe afterwards. One of the ships
of this fleet, while sailing before the wind beyond the Cape of Good
Hope, was stopped all of a sudden. On examining into the cause, it
appeared that a sea monster bore the ship on its back, the tail
appearing about the rudder and the head at the boltsprit, spouting up
streams of water. It was _removed by exorcisms_, no human means being
thought sufficient. By the sailors it was called the _Sambrero_, or the
_hat-fish_, as the head has some resemblance to a hat. A similar fish,
though less, had been seen on the coast of Portugal near _Atouguia_,
where it did much harm.
As the king had sent orders to the governor to build forts at the
Moluccas, Sumatra, Maldive, Chaul, and Diu, Sequeira determined upon
attempting the last first. Having dispatched the homeward ships from
Cochin, he collected a fleet of 48 vessels of various kinds and sizes,
on board of which he embarked 3000 Portuguese and 800 Malabars and
Canarins. With this great force he appeared before Diu on the 9th of
February 1521. Malek Azz, being suspicious that this armament was
destined against him, had fortified and intrenched the city with great
care. At the arrival of the Portuguese, Malek Azz was at the court of
Cambaya, but had left his son Malek Saca with a strong garrison and
three experienced commanders. Observing the strength of the place,
Sequeira called a council of war to consult upon what was proper to be
done, when it was concluded to desist from the enterprise. The officers
of the fleet, though they had all concurred in this decision, and even
privately allowed its prudence and necessity, accused the governor of
cowardice on this occasion, though his valour was well known. Sequeira
accordingly retired to Ormuz for the winter, sending Alexius de Menezes
to Cochin with full power to conduct the government during his absence,
and several of the other captains went to different ports to trade.
Menezes dispatched the homeward trade from Cochin, and sent other ships
to various parts of India, some of which went to Sumatra.
The island of Sumatra extends in length from the north-west to the
south-east, for about 220 leagues, by 70 in its greatest breadth, and is
cut nearly in two equal parts by the equinoctial line. It is separated
from Malacca by a narrow strait, and its most southern point is parted
from Java by one still narrower. Java is above 100 leagues long by
twelve in breadth. To the east of Sumatra is the great island of Borneo,
through which likewise the equinoctial passes, leaving two-thirds of the
island on the north side of the line. The maritime parts of Sumatra are
flat, but the interior is full of mountains, pervaded by many large
rivers, and covered by impenetrable woods which even the rays of the sun
are unable to pierce. Owing to these circumstances Sumatra is very
unhealthy, yet is much resorted to for its rich and valuable
productions, and particularly on account of its abounding in gold.
Besides gold, it produces white sandal-wood, benzoin, camphor, pepper,
ginger, cinnamon[153], abundance of silk, and abounds in fish and
cattle. It has in one part a spring of petroleum or rock oil, and one of
its mountains is a volcano. The original natives of the island are
pagans; but the Moors who came there first as merchants, have possessed
themselves of the island as lords ever since the year 1400. Among the
inland tribes is one called _Batas_, who are of most brutal manners, and
even feed on human flesh. The Moors who dwell on the coast, use several
languages, but chiefly the _Malay_. Their weapons are poisoned arrows
like the natives of Java from whom they are descended, but they likewise
use fire-arms. This island is divided into nine kingdoms; of which
_Pedier_ was once the chief; but now that of _Pacem_ or _Pisang_ is the
most powerful, yet its kings only continue to reign so long as it
pleases the rabble.
[Footnote 153: Probably cassia.]
At this time George Albuquerque was sent to Sumatra, on purpose to
restore a king of Pisang who had been expelled and had fled to the
Portuguese for protection and aid. On his arrival, having secured the
co-operation and assistance of the neighbouring king of Ara, Albuquerque
sent a message to the usurper desiring him to resign the kingdom to the
lawful prince, who had submitted to the king of Portugal, _Genial_, the
usurper, offered to make the same submission, if allowed to retain
possession, but this offer was refused. Albuquerque then attacked Genial
in his fort, which was scaled and the gate broke open; yet the usurper
and thirty men valiantly defended a tower over the gateway, till Genial
was slain by a musket-shot, on which the others immediately fled. The
Portuguese troops, about 300 in number, were opposed by 3000 Moors in
the market-place, assisted by some elephants. Hector de Sylveira
endeavoured to strike one of these in the trunk with his lance, which
the beast put aside, and laying hold of Sylveira threw him into the air,
yet he had the good fortune to survive. Two other Portuguese soldiers
had better success, as one of them killed the rider and the other
wounded the elephant, on which he turned among his own party whom he
trampled to death without mercy. The Moors now returned to another
post, but with the aid of the king of Ara, they were completely defeated
by the Portuguese, 2000 of them being slain. In this battle Albuquerque
received two wounds in his face, and four or five persons of note were
killed on the side of the Portuguese, besides a great many wounded. Next
day the dispossessed prince of Pisang was reinstated with much ceremony,
being made tributary to the king of Portugal, and a fort was erected at
his capital, as at other places, to keep him under subjection.
At this time Antonio de Brito arrived at Pisang from, Acheen, where his
brother George de Brito had been slain by the Moors with a great number
of men, in a scandalous attempt to rob the sepulchres of the kings of
that country of a great quantity of gold they were said to contain.
Antonio was now left by Albuquerque in the command of the new fort of
Pisang, with three ships which were afterwards of great service against
a Moor who infested the coast. On his return to Malacca, of which he had
the command, Albuquerque prepared to make war upon the king of Bintang.
That island, about 40 leagues from Malacca, is forty leagues in
circumference, having two strong castles, and its rivers staked to
prevent the access of ships, so that it was considered as almost
impregnable. Albuquerque went from Malacca with 18 vessels and 600 men,
and finding it impossible to get his ships up, he endeavoured to land
his men from boats to attack one of the forts; but the water being up to
their middles, and the enemy making a brave resistance, they were forced
to retire after losing twenty men, besides a great number wounded.
In the same year 1521, Antonio de Brito sailed for the Molucca islands.
These islands are in the middle of a great number of others under the
equator, about 300 leagues east from Malacca. There are five principal
islands to which the general name of Moluccas is applied, about 25
leagues distant from each other, the largest not exceeding six leagues
in circumference. The particular names of these are _Ternate_, _Tidore_,
_Mousell_, _Macquein_ and _Bacham_[154]. They are covered with woods and
subject to fogs, and are consequently unhealthy. These five islands
produce cloves, but no kind of food; and the large island of
_Batochina_, which is 60 leagues long, produces food but no cloves. In
some of these islands, particularly Ternate, there are burning
mountains. Their chief subsistence is of a kind of meal made from the
bark of certain trees resembling the palm[155]. There are certain canes
that have a liquor in their hollows between the joints, which is
delightful to drink. Though the country abounds in animals, the natives
eat very little flesh, but live chiefly on fish which their seas produce
inexhaustibly. They are very warlike and by no means affable, and are
most expert both in running and swimming. Their religion is idolatrous,
but we have no account whatever respecting their original. The Moors had
possessed themselves of this country not long before the coming of the
Portuguese, as a Mahometan priest who had come along with the first of
the Moorish invaders was still alive at the arrival of Brito.
[Footnote 154: The principal island of the Molucca group is Gilolo;
those in the text being small islands to the west of Gilolo. The large
island mentioned in the text under the name of Batochina, can be no
other than Gilolo.--E.]
[Footnote 155: This is obviously an erroneous account of _Sago_, an
alimentary substance procured from the _pith_ of a tree of the palm
tribe, not from the _bark_.--E.]
Antonio de Brito was sent on this occasion to build a fort in the island
of Ternate, which had been long desired by its king _Boylefe_. His force
consisted of six ships and 300 soldiers, and was increased at the island
of Agacim by four sail under the command of Garcia Enriquez. On arriving
at Ternate, the old king Boylefe was dead, and the king of Tidore had
admitted the Spaniards to settle on his island; yet seeing that the
queen who governed Ternate during the minority of her son gave a
friendly reception to Brito, the king of Tidore visited him and offered
to deliver up the Spaniards to him if he would build the fort on Tidore
instead of Ternate. But Ternate was preferred as the most convenient,
Brito laying the first stone on the festival of St John the Baptist, the
28th of December 1521.
At this time a private correspondence was carried on between Francis
Serram, who resided in Ternate and Ferdinando de Magallanes in Portugal,
which turned to the advantage of Spain and the detriment of Portugal.
Magalanes, otherwise named Magellan, was a man of note and a knight of
St Jago, who had served with reputation at Azamor in Africa and in
several parts of India. Having solicited for a small allowance usually
given in reward of service, and which was refused, he left Portugal and
entered into the service of Spain. From his skill in sea affairs, and
the correspondence he held with Serram at Ternate, he concluded there
might be another way to India; and as the Spaniards had already tasted
the fruits of these islands, he wrote to Serram that he hoped soon to be
his guest at Ternate going thither by a new way[156]. He accordingly got
the command of five ships with 250 men, some of whom were Portuguese.
Sailing from the port of San Lucar de Barameda on the 20th of September
1519, after having renounced his country by a solemn act, he sailed
toward the south along the eastern coast of South America. When past Rio
de Janeiro on the coast of Brazil, the men began to grow mutinous, and
still more so when they had gone beyond the river of St Julian on the
coast of Patagonia, where they did not immediately find the strait of
passage to the Pacific Ocean, and found themselves pinched by the cold
of that inhospitable climate. As they proceeded to hold disrespectful
discourses against Magellan, both reflecting upon his pretended
knowledge, and espousing doubts of his fidelity, which came to his
knowledge, he called together all the principal people in his squadron,
to whom he made a long and learned discourse. Yet a conspiracy was
entered into to kill Magellan, by three of his captains, named
Cartagene, Quixada, and Mendoza. Their design however was discovered, on
which Mendoza was immediately stabbed, and the other two arrested and
punished as traitors; Quixada being quartered _alive_, while Cartagene
and a priest concerned in the plot were set ashore on the barbarous
coast. Most of the men were engaged in the conspiracy, but it was
necessary to pardon them that there might be seamen for prosecuting the
voyage.
[Footnote 156: From the text, coupled with a consideration of the
infallible grants of his holiness, who had given every part of the world
to the west of a certain meridian to the Spaniards and all eastwards to
the Portuguese, or all to both, those Spaniards who had been at the
Moluccas must have come from the western coast of Mexico. Magellan
proposed a new route by the southwest, to evade the grant of the
sovereign pontiff, which was actually accomplished, though he lived not
to enjoy what may in some measure be termed the treasonable honour.--E.]
Magellan wintered at this place[157], and some men who were sent about
twenty leagues into the interior brought a few natives to the ships, who
were of a gigantic stature, being above three yards high. After
suffering much through cold, hunger, and continual fatigue, they at
length reached the _Cabo de las Virgines_, in lat. 52° S. so named
because discovered on the day of the 11,000 virgins. Below this cape,
they discovered the strait of which they were in search, being about a
league wide.[158] In their progress, the strait was found in some places
wider and in others narrower than its mouth. The land on both sides was
high, partly bare, and part covered with wood, among which were many
cypress trees. The mountains were covered with much snow, which made
them appear very high. Having advanced about 50 leagues into this
strait, another was seen and Magellan sent one of his ships to explore
it; but after waiting much beyond the time appointed for her return, _he
ordered the astrologer_, Andrew Martin _to erect a figure_, who answered
that she was gone back to Spain, and that the crew had confined the
captain, Alvaro de Mesquita, for opposing that measure. This was
actually the case, and they were eight months on the voyage. After this
event, which gave much vexation to Magellan, he continued his voyage
through the straits much against the inclination of his people, and at
length got out into the southern Pacific Ocean with three ships, that
commanded by Juan Serrano having been wrecked and the men saved with
much difficulty.
[Footnote 157: Though not directly so expressed in the text, Magellan
appears to have wintered at Port St Julian.--E.]
[Footnote 158: Now called the Straits of Magellan from its
discoverer.--E.]
To escape from the excessive cold of the southern extremity of America,
Magellan now shaped his course W.N.W. and when about 1500 leagues from
the straits, he found an island in lat. 18° S. and another 200 leagues
further on. Having lost his computation for the Moluccas, he discovered
several islands in lat. 15° 30' N. and at length came to the island of
_Subo_ in lat. 10° N. being about 12 leagues in circumference. He was
hospitably received here, and found the natives of so tractable a
disposition, that the king and queen of the island, with their children
and above 800 of the inhabitants were baptised. This prince was at war
with a neighbour, and was assisted by Magellan. After two victories,
Magellan was slain in a third battle on the 27th of April 1521, together
with his astrologer and some others. The baptised king now entered into
an agreement with his enemies, and poisoned all the Christians who were
on shore. Those who remained on board, being too few in number to
navigate the three ships, burnt one, and set sail with the other two,
one of which was the famous _Victory_, commanded by Juan Sebastian
Cano, _being the first ship that circumnavigated the globe_. They
arrived at the Moluccas, where they were well received by the king of
Tidore, who was much dissatisfied by the Portuguese having given the
preference to Ternate in forming their establishment. At this place they
took in a loading of spice, and went thence to _Banda_, where they
completed their cargo by the assistance of a Portuguese named Juan de
Lourosa. One of the Spanish ships returned to Ternate, many of the crew
having died of a contagious disease, and the small remnant being unable
to continue the voyage. They were hospitably received by Antonio de
Brito, who relieved and sent them to India, whence they returned to
Europe in the Portuguese ships.
The _famous ship Victory_ returned in triumph to Spain, after performing
that wonderful _Voyage round the World_. Her arrival occasioned new
contests between the courts of Spain and Portugal, Charles V. and John
III. then reigning, because the Molucca islands were considered as
belonging to Portugal, according to the former agreement respecting the
discoveries of the globe. In the year 1524, a congress of civilians and
geographers was held to determine this affair, at a place between
Badajos and Elvas; but it was not settled till the year 1526.[159]
[Footnote 159: As this first circumnavigation will fall to be related
more at large, in a division of our arrangement devoted expressly to
that subject, it has not been deemed necessary to elucidate this short
incidental account from De Faria, by any geographical commentary.--E.]
In one of the former years, Fernan Perez de Andrada had established a
trade at Quantung or Canton in China, which was so exceedingly
profitable that every one was eager to engage in it. In the present year
1521, Simon de Andrada was sent by Sequeira to China with five ships,
and cast anchor in the port of the island of _Tamou_ opposite to Canton,
where his brother had been formerly. The Portuguese ambassador to the
emperor of China still remained at that place, but set out soon
afterwards up a large river with three vessels splendidly decorated with
Portuguese colours, it being a received custom that none but those of
China should be seen there, which are gules a lion rampant.[160] In this
manner he arrived at the foot of a mountain from which that great river
derives its source. This mountainous ridge, called _Malexam_, beginning
at the bay of Cochin-China in the province of Fokien,[161] runs through
the three southern provinces of China, Quangsi, Quantung, and Fokien,
dividing them from the interior provinces, as Spain is divided from
France by the Pyrenees. Thomas Perez, leaving the vessels at this place,
travelled northwards to the city of Nanking, where the king then was,
having spent four months in the journey without stopping at any place.
The emperor however thought proper to appoint his audience at Peking, a
city far distant, to which place Perez accordingly followed. While on
the journey, Simon de Andrada behaved himself so improperly in the
island of Tamou that an account of his proceedings was sent to court,
and Thomas Perez and his companions were condemned to death as spies.
The rigour of this sentence was mitigated, but the embassy was not
received, and Perez was sent back as a prisoner to Canton, with orders
that the Portuguese should restore Malacca to its native king, who was a
vassal to China, in which case the embassy would be received; but
otherwise the ambassador and his suite were to be put to death, and the
Portuguese for ever excluded from China as enemies. Simon de Andrada
conducted himself with a high hand, as if he had been king of Tamou,
where he raised a fort, and set up a gallows to intimidate the people.
He committed violence against the merchants who resorted to the port,
and bought young people of both sexes, giving occasion to thieves to
steal them from their parents. These extravagant proceedings lost
nothing in their transmission to court, and were the cause of the severe
orders respecting Perez and his followers.
[Footnote 160: The text seems irreconcileably contradictory, perhaps
from mistranslation; but the circumstance is not important.--E.]
[Footnote 161: This account of the ridge of Malexam is considerably
erroneous. The ridge of mountains in the text begins in the west of
China on the borders off the province of Yunnan, between Koeitchoo and
Quansee, and ends in the east at the province of Foo-tchien.--E.]
At this time Diego Calva arrived with one ship from Lisbon, and several
others from Malacca, and in consequence of this addition to their
strength, the Portuguese acted still more insolently than before, and so
exasperated the governors of the province that they apprehended several
of them, and even contrived to take the last arrived ship. At the
commencement of hostilities Duarte Coello arrived from Malacca with two
ships well manned and armed. The _Itao_, or Chinese admiral in these
seas, attacked the Portuguese with fifty ships, and though he did them
some damage, he was so severely handled by the artillery that he was
forced to retire and to remain at some distance, keeping up a strict
blockade. After matters had remained in this state for forty days,
Ambrose del Rego arrived with two additional ships from Malacca, and the
Portuguese determined upon forcing their way through the Chinese fleet.
The battle on this occasion was very bloody; but in consequence of a
gale of wind dispersing the Chinese fleet, the Portuguese were enabled
to get away from the island of Tamou. The Itao revenged himself upon
such of the Portuguese as had fallen into his hands, and particularly
upon Thomas Perez and his companions, who were all slain, and their
baggage robbed of the present intended for the emperor, and of all the
commodities which Perez had purchased during his residence in China.
Such was the profitableness of the China trade at this time, that Perez
though only an apothecary of mean parentage, had by this time acquired
2000 weight of rhubarb, 1600 pieces of damask, 400 pieces of other
silks, above 100 ounces of gold, 2000 ounces of silver, 84 pounds of
loose musk, above 3000 purses or cods of that perfume, called _Papos_,
and a great deal of other commodities.
As _Mocrim_ king of _Lasah_ refused to pay the tribute which was due to
the king of Ormuz for the islands of Bahrayn and Catifa on the coast of
Arabia, the king of Ormuz was backward in paying the tribute to the
Portuguese, alleging his inability on account of not receiving payment
from his vassal. On this account a force had been already sent against
the king of Lasah, accompanied by some Portuguese auxiliaries, but had
been unsuccessful. The king of Ormuz, wishing effectually to humble his
vassal, applied to Sequeira for assistance, who consented on purpose to
secure the tribute due to the Portuguese. Accordingly in the year 1521,
an armament of 200 vessels belonging to the king of Ormuz, having on
board 3000 Arabs and Persians, sailed for Bahrayn under the command of
Reis Xarafo or Sharafo, accompanied by seven Portuguese ships with 400
soldiers commanded by Antonio Correa. On their arrival at Bahrayn,
Mocrim was found well prepared for their reception, having 300 Arab
horse, 400 Persian archers, 20 Turkish musketeers besides some natives
armed with firelocks, and above 11,000 native troops armed with
different weapons. He had besides thrown up strong intrenchments and
redoubts, well provided with cannon, and these formidable military
preparations were under the charge of experienced commanders.
The Persian Gulf, which intervenes between Arabia and Persia, takes its
name from the latter, as the more noble country. This famous gulf begins
at Cape _Jasques_ or _Carpela_, in lat. 26° N. and ends at the mouth of
the river Euphrates, having many cities, rivers, woods, and islands
along its northern or Persian shores. On the other or Arabian shore,
beginning at Cape _Mozandan_ or _Musaldon_, named _Assaborum_ by the
ancients, and ending where it meets the other side at the Euphrates,
there are only four towns. One of these, _Catifa_ or Al Katif, is
opposite the island of Bahrayn, where is the pearl-fishery. This island
is 30 leagues in circumference, and seven leagues long, and is 110
leagues from Ormuz. The principal product of this island is tamarinds,
but it has likewise all the other fruits that grow in Spain. The largest
town is of the same name with the island, besides which there are about
300 villages, inhabited by Arabs and Moors[162]. The air is very
unhealthy. The pearls found here, though not in such abundance, are more
valuable than those of Ceylon in India, or of Hainan in China. On the
continent of Arabia, opposite to Bahrayn is the city of _Lasah_[163], of
which Mocrim was king.
[Footnote 162: It is difficult to comprehend the distinction; and
perhaps we ought to read Arabs _or_ Moors.--E.]
[Footnote 163: Lasah may have been the name of the territory, and
perhaps applied likewise to the capital which is named _Al Katif_ in our
maps, and the territory _Bahrayn_. These are two islands of Bahrayn, one
of which from the text appears to have been named Catifa.--E.]
Having formed his dispositions of attack, Correa landed at the head of
170 Portuguese, giving orders to Reis Xarafo to send assistance wherever
he might see it necessary. Ayres Correa, the brother of the Portuguese
commander, led the van or forlorn hope of fifty men, all of whom were
knee deep in water. The Portuguese assaulted the trenches with great
bravery, and were opposed with much resolution by the enemy, headed by
the king; and after some time both parties were so much fatigued by the
heat as to be under the necessity of taking some respite, as by mutual
consent. After a short rest, the attack was renewed, and the king being
shot through the thigh, of which wound he died six days afterwards, his
men lost heart, and great numbers of them being killed and wounded, they
fled leaving a complete victory to the Portuguese. During the whole
engagement, Reis Xarafo looked on from his vessel as an unconcerned
spectator; but when afterwards the body of the deceased king was carried
over to Lasah for interment, he went there and cut off his head, which
he sent to Ormuz. In this engagement the Portuguese had seven men killed
and many wounded, but the island was effectually reduced. For this
exploit, Correa had the title of Bahrayn added to his name, and was
authorized to bear a kings head in his coat of arms, which is still
borne by his descendents.
In this same year 1521, the zamorin of Calicut made war against Cochin
at the head of 200,000 men; and although only forty Portuguese were in
the army of Cochin, and but thirty of these armed with muskets, the
enemy retired in dismay. At this time likewise Diego Fernandez de Beja,
who had been left before Diu, came to join Sequeira at Ormuz, having
been attacked by some vessels belonging to Malek Azz, whose double
dealing was now apparent. To prevent certain frauds that had been
practised by the native officers of the customs at Ormuz, Sequeira
thought proper to appoint Portuguese officers in that charge, which so
exasperated the natives that they endeavoured to shake off the yoke, as
will appear hereafter.
Being determined to resume the plan of establishing a fort at Diu,
Sequeira sent back Beja to that place with four stout vessels, with
orders to hinder all ships from entering the port. Beja executed these
orders for some time effectually, and even took some vessels; but Malek
Azz came against him with a number of ships well armed with cannon, sunk
one of the Portuguese galleons and did much damage to the others which
were becalmed; but on the wind springing up, the vessels of the enemy
were forced to retire. While Sequeira was on his voyage from Ormuz
against Diu, he captured a vessel by the way, and divided the Moorish
crew among his ships. Those who were put on board the ship commanded by
Antonio Correa, set fire to the powder-room, by which the poop was blown
into the air and the vessel sunk; in which miserable catastrophe the
brave conqueror of Bahrayn perished. [164]. Owing to these misfortunes,
Sequeira desisted from the enterprise against Diu, and went to _Chaul_
where he found Ferdinando Camelo, who had brought permission from Nizam
al Mulk to build a fort at that place, chiefly to favour the importation
of horses for his own use, as that trade was then confined to Goa. The
building of the fort was accordingly begun without delay. As Malek Azz
suspected that the establishment of the Portuguese at this place might
lessen greatly the trade of Diu, he made his appearance off Chaul with
above fifty vessels, and sunk a large Portuguese ship just come from
Ormuz. Azz continued to blockade the port of Chaul for three weeks,
doing much damage to the squadron which was opposed to him; yet the
construction of the fort went on with all diligence. Learning that his
successor was arrived at Cochin, which rendered his presence necessary
at that place, Sequeira forced his way through the enemy, leaving his
nephew Henry de Menezes to command the fort, and Antonio Correa with the
charge of the ships.
[Footnote 164: Yet only a few lines afterwards, Antonio Correa is found
to be alive and commanding a squadron off Chaul. Having no means to
correct this contradiction, the text is left as published by
Stevens.--E.]
After the departure of Sequeira for Cochin, Aga Mahomet who commanded
the fleet belonging to Malek Azz did every thing in his power to hinder
the construction of the fort. To secure the entrance of the river, the
Portuguese had erected a redoubt or bulwark on the side opposite the
fort, which was commanded by Pedro Vaz Permeo with a garrison of thirty
men. Mahomet sent 300 of his men by night to surprise this bulwark, but
they were so valiantly opposed by the small garrison, though the captain
and several men were slain, that they maintained their ground till
relieved by Ruy Vaz Pereira with a reinforcement of sixty men, who put
the enemy to flight after having lost a hundred men. By this success the
enemy were much daunted, and particularly one Sheikh Mamud, a great man
in the city, who pretended to be a friend to the Portuguese, yet did
every thing in his power secretly to molest them. On occasion of the
defeat of Aga Mahomet, the sheikh sent to congratulate Antonio Correa;
who well knowing his treachery, sent him back the heads of his
messengers, and hung up their bodies along the shore. The sheikh was
astonished at this act, and now proceeded to open hostilities,
encouraging Aga Mahomet to persevere in the blockade, giving him
intelligence that the Portuguese were in want of ammunition. But Don
Luis de Menezes arrived with reinforcements and a supply of ammunition
and provisions, to whom Correa resigned the command.
Don Duarte de Menezes entered upon the government of India on the 22d of
January 1522, John III. being then upon the throne of Portugal. Having
dispatched his predecessor with the homeward trade, and sent off
commanders to the different establishments in India, he began to
experience the bad effects of Sequeira having appointed Portuguese
officers to the custom-house at Ormuz; as he received advice that the
Moors of that place had taken arms and killed some men, and had even
besieged the fort. He immediately sent his brother with relief, and
appointed Simon de Andre to command at Chaul, who began his career by
taking two Turkish gallies, and gaining a victory over the people of
Dabul, by which that city was reduced to pay tribute. Malek Azz was
terrified by these successes, and withdrew his fleet from before Chaul.
As formerly mentioned, the late governor Sequeira had appointed
Portuguese officers to collect the revenue of Ormuz, which in fact had
been done contrary to his own private judgment, but by command of the
king of Portugal. These officers conducted themselves oppressively to
the natives, from whom they made many undue exactions to satisfy their
own cupidity, and behaved to them with much insolence and violence, even
forcing from them their wives and daughters. Unable to endure these
oppressions, the inhabitants of Ormuz and its dependencies formed a
conspiracy against the Portuguese, and broke out into open insurrection
against them suddenly at Ormuz, Bahrayn, Muscat, Kuriat, and Zoar[165],
all in one night by previous concert, by a private order from the king
of Ormuz. This attack was so sudden and well concerted, that above 120
of the Portuguese were slain on that night, and one _Ruy Boto_ was put
to the torture by the Moors in defence of the faith. The Portuguese at
Ormuz, where Don Garcia Coutino then commanded, exerted themselves as
well as they could to defend themselves, and secured the ships which
happened to be at that place under the protection of the fort, which was
immediately besieged. Of these events immediate intelligence was sent by
Don Garcia to Cochin and other places for relief, fearing he might be
constrained to surrender for want of provisions and water; and in fact
two of the Portuguese vessels were burnt by the Moors under the guns of
the fort.
[Footnote 165: These three last mentioned places are all on the
north-eastern point of Arabia, near Cape Rasaigat, and appear to have
been then dependent on the kingdom of Ormuz.--E.]
Tristan Vaz de Vega and Manuel de Souza happened to be then at Muscat in
their ships, and immediately made sail to the relief of Ormuz. Tristan
Vaz arrived first, and made his way to the fort through 160 sail of
Moorish vessels by which it was blockaded. Two days afterwards the ship
commanded by Manuel de Souza was seen at anchor at the distance of two
leagues. It was very dangerous for those at the fort to assist him, and
yet it was absolutely necessary for the common safety that he should be
relieved; wherefore Tristan Vaz adventured with his ship to his aid,
forcing his way as before through the vast Moorish fleet, eighty of
which pursued him in full sail, and even De Souza, thinking him at first
an enemy did him some harm. The king of Ormuz, to inspire his people to
exert themselves in the capture of these two ships, exhibited a large
heap of gold as his intended reward for such of his subjects as should
take Tristan and Manuel prisoners; while at the same time he set apart a
heap of female attire, to be worn in disgrace by those who might not
behave valiantly. Actuated at the same time by desire of reward and fear
of disgrace, the Ormuzians manned 130 of their vessels, with which they
furiously assailed the two Portuguese ships: yet they both made their
way through showers of bullets and arrows to the fort, to the great joy
and relief of the governor and garrison. Despairing of being able to
shake off the Portuguese yoke, and dreading the punishment of his
revolt, the king of Ormuz abandoned his city and retired to _Kishom_ or
_Queixome_, an island about 15 leagues in length and 3 leagues from
Ormuz, close to the shore of Persia. This island is sufficiently fertile
but very unhealthy. On his retreat, he gave orders for all the
inhabitants of Ormuz to follow him, and to set their city on fire, which
burnt furiously for four days and nights. Even at this time some of the
Portuguese gentlemen in the fort of Ormuz were in private correspondence
with the king, giving him instructions how to conduct himself with the
succeeding governor, so as to ensure his restoration; which they did on
purpose to enrich themselves by exacting presents from the king in
recompence of their services.
Don Luis de Menezes, as already mentioned, was sent by his brother
Duarte, the governor-general, with ten sail to relieve and take the
command of Ormuz. On arriving at Zoar, he destroyed the town with fire
and sword, and then gave the sovereignty of it to Sheikh Husseyn, to
hold it in direct vassalage of Portugal, instead of being dependent upon
Ormuz as hitherto. In the mean time the king of Ormuz was murdered at
Kishom by his own officers, who crowned his son Mamud Shah, a youth of
thirteen. On the arrival of Don Luis, a treaty was entered Into with the
new king, by which it was agreed that the king and inhabitants were to
return to Ormuz; that the former tribute of 20,000 _Xerephines_ should
be continued, and all arrears paid up; and that the Portuguese officers
should not interfere in the government of the city or its revenues. On
the conclusion of this treaty, the king sent a present of gold, jewels,
pearls, and silks for the king of Portugal, and another for Don Luis,
but which he publicly ordered to be sent along with the other.
Some time after this, but in the same year 1522, Don Duarte went to
Ormuz to examine into the cause of the late troubles; but he punished
those who had least influence, and overlooked the most guilty. _Reis
Xarafo_, a person of great power, who had been the most active
instigator in the late troubles, was rewarded; and _Reis Xamexir_, who
had killed _Reis Xahadim_ at the instigation of Don Luis, was banished
instead of the promised reward. Duarte augmented the tribute by adding
35,000 Xerephines to the former 25,000[166], which could not be paid
when the city was in a flourishing condition, and yet 60,000 were now
demanded when it lay in ruins and its trade was destroyed.
[Footnote 166: It was only called 20,000 a few lines before.--E.]
At this time Don Luis was sent with nine ships to the Red Sea. At
Socotora he lost one of his ships. He took and burnt the town
_Zaer_[167] on the coast of Arabia, because the sheikh refused to
restore the goods of a Portuguese merchant or factor who had died there.
At _Veruma_[168] he burned some ships, and then battered the city of
Aden, after which he entered the Red Sea, where he did nothing worthy of
notice, and returned to his brother at Ormuz, but was much dissatisfied
with the conduct of Duarte at that place.
[Footnote 167: Perhaps _Shahr_ near Makulla on the coast of Yemen.--E.]
[Footnote 168: This place was probably near Aden on the coast of
Arabia.--E.]
That part of the continent of India adjoining to Goa, belonging to Adel
Khan king of Visiapour, which had been seized by Ruy de Melo during the
war with the king of Narsinga, was now lost by Francisco Pereyra
Pestana. Pestana was a brave officer, and exerted himself to the utmost;
but as Adel Khan had now no other object to employ his arms, his power
was not to be resisted. Ferdinando Rodriguez Barba indeed obtained a
signal victory over the forces of Adel Khan; and after this Pestana and
Sotomayor, with only thirty horse and a small number of foot, defeated
5000 foot and 400 horse. But in the end numbers prevailed, and the
country was reduced to the obedience of Adel Khan, and afterwards
confirmed to him by treaty.
About this time the governor Duarte made particular inquiry respecting
St Thomas the apostle, in consequence of orders to that effect from the
king of Portugal; and the following is the substance of the information
he transmitted. In the year 1517, some Portuguese sailed in company with
an Armenian, and landed at Palicat on the coast of Coromandel, a
province of the kingdom of Bisnagar, where they were invited by the
Armenian to visit certain ruins of many buildings still retaining the
vestiges of much grandeur. In the middle of these was a chapel of
indifferent structure still entire, the walls of which both outside and
in were adorned with many crosses cut in stone, resembling those of the
ancient military order of Alcantara, which are _fleuree_ and
_fitched_[169]. A Moor resided there who pretended to have miraculously
recovered his sight by a visit to this holy place, and that his
ancestors had been accustomed to entertain a light in the chapel. There
was a tradition that the church, of which this small chapel was all that
remained entire, was built by St Thomas, when he preached Christianity
to the Indians, and that he and two of his disciples were here interred,
together with a king who had been converted by his miracles. In
consequence of this information, Don Duarte sent Ernanuel de Faria, with
a priest and a mason to repair this chapel. On digging about the
foundation on one side which threatened to fall, they found about a yard
below ground a tomb-stone with an inscription implying "That when St
Thomas built this church the king of Meliapour gave him the duties of
all merchandize imported, which was the tenths[170]." Going still
deeper, they came to a hollow place between two stones, in which lay the
bones of a human body with the butt and head of a spear, which were
supposed to be the remains of the saint, as those of the king and
disciple were also found, _but not so white_. They placed the bones of
the saint in a _China chest_, and the other bones in another chest,
and hid both under the altar. On farther inquiry, it appeared by the
ancient records of the kingdom, that Saint Thomas had come to Meliapour
about 1500 years before, then in so flourishing a condition that it is
said by tradition to have contained 3300 stately churches in its
environs. It is farther said that Meliapour was then twelve leagues from
the coast, whereas its ruins are now close to the shore; and that the
saint had left a prediction, "That when the sea came up to the scite of
the city, a people should come from the west having the same religion
which he taught." That the saint had dragged a vast piece of timber from
the sea in a miraculous manner for the construction of his church, which
all the force of elephants and the art of men had been unable to move
when attempted for the use of the king. That the _bramin_ who was chief
priest to the king, envious of the miracles performed by the saint, had
murdered his own son and accused the saint as the murderer; but St
Thomas restored the child to life, who then bore witness against his
father; and, that in consequence of these miracles, the king and all his
family were converted.
[Footnote 169: Heraldic terms, implying that the three upper arms of the
cross end in the imitation of flowers, while the lower limb is
pointed.--E.]
[Footnote 170: The strange expression in the text ought probably to have
been the tenths of the duties on importation.--E.]
An Armenian bishop who spent twenty years in visiting the Christians of
that part of India which is near _Coulam_[171], declared on oath that he
found what follows in their writings: That, when the twelve apostles
were dispersed through the world, Thomas, Bartholomew, and Judas
Thaddeus went together to Babylon where they separated. Thaddeus
preached in Arabia, since possessed by the Mahometans. Bartholomew went
into Persia, where he was buried in a convent of Armenian monks near
_Tebris_. Thomas embarked at Basrah on the Euphrates, crossed the
Persian Gulf, to Socotora, whence he went to Meliapour, and thence to
China where he built several churches. That after his return to
Meliapour and the conversion of the king, he suffered martyrdom through
the malice of the bramins, who counterfeited a quarrel while he was
preaching, and at length had him run through by a lance; upon which he
was buried by his disciples as formerly related in the church he had
built at Meliapour. It was likewise affirmed by a learned native of
Coulam, that there were two religious houses built in that part of the
country by the disciples of St Thomas, one in Coulam and the other at
Cranganor; in the former of which the _Indian Sybil_ was buried, who
advised King _Perimal_ of Ceylon to meet other two Indian kings at
Muscat, who were going to Bethlem to adore the newly born Saviour; and
that King Perimal, at her entreaty, brought her a picture of the Blessed
Virgin, which was kept in the same tomb. Thus was the _invention_ of the
holy relics of the apostle of India; which gave occasion to the
Portuguese to build the city of St Thomas, in the port of Palicat, seven
leagues from the ruins of the ancient Christian city of Meliapour.
[Footnote 171: Coulam is on the coast of Travancore; in which country a
remnant of the ancient Indian Christians has been recently visited by Dr
Buchannan, which will fall to be particularly noticed in a future
division of this collection--E.]
In the year 1522, Antonio Miranda de Azevedo was commander of the fort
at Pisang in the island of Sumatra. On the west coast of that island
there are six Moorish kingdoms of which Pedier was the chief, and to
which those of Achem and Daga were subordinate. But in consequence of
war among themselves, Achem gained the superiority, and the king of
Pedier retired to the fort for the protection of the Portuguese[172]. On
coming to the city of Pedier with a great force, the king of Achem
endeavoured to inveigle the king of that place into his hands, and
prevailed on some of the leading men of the city to write their king
that he might come there in safety as his enemies were expelled, and he
might easily destroy them by the assistance of the Portuguese. He
accordingly went to the city, aided by eighty Portuguese soldiers and
two hundred Moors, which went by sea in small row boats, while the king
himself went along the shore with above a thousand armed elephants[173].
He was received at Pedier with feigned joy, but with a determination to
make him prisoner, which was only deferred till the arrival of the
Portuguese, that they likewise might be secured; but being apprized of
his danger, the king fled next day to the mountains with two elephants
and a few faithful followers. The Portuguese thus left on the shore
unsupported were attacked by the enemy with showers of darts and arrows,
when their commander Don Emanuel Enriquez and thirty-five soldiers were
slain, and the rest fled. Don Andres Enriquez, after this loss, found
himself unequal to defend the fort, and sent for relief to Raphael
Perestello who was at _Chittigon_ the chief port of Bengal. Perestello
immediately sent a ship for this purpose under the command of Dominick
Seixas, who landed at _Tenacari_ to procure provisions; but one _Brito_
who had succeeded _Gago_ as captain of a band of thirty Portuguese
pirates, ran away with the vessel from that port after she was laden,
and left Seixas with seventeen other Portuguese on shore, who were
reduced to slavery by the Siamese. Such is the fate of those who trust
persons who have violated all human and divine laws[174]. Don Andreas
Enriquez, being reduced to great extremity, requested the
governor-general to send him a successor, who accordingly sent Lope de
Azevedo; but Enriquez changed his mind, as the situation was very
profitable, and refused to surrender the command, on which Azevedo
returned to India. In the mean time the king of Achem overran the whole
country with fire and sword, and took possession of the city of Pisang
with fifteen thousand men, summoning Enriquez to surrender the fort.
Enriquez having sustained and repelled these assaults, set sail for
India that he might save the great riches he had acquired, leaving the
command to Ayres Coello, who valiantly undertook the dangerous service.
[Footnote 172: At first sight this appears to have been the fort of
Pisang, but from the sequel it would rather seem to have been another
fort at or in the neighbourhood of Pedier.--E.]
[Footnote 173: It is hardly possible that the lord of a petty state on
the coast of Sumatra should have so large a number of elephants, more
perhaps than the Great Mogul in the height of the sovereignty of
Hindustan. Probably Capt. Stevens may have mistaken the original, and we
ought to read "With above a thousand men and several armed
elephants."--E.]
[Footnote 174: Though obscurely expressed in the text, these thirty
pirates appear to have been employed in the ship commanded by Seixas;
probably pardoned after the punishment of their former leader Gago.--E.]
While on his voyage to India, Enriquez met two ships commanded by
Sebastian Souza and Martin Correa, bound for the Island of Banda to load
with spices; who learning the dangerous situation of Pisang, went
directly to that place. Ayres Coello had just sustained a furious
assault with some loss; and on seeing this relief the enemy abated
their fury. Eight days afterwards, Andres was forced back by stress of
weather to Pisang. One night, above 8000 of the enemy surrounded the
fort, in which there were 350 Portuguese, some of whom were sick and
others disabled by wounds, but all much spent with continual watching
and fatigue. The enemy advanced in profound silence and applied seven
hundred scaling ladders to the walls, on which they immediately mounted
with loud shouts. The dispute was hotly maintained on both sides for
some time; but some ships being set on fire enabled the Portuguese to
point their cannon with such accuracy, that many of the enemy were
slain, and the rest obliged to desist from the assault. Next morning
above two thousand of the enemy were found slain around the walls, with
two elephants; while on the Portuguese side only one woman was slain in
her chamber by an arrow. The remaining six thousand of the enemy
immediately retired, leaving half their ladders and large quantities of
fireworks. Yet taking into consideration the difficulty and expence of
maintaining this port, it was resolved to ship off all the men and
goods, and to set it on fire, leaving the large cannons filled with
powder, that they might burst when the fire reached them. Greater part
of the fort was destroyed; but the enemy saved some of the cannon, which
were afterwards employed with considerable effect against the
Portuguese. Some goods were lost in shipping, as the Portuguese were in
a great fright, and embarked up to the neck in water. By this
abandonment of their post, the Portuguese lost more reputation with the
natives of Sumatra than they had gained by their former valiant defence.
They were fully sensible of this, as they met a powerful reinforcement
at sea under Azevedo; and learnt that the king of Aru was marching by
land to their assistance with 4000 men. The king of Achem followed up
his good fortune, and rendered himself all-powerful in Sumatra, beyond
even his hopes.
About this time[175] Malacca was much straitened by the king of Bintang,
who sent a powerful armament against it, to oppose which. George
Albuquerque sent a naval force under Don Sancho Enriquez; but in a
violent storm 70 out of 200 Portuguese were lost. Till now the king of
Pahang had sided with the Portuguese; but seeing the tide of fortune had
turned against them, he too became their enemy. Ignorant of this change,
Albuquerque sent three-ships to his port for provisions, where two of
his captains and thirty men were killed: The third made his escape, but
was slain with all his men at Java. Simon de Abreu and his crew were
slain on another occasion; and two vessels sent to prevent provisions
from getting into Bintang were lost.
[Footnote 175: De Faria is often defective in dates, and always
confused. The events about this time are only vaguely stated as having
happened during the government of Duarte Menezes, between the years 1522
and 1524, both inclusive. Among the confused mass of ill-digested and
often indistinctly related events, many of which possess hardly any
interest, we have now deemed it proper, in the farther prosecution of
this History of the Portuguese transactions in India, to omit many
trivial and uninteresting events, confining our attention to those of
some importance, and which appear worth recording. The Portuguese Asia
of DeFaria minutely relates every consecutive squadron sent to or from
India, and every trifling commercial adventure; the insertion of which
in our collection would be needlessly tedious.--E.]
In 1524, the memorable DON VASCO DE GAMA, now count of Vidugueyra, went
out to India as viceroy with 14 ships and 8000 soldiers. During the
voyage, two caravels were lost with all their men, and a third was lost
but the men saved. Gaspar Mossem, one of the captains, was basely killed
by his crew, merely because he was not a Portuguese. While at sea near
Cambaya in a dead calm, the sea tossed so violently all of a sudden that
all the people thought they were lost: But the viceroy perceiving it was
caused by an earthquake, called out, "Courage my friends, the sea
trembles for fear of you." One great ship of Mecca, worth 60,000 crowns,
was taken, and the fleet arrived at Goa. Having visited some of the
forts, and issued the necessary orders, Gama sent three gallies from
Cochin to Calicut, as the subjects of the zamorin began to be
troublesome. One of these fought for three hours with fifty large
_paraos_ and lost three men; but on the coming up of the others, the
enemy were put to flight. The new viceroy had intended to execute
several important enterprises; but he soon fell sick, and finding his
end fast approaching, he appointed Lope Vaz de Sampayo to act as his
successor till Don Enrique de Menezes, then at Goa, who was next in
nomination by the king, might arrive. Vasco de Gama died on Christmas
eve 1524, having been only three months viceroy. He was of middle
stature, somewhat gross, and had a ruddy complexion. He had a natural
boldness for any great undertaking, and was well fitted for every thing
entrusted to him, as a sea captain, as discoverer, and as viceroy; being
patient of fatigue, prompt in the execution of justice, and terrible
when angry.
Immediately after the death of the viceroy, Lope Vaz de Sampayo
dispatched Francisco de Sa to Goa, to carry information to Don Enrique
de Menezes that he had succeeded to the government of Portuguese India.
Leaving De Sa to command in Goa, Menezes went immediately to Cochin to
assume his new situation; having first sent his nephew George Zelo with
a galliot and five armed paraos against a fleet which infested the
coast. Zelo met 38 vessels laden with spice commanded by _Cutiale_, four
of which were taken and the rest driven on shore. These four were
brought in barbarous triumph to Goa, having many of the enemies hung
upon the shrouds. The Canarin rowers carried thirty heads, in token of
the victory, and twelve prisoners alive, _who were given up to the boys
to be stoned to death_. Zelo had similar success afterwards against a
ship and nine paraos. He sailed after that to Cochin with his uncle,
who, being accidentally joined by George de Menezes, defeated 36 paraos
belonging to Diu, 17 of which were taken. When at Cananor be hanged a
Moor of quality, on which many of his relations left the city and took
to robbing on the river. But, with consent of the king of Cananor, Don
Enrique sent Hector de Sylveira against them with two gallies and a
brigantine, who destroyed four _towns_[176] and took all their cannon,
not without considerable difficulty. About the same time Christopher de
Brito went with fourteen row-boats and about an hundred men to scour the
coast of Canara, where he destroyed some of the Moors; but those of
Dabul sent two galliots and seven other vessels against him, with above
three hundred men. In the commencement of the engagement Brito was
slain; but his people exerted themselves so valiantly to revenge the
death of their commander, that after four hours hard fighting most of
the Moors were slain, and their commander and all the rest taken. The
Moorish captain died afterwards of his wounds at Goa, being first
converted to the Christian faith.
[Footnote 176: Perhaps instead of _towns_ we ought to read _tonys_, a
species of vessel then need by the inhabitants of the Malabar
coast.--E.]
The fort at Calicut was at this time much straitened by the Nayres, yet
the small garrison of fifty Portuguese maintained their post with much
honour. Don Enrique, to punish the hostilities of the Moors of Calicut,
fitted out fifty sail of vessels from Cochin, to which were added other
fifty belonging to the inhabitants of that city, twenty-seven of which
belonged to one individual named Arel de Porca[177]. With these vessels,
carrying 2000 soldiers, the governor arrived at Paniani, one of the
principal towns in the territory of Calicut, which was well fortified
and stored with cannon under the command of a Portuguese renegado.
Besides these fortifications on the land, the river was defended by a
number of armed vessels drawn up in order of battle. After a severe
contest, the fortifications of Paniani were carried, and the enemy fled
into the woods. The town and all the vessels in the fort were burnt.
Next day twelve ships were burnt in the port of Calicut, and several
more in some creeks near the town. The armament proceeded in the next
place to _Coulete_, which was fortified in a similar manner to Paniani,
with a prodigious number of artillery, an hundred and fifty armed ships,
and a garrison of 20,000 men. The Portuguese proceeded to the attack,
and after a long and obstinate contest, drove the enemy from their works
with great slaughter, and took fifty-three vessels, most of which were
laden with pepper, with the loss of fifty-four Portuguese killed and
many wounded. The other vessels belonging to the enemy, being much
shattered in the engagement, were all burnt, and the town was destroyed.
[Footnote 177: These hundred vessels were probably _paraos_, or small
native craft, considering that they only carried 2000 soldiers, only at
the rate of 20 for each vessel--E.]
Shortly after this, the zamorin of Calicut besieged the Portuguese fort
at that place with an army of 12,000 men, and surrounded it with a broad
and deep trench. Don Juan de Lima commanded in the fort with 300 men,
and did every thing in his power to obstruct the besiegers in the
construction of their lines; but they were at length finished and
planted with a vast number of cannon, some of which were so large as to
carry balls of two spans diameter. On receiving advice of this siege,
Don Enrique sent a reinforcement of 150 men in two caravels commanded by
Christopher Jusarte and Duarte Fonseca. They succeeded in forcing their
way into the fort in spite of a violent opposition by sea and land.
Immediately afterwards, the enemy endeavoured to take the fort by
escalade, but were repulsed with great slaughter. A farther
reinforcement of 500 men from Cochin being unable to reach Calicut, Don
Enrique went there with all the naval force he could collect, being
unwilling that his government should suffer the disgrace of allowing
this fortress to be taken by the enemy. Having thrown some strong
reinforcements into the fort, Don Enrique landed with the remainder of
his troops, after clearing the shore of the enemy, by means of his guns
assisted by grenadoes and other fireworks. All the intrenchments and
redoubts of the besiegers were successively carried, with prodigious
slaughter of the Moors and Nayres, of whom above 3000 were slain,
besides many others burnt in their wooden forts and bulwarks. In this
engagement Don George de Menezes made great slaughter of the enemy with
a two-handed sword; till losing his right hand, he took a smaller sword
in his left, and continued to fight with great valour.
Don Enrique remained master of the field, in which he encamped for some
days: But as the fort was not considered important in proportion to its
expence, it was stripped of every thing of value with great care and
privacy, and mines and trains laid to blow it up; after which the whole
army retired to the ships. On seeing the fort evacuated, the Moors
rushed in to plunder in vast numbers; but the mines suddenly taking
fire, blew up the whole fabric with a vast explosion, in which great
numbers of the enemy perished miserably.
In the year 1526, Hector de Sylveira went with a squadron to the Red
Sea, and on his way thither assaulted and took the city of Dhofur on the
coast of Yemen in lat. 17° N. He then entered the Red Sea, where he
reduced the islands of Massua and Dallac to pay tribute; after, this he
went to _Arkiko_ on the coast of Abyssinia, where he received Don
Rodrigo de Lima who had been on an embassy to the king of Abyssinia, and
was there waiting for a passage along with an ambassador from _Prester
John_ to the king of Portugal.
In this same year 1526, a small vessel was sent from Ternate to discover
the islands of Celebes, which were said to abound in gold. The
discoverer easily found the islands but no gold. Being on his return to
the Moluccas, he was carried away by a storm to the eastward till he
lost his reckoning, and unexpectedly fell in with a large and beautiful
island, inhabited by a simple race of men who treated the Portuguese
with much civility. They were strong made and of a comely appearance,
with their complexion inclining to fair, having long lank hair and long
beards, and their clothing was of fine mats. Their food consisted
chiefly of roots, cocoa nuts, and figs. Their language was not
understood, but by signs they gave the Portuguese to understand that
there was gold in the mountains, but of which they made no use. They had
no knowledge of iron or any other metal. Leaving this island, which they
named after the pilot Diego Lopez Sequeira, they returned to Ternate,
after an absence of eight months.
Don Enrique de Menezes, died at Cananor about the end of January 1526,
in the thirtieth year of his age. He was a man of large stature, with a
pleasing countenance, just in all his actions, continent, free from
covetousness, a true patron of merit, and of the most unblemished
honour. During his government he refused uniformly to accept any of the
numerous presents offered him by the eastern princes; and conducted
himself with such perfect integrity in every transaction, that at his
death his whole treasure amounted only to thirteen rials and a half; and
he had even expended the whole of his patrimonial estate during the
short continuance of his government of Portuguese India, chiefly in
rewarding the merits of his officers.
SECTION VII.
_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from_ 1526 _to_
1538.
At his death in January 1526, Don Enrique de Menezes left a paper sealed
up, by which the succession to him in the government was to be
regulated, in case the person nominated for that purpose by the king
should happen to be absent. That paper was lost, yet it was known that
he had named Francisco de Sa, then commanding in Goa, as his provisional
successor. The second royal nomination was now opened, in which Pedro de
Mascarenas was appointed successor to Don Enrique; but Mascarenas
commanded at Malacca, which was at a great distance, and the season of
the year did not admit of that navigation. On opening the third patent,
Lope Vaz de Sampayo was the person there named, who was accordingly
invested in the government, having, engaged on oath to resign to
Mascarenas on the arrival of that officer from Malacca.
At this time George Zelo and Pedro de Faria blockaded the port of
Cananor, in which lay a fleet belonging to the zamorin. Sampayo
immediately sent orders to Antonio de Sylveria and Christopher de Souza,
then at Goa, to join the other two officers at Cananor to prevent the
escape of the enemy, and went in person with seven ships and a
considerable land force to endeavour to destroy them. _Cutiale_, the
admiral of this fleet belonging to the zamorin, used every effort to
defend himself, both by disposing his ships in formidable order, and by
intrenchments and batteries on shore, where he had a land force of
10,000 men. Having made proper dispositions, Sampayo landed with about
1300 soldiers, leaving orders with Pedro de Faria to set the _paraos_
belonging to the enemy on fire. The trenches of the enemy were carried
after an obstinate resistance, and with great slaughter of the Moors,
and seventy paraos were destroyed. By this signal victory, above eighty
brass cannon were gained; but Sampayo spared the town, as it belonged to
the king of Narsinga, with whom the Portuguese were then in peace.
Having dispatched several officers on command to different places,
Sampayo sailed for Ormuz with five ships and 300 men. In his way thither
he reduced the towns of Kalayat and Muscat, which had revolted owing to
the exactions of Diego de Melo. His only transaction at Ormuz was to
compose some differences that had arisen between Melo and Reis Xarafo,
to receive the tribute due by the king of Ormuz, and to take along with
him the ambassador whom George de Lima had brought from Abyssinia. From
Ormuz, Sampayo dispatched Hector de Sylveira to cruise off Diu, on
purpose to intercept the ships of the Red Sea that traded with Cambaya,
of which three were taken. Sylveira then went to Diu, where he remained
a long time at the request of Malek Saca, who made use of him to, secure
himself against the tyranny of the king of Cambaya.
Reis Soliman, the Turk who killed Mir Husseyn at Juddah, as formerly
related, recovered the favour of Sultan Selim who had conquered Egypt
from the Mamelukes, having acquired the favour of that prince by
delivering up to him the city of Juddah which he had gained in the
service of the Soldan, and by means of a considerable present: for even
princes, though they have no need of receiving gifts, are apt to be won
like other men by their means; and as Soliman promised to perform
wonders in India for his service, Selim ordered twenty gallies and five
galleons which were then at Suez to be added to the fleet under Reis
Soliman. In the mean time Selim died at Cairo, and was succeeded by his
son Soliman, who sent that large reinforcement, under the command of
Hayraddin, to Reis Soliman, who was then fortifying the island of
Kamaran. Upon some disgust, Hayraddin killed Reis Soliman; and in his
turn was slain by Mustapha the nephew of Soliman. Mustapha, being afraid
of the consequences of this action, sailed from Kamaran with a small
number of vessels, the greater part of the fleet refusing to join him.
He went first to Aden and thence to Diu, where he put himself under the
protection of the king of Cambaya. An account of these revolutions in
the Turkish fleet, which had given great apprehensions to the Portuguese
in India, was carried to King John by Antonio Tenreyro over land, to the
great admiration of every one; being the first who had performed that
journey, till then thought impossible.
At this time Mascarenas, who waited in Malacca for the proper season of
sailing to Cochin to assume the government, went against Bintang with
twenty-one ships and 400 Portuguese soldiers, having likewise 600 Malays
commanded by Tuam Mahomet and Sinai rajah. Although the capital of
Bintang was well fortified and defended by 7000 men, Mascarenas
surmounted every opposition and took the place. Of the enemy 400 were
slain and 2000 made prisoners. A vast booty was made on this occasion,
among which were nearly 300 pieces of cannon, and the Portuguese lost
only three men in this glorious exploit. The king of Bitang died of
grief, and Mascarenas restored it to the lawful heir under vassalage to
Portugal, the former king having been an usurper.
The island of Sunda is divided on the south from Java by a very narrow
channel. It produces pale gold with abundance of pepper and provisions.
The natives are numerous but unwarlike, yet are curious in adorning
their arms. They worship idols, and often sell their children to supply
their necessities. The women are beautiful, those of the higher ranks
being chaste, contrary to what is usual in most parts of the world. They
have convents, as in Spain and Portugal, in which they reside while
virgins; and the married women kill themselves on the death of their
husbands. This were a good custom to shew their duty and affection, were
it not contrary to the law of nature, and therefore a barbarous error.
Enrique Leme happening to go there, drawn by the plenty and goodness of
its pepper, he was well received by the king of _Samiam_, who offered
ground for a fort, and to pay an yearly tribute of 351 quintals of
pepper, to purchase the friendship and support of the Portuguese against
the Moors, by whom he was much infested. But when Francisco de Sa came
to build the fort, he met with such opposition from the Moors that he
was obliged to return to Malacca.
In the same year 1526, Martin Iniguez de Carchisano arrived in the port
of Kamafo in Tidore with a Spanish ship, one of six which had been sent
the year before from Spain to those parts which belonged of right to the
Portuguese. Don Garcia Enriquez, who then commanded at the Moluccas, on
learning the arrival of these Spaniards, and finding that they
occasioned the spice to rise in price, went in person to expel them, but
was obliged to retire with considerable damage from the Spanish cannon;
yet the Spanish ship afterwards sunk. At this time Don George de
Menezes, formerly mentioned as having lost his hand in the glorious
action at Calicut, arrived at the Moluccas, having discovered the island
of Borneo and many other islands by the way. Soon afterwards two ships
were sent to Borneo with presents for the king, among which was a piece
of tapestry adorned with figures of men. On seeing these, the ignorant
barbarian cried out _that they were enchanted men, who would kill him in
the night_; and no persuasions could convince him of his error, nor
would he receive the presents or permit the Portuguese to remain in his
port.
In the year 1527, it being understood at Cochin that Pedro de Mascarenas
was on his way from Malacca to assume the government, Lope Vaz de
Sampayo who acted _ad interim_, held a council of the principal
officers, at which it was resolved not to admit Mascarenas to that high
office. After this determination, Sampayo sailed for Goa, leaving
Alphonso Mexia to command at Cochin, with orders to execute the
resolutions of the council. On landing unarmed at Cochin, Mascarenas was
opposed and wounded by Mexia; and proceeding afterwards to Goa, be was
made prisoner and put in irons by order of Sampayo. These violent
proceedings had nearly occasioned a civil war among the Portuguese in
India; but at length, in the end of December 1527, Sampayo was confirmed
in the government, and Mascarenas went home to Portugal, where he was
appointed to the command of Azamor in Africa.
In the year 1528, Don Joan Deza was sent to cruise on the coast of
Calicut, where in several rencounters he took fifty vessels laden with
various commodities. He burnt the town of Mangalore; and falling in with
the fleet of Calicut, consisting of seventy paraos well manned and armed
under the command of the _Chinese_ admiral Cutiale, Deza took most of
them killing 1500 Moors, and taking nearly as many prisoners, among whom
was Cutiale.
Antonio Miranda de Azevedo was sent in the end of January 1528 to the
Red Sea, with twenty ships and above 1000 soldiers, to endeavour to burn
the Turkish gallies in the port of Kamaran which had formerly belonged
to Reis Soliman. After taking some prizes by the way, be met with
Enrique de Macedo in the mouth of the Red Sea, who had engaged a large
Turkish galleon. The Turks had boarded him, and threw a burning dart
which stuck in his main-sail and began to set it on fire; but in
consequence of a strong gust of wind shaking the sail, the dart fell
back into the Turkish vessel, where it set fire to the powder and the
ship and all her crew were blown up. Several other valuable ships
belonging to the Moors were taken, but the main object of this
expedition completely failed, as the wind did not allow the fleet to get
up the Red Sea to Kamaran.
In consequence of the civil discord among the Portuguese, the Moors had
been enabled to annoy their trade in different parts: And as Lope Vaz
understood that a successor to the government was on his way from
Portugal, he prepared to be revenged on the Moors, wishing to deliver up
the government in prosperity, by clearing the sea from pirates. With
this view he fitted out eighteen ships at Cochin, with which he
encountered 130 armed paraos at Cananor; and as the wind did not allow
his large ships to get into action, he went against that numerous fleet
with only thirteen paraos. Even with this disproportionate force he did
considerable damage to the Malabar fleet. On seeing two paraos coming
from Cananor to the aid of Sampayo, and that the large Portuguese ships
were enabled to make sail by means of a breeze springing up, the
Malabars fled as fast as possible. In the pursuit eighteen of them were
sunk and twenty-two taken, in which were fifty pieces of cannon. Eight
hundred of the enemy were slain, and many made prisoners. Those that
fled, and others who joined them, fell afterwards into a snare near
Cochin.
With the same fleet, Sampayo went immediately in search of _Arel_, lord
of _Porca_. In this expedition, Simon de Melo burnt twenty-six ships
belonging to the enemy, and set the town of _Chatua_ on fire. Afterwards
with a thousand men he assaulted Porca; and though Arel was not there at
the time, the inhabitants made a brave but unavailing defence, as the
place was taken, plundered, and destroyed. At this place the wife of
Arel was taken, with a great spoil in gold, silver, jewels, silks, and
other valuables, and thirteen considerable vessels. On his return to
Cochin, as his successor was not yet arrived, Sampayo went back to
Cananor, whence he dispatched his nephew Simon de Melo against _Marabia_
and Mount _Dely_, both of which places were taken, plundered, and,
destroyed, with many piratical paraos. About this time, the king of
Cambaya fitted out a fleet of eighty barks, under the command of a
valiant Moor named _Alexiath_, who did much injury to the subjects of
Nizam-al-mulk, and to the Portuguese trade at Chaul, in consequence of
which aid was demanded from Sampayo by both. Sampayo accordingly set
sail with forty vessels of different kinds, in which were 1000
Portuguese soldiers, besides a considerable force of armed natives. In
this expedition Hector de Sylveira commanded the small vessels that
rowed[178], while Sampayo took charge of the sailing vessels. On
arriving at Chaul, Sampayo sent eighty Portuguese to the assistance of
Nizam-al-Mulk, under the command of Juan de Avelar, and then sailed for
Diu, as he understood the eighty barks of Cambaya were gone thither. Off
Bombay that fleet belonging to Cambaya of which he was in search was
descried, on which part of the ships were detached to secure the
entrance of the river Bandora, to prevent the enemy from escaping, while
Sylveira with his brigantines or row-boats bore down upon Alexiath.
After a furious cannonade, the Portuguese gallantly boarded the enemy,
and Alexiath fled with seven only of his barks, all the rest being
taken. Of the 73 vessels captured on this occasion, 33 were found
serviceable and were retained, all the rest being set on fire. In this
glorious exploit, a vast number of prisoners, much artillery, and
abundance of ammunition were taken, and the Portuguese did not lose one
man.
[Footnote 178: Such is the expression in the translation of the
Portuguese Asia by Stevens. They were probably Malabar vessels, which in
the early writers are named paraos, tonys, and caturs, and might perhaps
be called row-boats.--E]
Juan de Avelar, who had been detached with eighty Portuguese to the
assistance of Nizam-al-Mulk against the king of Cambaya, acquired great
honour in that service by his gallantry. Assisted by 1000 of the native
subjects of Nizam-al-Mulk, he scaled a fort belonging to the king of
Cambaya, till then thought impregnable, being the first who entered; and
having slain all the defendants, he delivered it up to the Nizam.
It was now about the beginning of the year 1529. Lope Vaz de Sampayo was
much elated by the last-mentioned success against the fleet of Cambaya,
and believed that in the present state of dismay Diu would surrender on
the first summons: He was therefore eager to have gone against that
place, but as all his captains except Sylveira were of a contrary
opinion, he was obliged to lay aside that intention and to return to
Goa, leaving the valiant Hector with twenty-two row-boats to cruise
against the pirates in the north. In the south, or on the Malabar coast,
Antonio de Miranda was employed in similar service, where, he destroyed
twelve paraos. Being joined by six brigantines and a galley, with 100
chosen men, commanded by Christopher de Melo, the united squadron took a
very large ship laden with pepper in the river _Chale_, though defended
by numerous artillery and 800 men. Near _Monte-Hermosa_, they defeated
50 sail of vessels belonging to Calicut, taking three paraos with a
considerable number of cannon and many men. Hector de Sylveira, who had
been left on the coast of Cambaya, did much damage to the enemy. Going
up the river _Nagotana_ of _Bazain_, he landed and burnt six towns
belonging to the king of Cambaya. The commander of _Nagotana_ took the
field against him with five hundred horse and a large force of infantry,
endeavouring to intercept Sylveira on his way to reimbark. An engagement
took place, in which the enemy were repulsed with some loss, and
Sylveira was enabled to embark. Going afterwards to _Bazain_, on a
river, of the same name, he found that place well fortified and defended
by a considerable number of cannon. He entered the river however during
the night, and next morning stormed the fortifications of Bazain,
killing many of the defendents. After this success, he was unexpectedly
attacked by Alexiath at the head of 3500 men; but he bravely repelled
and defeated that vastly superior force with great slaughter, after
which he plundered and burnt the city of Bazuin. Terrified by these
exploits, the lord of the great city of Tana, not far distant,
submitted to become tributary to Portugal, and Sylveira retired to
Chaul.
While these things were doing on the coast of Hindostan, Simon de Sousa
Galvam, on his way to the Moluccas in a galley with seventy men was
driven by a storm to take shelter, in the port of Acheen. Several
vessels flocked immediately about him, on pretence of giving assistance,
but the natives were no sooner on board than they fell upon the seventy
Portuguese, with all kinds of weapons. Recovering from their first
surprise, the Portuguese bravely drove the enemy from their ship,
although not more than twenty were left that could stand to their arms.
The king of Acheen gave orders to his admiral to attack the Portuguese
galley next morning; when, after a desperate resistance, most of the
Portuguese were slain and Galvam among them; only those being spared who
were so severely wounded as to be unable to resist. Don George de
Menezes, who commanded at the Moluccas, sent a party to Tidore against
the Spaniards; but on the rout of that party, Menezes collected a
considerable allied force, consisting of the people of Ternate, the
_Sangages_, and the subjects of Cachil Daroez king of _Bacham_. With
these and a small number of Portuguese, Menezes landed in Tidore, where
he defeated the Spaniards and troops of Tidore, obliging the former to
retire into their fort after losing six men, two of whom were slain and
four taken. Menezes then assaulted and took the city of Tidore, which he
plundered and burnt; after which he invested the Spanish fort, and
summoned Ferdinando de la Torre the Spanish commander to surrender.
Being unable to resist, the Spanish captain agreed to evacuate Tidore,
retiring to the city of Comafo, and engaging to commit no hostilities
upon the Portuguese or their allies, and not to trade to any of the
islands producing cloves. After this the king of Tidore was made
tributary to the Portuguese, and Menezes returned victorious to Ternate.
During his absence, _Bohaat_ king of Tidore had died, not without
suspicion of having been poisoned by _Cachil Daroez_, and was succeeded
by his brother _Cachil Daialo_. The new king being suspicious of _Cachil
Vaiaco_, fled to the fort; but afraid that Menezes might give him up to
his enemy, threw himself from a window. All Ternate now mutinied against
Menezes; and as he imagined that _Cachil Vaideca_, a noble of Tidore,
had caused the death of a Chinese sow belonging to him, he imprisoned
that nobleman, after which he set him free, having first anointed his
face with bacon, which among that people is reckoned a most heinous
affront. Not contented with this violence, he sent to rob the houses of
the _Moors_ of their provisions, and became suddenly most outrageous and
tyrannical. The _Moors_ stood upon their defence, and treated some of
the Portuguese as they now deserved. Menezes seized the chief magistrate
of the town of _Tabona_ and two other persons of note. These two he set
at liberty after cutting off their hands; but he let loose two fierce
dogs against the magistrate, which tore him in pieces. Becoming odious
to all by these cruelties, _Cachil Daroez_ stirred up the natives to
expel the Portuguese; but being made prisoner, Menezes caused him to be
beheaded. Terrified by this tyranny, the inhabitants of Ternate fled to
other places, the city becoming entirely deserted. Don George de Menezes
was afterwards sent a prisoner to India for these enormities, whence he
was sent to Portugal, where he was condemned to banishment. Any reward
was too small for his former services, and this punishment was too
slight for his present offences.
Nuno de Cuna, appointed governor-general of India, arrived in May 1529
at Ormuz. Setting out too late from Lisbon in the year before with
eleven ships, he had a tedious voyage. One of his ships was lost near
Cape Verd, when 150 men perished. After passing the line, the fleet was
dispersed in a violent storm. Nuno put in at the port of St Jago in
Madagascar, where he found a naked Portuguese soldier, who had belonged
to one of two ships commanded by Lacerda and Abreu, which were cast away
in 1527 at this place. The people fortified themselves there, in hopes
that some ships passing that way might take them up. After waiting a
year, one ship passed but could not come to their assistance; and being
no longer able to subsist at that place, they marched up the country in
two bodies to seek their fortunes, leaving this man behind sick. In
consequence of intelligence of these events sent home to Portugal by
Nuno, Duarte and Diego de Fonseca were sent out in search of these men.
Duarte perished in Madagascar; and Diego found only four Portuguese and
one Frenchman, who had belonged to three French ships that were cast
away on that island. These men said that many of their companions were
still alive in the interior, but they could not be got at. From these it
was thought had sprung a people that wore found in Madagascar about
eighty years afterwards. This people alleged that a Portuguese captain,
having suffered shipwreck on the coast, had conquered a district of the
island over which he became sovereign; and all his men taking wives from
among the natives, had left numerous issue, who had erred much in
matters of faith. _Great indeed must have been their errors, to have
been discovered by the atheistical Hollanders!_ Doubtless these people
did not descend from that shipwreck only, but might have sprung likewise
from the first discoverers, _who were never heard of_, and among others
from three ships that sailed from Cochin in 1530 along with Francisco de
Albuquerque.
While Nuno was at Madagascar, his own ship perished in a storm. The men
were saved in the other two ships, but much goods and arms were lost.
Sailing thence to Zanzibar, he landed 200 of his men who were sick,
under the care of Alexius de Sousa Chichorro, with orders to go to
Melinda when the people were recovered. Being unable to continue his
voyage to India, on account of the trade wind being adverse, he
determined upon taking revenge upon the king of Mombaza, who infested
those of Melinda and Zanzibar from hatred to the Portuguese. If
successful, he proposed to have raised _Munho Mahomet_ to the throne,
who was son to him who had received De Gama on his first voyage with so
much kindness. Mahomet however objected to this honour, saying, "That he
was not deserving of the crown, being born of a Kafr slave: But if Nuno
wished to reward the friendship of his father, he might confer the crown
on his brother _Cide Bubac_, a younger son of his father by a legitimate
wife, and who was therefore of the royal blood of the kings of Quiloa."
Nuno set off on this expedition with 800 men, accompanied by Mahomet and
Bubac, each of whom had sixty followers. On the way he was joined by the
sheikh of _Otonda_, a neighbouring town, who offered to accompany him
with a well appointed vessel. This prince had silver chains on his legs,
which he wore as a memorial of having been wrongfully imprisoned by the
king of Mombaza, and had sworn never to take them off till revenged,
having been so used merely because he had shewn friendship to the
Portuguese.
Having been apprized of the intended attack, the king of Mombaza had
provided for his defence, by planting cannons on a fort or bulwark at
the mouth of the river, and brought 600 expert archers into the city.
Though opposed by a heavy cannonade from the bulwark, Nuno forced his
way up the river and anchored in the evening close to the city, whence
the archers shot continual flights of arrows into the ships, and were
answered by the Portuguese cannon. Next morning early the troops were
landed under Pedro Vaz, brother to Nuno, who carried all before him, and
planted the Portuguese colours, after killing many of the Moors and
driving the rest from the city, without losing a single Portuguese
soldier. To secure and repeople the city, Nuno sent for a nephew of the
king of Melinda, who came with 500 men, many of whom were of some rank;
and these were followed by the prince of Montangue with 200 more. Many
likewise of the former inhabitants came in and submitted, so that the
island began to reassume an appearance of prosperity. The expelled king,
sensible of the desperate situation of affairs, sent one of his
principal men to propose an accommodation, offering to pay a ransom to
preserve his city from destruction, and to become tributary. An
agreement was accordingly entered into to this effect, and the king
began to make the stipulated payments; but finding sickness to prevail
among the Portuguese of whom two hundred soon died, and many more were
incapacitated from service, he began to fall off from the completion of
the agreement, and as the prince of Melinda durst not undertake to
defend the place without a considerable force of Portuguese, Nuno
destroyed the city by fire and returned to Melinda, carrying with him
those he had formerly left sick at Zanzibar. Leaving Melinda, he left 80
of his men there sick, to be carried to India on their recovery by
Tristan Homem: who afterwards defended Melinda with these men against
the king of Mombaza, who endeavoured to revenge himself there for the
injury he had sustained from the Portuguese.
It has been formerly mentioned that Nuno de Cuna arrived at Ormuz in May
1529, into which he made a formal and pompous entry, to the great
admiration of the natives. He immediately issued a proclamation at that
place and its dependencies, "That all who had cause of complaint against
the Portuguese should appear before him for redress." Many complainers
accordingly came forwards, and the offenders were obliged to make
restitution, to the great astonishment and satisfaction of the Moors,
who had not been accustomed to see justice executed on their behalf. He
found that _Reis Xarafo_; great _guazil_[179] or rather arch tyrant over
the king and people of Ormuz, though restored to that situation by
Sampayo, was by no means clear of the great crimes he had been formerly
accused of, particularly of rapine and murder. On a representation of
this to the king of Portugal, Manuel de Macedo had orders to bring him
prisoner to Lisbon, and accordingly had him arrested by the assistance
of Nuno, who waited upon the king of Ormuz to justify this procedure.
The king readily acquiesced, and presented the governor with a rich
present of jewels and cloth of gold, together with a fine horse richly
caparisoned in the Persian manner. As the reigning king was implicated
in the murder of his predecessor Mahomet, Nuno imposed upon him a fine
of 40,000 Xerephines, in addition to the tribute of 60,000 which he had
to pay yearly; that crime being used as a pretence to overburthen him
with a tribute equal to a third part of the yearly revenue of
Ormuz[180]. Xarafo, or Ashraf, was sent to Portugal with examinations
respecting the crimes laid to his charge; but he carried such riches
along with him, that he was not only able to purchase a remission of
punishment, but was actually reinstated in his former employment. While
Nuno still remained at Ormuz, Tavarez de Sousa came there, who had been
with forty men to assist the king of _Basrah_ against the lord of
_Gizaira_[181]; having been the first Portuguese who went up the rivers
Tigris and Euphrates. Basrah or Bazora, in about the lat. of 30° N. is
about 30 leagues from the mouth of the great river Euphrates, and
received its name in commemoration of the more ancient city of Basrah,
eight leagues higher up, the ruins of which are said by eye-witnesses to
be twice as extensive as the city of Grand Cairo. The island of Gizaira,
or Jazirat, is formed by the two rivers Tigris and Euphrates, being
about 40 leagues in circumference, and is said to contain 40,000
archers. The river Tigris rises among the _Curds_ in the greater
Armenia, and the springs of the Euphrates are in Turkomania. The king
of Basrah received Sousa with much state, and appeared greatly satisfied
at his assistance. Sousa accompanied him on his expedition against the
lord of Jazirat, the infantry of Basrah amounting to 5000 men, 600 of
whom carried firelocks, were conveyed up the river in 200 _dalacs_ or
large boats, accompanied by seven vessels full of Turks with a
considerable number of cannon. The king went along with his infantry by
water, while his nephew marched by land at the head of 3000 horse. The
king established his camp on the right or Arabian side of the river,
opposite to the encampment of the lord of Jazirat, who was, posted on
the island with 12,000 men. By order of the king of Basrah, Sousa wrote
to the lord of Jazirat, saying that he was sent by the Portuguese
commander of Ormuz, either to make peace between the contending parties
on reasonable terms, or in case of refusal to take part with the king of
Basrah. The king of Jazirat made answer, that as this was the first
request of the captain of Ormuz, and as Sousa was the first Portuguese
who had come into these parts, he agreed to comply with the terms
demanded, which were merely the restoration of certain forts belonging
to the king of Basrah which he had taken possession of. Persons were
accordingly appointed on both sides to treat for an accommodation, which
was satisfactorily concluded. But the king of Basrah now refused to
perform what he had promised to Sousa for his aid; which was to deliver
up the seven Turkish vessels, and not to admit any more of that nation
into his dominions, because enemies of the Portuguese. Enraged at this
breach of compact Sousa after embarking with his men, took one of the
large barks belonging to Basrah, after which he landed with thirty-six
of his men and burnt a town of 300 houses on the Arabian side of the
river, and a smaller one on the Persian side.
[Footnote 179: In Astley, I. 80, this person is named Reis or _Raez
Ashraf, Wazir_ or Visier of Ormuz. The strange title in the text, _great
guazil_, is probably a translation of _Alguazil mayor_, giving a
Portuguese or rather a Spanish denomination to an Arab officer.--E.]
[Footnote 180: On a former occasion, the Xerephine was stated as equal
in value to 3s. 9d. Hence the total revenue of Ormuz was only about
L.83,750 yearly: The tribute to Portugal L.11,250; and the fine L.7500.
It is true that the value of money was then much greater than now, and
these sums for comparison with our present money of account may perhaps
be fairly rated at L.837,500, L.112,500 and L.75,000 respectively, or
_ten_ times their numerical amount in 1529.--E.]
[Footnote 181: Called Jazirat by the Editor of Astleys Collection.]
In reward to Sousa for his gallantry, Nuno gave him the command in the
Persian Gulf, and sent him to Bahrayn at the request of the king of
Ormuz, to reduce Reis Barbadim who had revolted. But as Sousa had not a
sufficient force for this purpose, Simon de Cuna was sent there with
eight vessels and 400 men, besides a native force in the barks of the
country. Joining Sousa, the fort of Bahrayn was battered for three days;
but powder running short, they had to send to Ormuz for a supply, and in
the mean time the Portuguese sickened so fast, owing to the
unhealthiness of the climate that above an hundred of them died, and
even the Persian soldiers belonging to Ormuz, though accustomed to the
climate, were in very little better condition, insomuch that they had to
give up the siege and return to Ormuz, where Simon de Sousa died.
In the mean time Nuno de Cuna, leaving Ormuz, arrived at Goa in the
latter end of October 1529, where he found four ships just arrived from
Lisbon after a prosperous voyage with a reinforcement of 1500 men all in
perfect health, not having lost a man by the way except one captain.
Nuno made a solemn entry into the city, where he found a powerful fleet
of 140 vessels, which had all been provided by the former governor, Lope
Vaz de Sampayo. The most considerable of these were six galleons, eight
royal gallies, six caravels, and fourteen galliots, all well provided
with cannon and military stores; for though Sampayo had usurped the
government, he had conducted it better than many of those who had
received regular appointments. Finding it necessary to proceed to
Cochin, to dispatch the homeward trade, he stopped at Cananor, where
Sampayo then was, who came on board and resigned the government with the
usual solemnities. Sampayo was inclined to have landed again at Cananor,
but Nuno ordered him to go along with him to Cochin, and published a
proclamation that all who had been wronged by Sampayo might repair to
the new governor, who would do them justice. Sampayo complained of this
as a libel against him, as those who had complaints to make needed not
to be invited by sound of trumpet. On arriving at Cochin, Nuno ordered
Sampayo to be imprisoned and an inventory to be taken of all his
effects, all of which were directed to be deposited in safe custody and
sent to Lisbon, to be there delivered as the king might direct. On being
taken into custody, Sampayo desired the officer to say to Nuno, "I
imprisoned others, you imprison me, and there will come one who will
imprison you." To this message Nuno answered, "Doubtless I may be
imprisoned; but the difference between us will be, that Sampayo deserves
it, and I shall not." Neither was Sampayo wrong, as Nuno had certainly
been taken into custody in Portugal on his return if he had not died by
the way. Sampayo was treated with much and improper severity: the worst
ship in the fleet being appointed for him, with only two servants, and
barely as much of his own wealth as sufficed for the expence of his
voyage.
On his arrival at the Tercera islands an officer was in waiting to put
Sampayo in irons, with which he landed at Lisbon and was carried to a
dungeon in the castle, in which was confined at the same time Reis
Xarafo the visier of Ormuz. After two years confinement, the chief crime
alleged against him being his unjust proceedings in regard to Pedro de
Mascarenas, the duke of Braganza took pity on the misfortunes of this
brave gentleman, and prevailed on the king to give him a hearing in
council. Accordingly, the king being seated in council surrounded by the
judges, Sampayo was brought before him, having his face covered by a
long and thick white beard, and with such tokens of misery which he had
endured in almost three years imprisonment, counting from his arrest in
India, that even Mascarenas or any other of his enemies might have
thought themselves sufficiently revenged. Being put to the bar, after
receiving the kings permission, he made a copious and comprehensive
speech with an undaunted countenance, in his justification. After
enumerating the services of his ancestors and immediate progenitors to
the crown, he particularized his own from his early youth to the period
of his imprisonment, and commented upon the injuries which had been
since done to him. He exposed the malice of his accusers, and justified
his own proceedings. By many apt examples of others who had been guilty
even of greater crimes than those of which he was accused, and who had
been pardoned in consideration of their services, he drew a parallel
between himself and these persons, and concluded by throwing himself
entirely on the justice and mercy of his majesty; from one or other of
which he trusted to receive a discharge, and hoped to have more cause of
thankfulness for the future, than he had of complaint till then of the
hard usage he had been subjected to.
Having listened to him attentively, the king examined him in regard to
each separate article of his impeachment, forty-three in all, to every
one of which he gave apt answers. The principal article alleged against
him related to Pedro Mascarenas, all the others being such as would
never have been thought of except to fill up the measure of accusation.
Being carried back to the castle, he sent in his defence in writing, as
is usual in such cases. In the end, he was sentenced to forfeit all his
allowances as governor; to pay Mascarenas a compensation of 10,000
ducats; and to be banished into Africa. He contrived however to get into
Spain, where he disnaturalized himself, as had been done by the famous
Magellan; and wrote a letter from Badajos to the king, in which he
affirmed that his sentence was unjust, and declared his resolution to
try, by changing his country, to better his fortune and restore his
honour. In consequence of this he was restored to his country.
We must now return to the affairs of India, where Diego Sylveira reduced
the people of Calicut to such straits that the zamorin was constrained
to sue to Nuno de Cuna for peace. This was granted on certain terms,
part of which the zamorin was willing to accept, but rejected the rest;
on which Sylveira reduced the city to extreme distress, by intercepting
all provisions. Some relief was received however from Cananor, and Simon
de Sousa being driven in his brigantine on shore, was blown up while
bravely defending himself against the Moors.
Malek Saca[182] being expelled from Diu, found it expedient for
compassing his ends with the king of Cambaya, to employ similar
artifices with Nuno de Cuna as had been formerly practised with Hector
de Sylveira, by offering to deliver up the city to him. Accordingly he
wrote to Nuno, that although he could not now deliver up Diu, he would
assist him to reduce it; and as it was convenient that a meeting should
take place between the governor and Malek Saca, Nuno sent him a safe
conduct, and ships to transport him and his retinue, commanded by Gaspar
Paez, who had formerly been known to Malek Saca at Diu. On this occasion
Malek Saca granted every condition required, not meaning to perform any,
and made use of this sham alliance to get himself restored to the favour
of the king of Cambaya, putting off Paez with various artifices, under
pretence that the safe conduct was not securely expressed, and that
there were too few ships. In revenge of this deceit, Paez was only able
to burn nine small barks belonging to Malek Saca. Being much enraged at
the duplicity of Malek, Nuno began to make preparations for the
reduction of Diu. In the mean time, he visited and conciliated the rajah
of Cochin, who had been much displeased with the conduct of Lope Vaz
Sampayo and Alfonso Mexia. He went next to Goa, whence he visited the
king at _Chale_, and satisfied him in all things. About the middle of
February 1530 he came to Cananor, the king of which place he gratified
by conforming to the ceremonials of his court; and being offered a
present of jewels, he accepted them lest he should affront that prince,
but delivered them over to the officers of the revenue, as belonging to
the king of Portugal.
[Footnote 182: He is stated on a former occasion to have been the son of
Malek Azz.--E.]
At this time a rich merchant of Mangalore did great injury to the
Portuguese, as he favoured the zamorin of Calicut though living in the
dominions of the king of Narsinga who was in friendship with the
Portuguese. Diego de Sylveira was ordered to punish that man, and went
accordingly against him with a force of 450 men and sixteen vessels. He
accordingly entered the river of Mangalore, where he was opposed by a
great number of ships belonging to the Moorish merchant, which were put
to flight after a short contest. Sylveira then landed with 240 men and
entered the town without opposition, after which he took the fort whence
the merchant endeavoured to escape, but was slain by a musquet-ball. A
vast booty fell into the hands of the Portuguese, but Sylveira ordered
it all to be burnt, lest he might endanger his ships by overloading
them. As winter was coming on Sylveira dismissed half of his fleet, yet
afterwards had occasion for them all, as he soon after encountered _Pati
Marcar_, a commander belonging to Calicut, who was going to Mangalore
with sixty paraos. The weather prevented him from fighting at that time;
but Sylveira waited the return of the Calicut fleet, to which he gave
battle off Mount Dely, and sank six paraos, after which he returned to
Cochin. In the same year 1530, Antonio de Sylveira commanded on the
coast of Cambaya with fifty-one sail of vessels, three of which were
gallies and two galliots, in which were 900 Portuguese soldiers. With
this force he went up the river Taptee where he burnt Surat and Reyner,
the chiefest towns in that part of India. Surat on one side of the river
contained 10,000 families, mostly Banians[183] and handicrafts of no
courage; while Reyner on the other side of the river had six thousand
houses inhabited by a warlike race, and was well fortified. On sounding,
the river was found too shallow for the larger vessels, which were left
off the bar under the command of Francisco de Vasconcelles; while with
the smaller, Sylveira went up the river about four miles to Surat. He
there found 300 horse and nearly 10,000 foot drawn up to oppose his
landing, all well armed with bows and firelocks; but after one discharge
this vast multitude fled in dismay without waiting an attack. The city
of Surat was then entered without farther resistance, and being
plundered of every thing worth carrying off was set on fire with some
ships that were in its arsenal. The city of Reyner stood a little higher
up on the other side, and was inhabited by the _Nayteas Moors_, a race
of more courage and policy than the Banians; yet they fled almost at the
first fire, leaving all their property to the Portuguese, who had all
been enriched if they had been able to carry away the whole plunder.
Having removed all that their ships could carry, the town was set on
fire, together with twenty ships and many small vessels. In both actions
Emanuel de Sousa was conspicuously valiant, being the first to land with
much danger, especially in the latter, where he was opposed by a
numerous artillery. On returning to the mouth of the river, Sylveira
found, that Vasconcelles had taken six vessels bound with provisions for
Diu. After this, Antonio de Sylveira destroyed the towns of Daman and
Agazem on the coast, at the latter of which places 300 vessels belonging
to the enemy were burnt.
[Footnote 183: Called Bancanes in the text of De Faria; perhaps an error
of the press for Banianes or Banzanes.--E.]
On the 21st of January 1530, Hector de Sylveira sailed from Goa for the
Red Sea with ten ships and 600 men. Spreading his fleet across the mouth
of that sea, that no enemy might escape, several rich ships were
captured. Appearing afterwards before _Aden_, Hector induced the sheikh
of that place to submit to the crown of Portugal, and to an yearly
tribute of 12,000 Xerephines. The sheikh of _Zael_, who had only a short
time before accompanied _Mustapha_, a Turkish captain, with 20,000 men
to make war upon Aden, submitted to similar terms.
Having completed his preparations for the expedition against Diu, Nuno
de Cuna sailed early in the year 1531 with a great fleet and army for
that place. In a general review at the Island of Bombay, the fleet
consisted of above 400 sail of all kinds of vessels, many of which were
large, more indifferent, and most of them small; some being only
_sutlers_, fitted out by the natives for private gain. On board this
fleet were 3600 soldiers and 1450 seamen all Portuguese, besides above
2000 Canara and Malabar soldiers, 8000 slaves, and about 5000 native
seamen. Landing at Daman, a fort belonging to the king of Cairibaya,
which was immediately evacuated by the Moors, advice was brought that
the Arabs, Turks, and others, to the number of 2000 men, had fortified
themselves in the Island of _Beth,_ seven leagues from Diu. This place
was so strong by art and nature, environed with rocks and
fortifications, that Nuno gave no credit to the accounts respecting it
till convinced by inspection. Coming before Beth on the 7th of February,
he summoned the garrison to surrender; but many of them shaved their
heads, as devoting themselves to death or victory, which they call
making themselves _amoucos[184]._ The commandant of the barbarians gave
a brutal example of determined and savage resolution, by throwing his
wife, son, and goods into a fire made on purpose, in which they were all
consumed; that if the Portuguese succeeded in the enterprise, they might
only gain a heap of ashes. His example was followed by others. Being
resolved to carry this place, Nuno made dispositions for an assault,
dividing his force into six bodies, which were ordered to attack in six
different places at the same time. After a desperate conflict the place
was taken, in which 1800 of the enemy were slain, and sixty cannons
taken.
[Footnote 184: Corruptly called by the British in India running a
muck.--E.]
Departing from Beth, Nuno appeared with his powerful armament before
Diu. This city is built upon rocks, and is entirely encompassed by rocks
and water. The entrance into the river or haven was shut up by massy
chains suspended upon vessels, behind which eighty vessels were drawn up
full of archers and musqueteers to defend the passage. The garrison
consisted of 10,000 men, with a prodigious number of cannon. On the 16th
of February, the signal was given for the attack, but after fighting the
whole day without gaining any advantage, and having suffered some loss,
it was determined in a council of war to desist from the enterprise as.
impracticable. It was agreed by all, that if so much time had not been
fruitlessly employed in the capture of Beth, Diu must have fallen; as it
had been reinforced only three, days before the arrival of the
Portuguese by a Turk named Mustapha, who was the principal cause of its
brave and effectual resistance. Nuno returned with the principal part of
his fleet and army to Goa, where he arrived on the 15th of March,
leaving Antonio de Saldanna with 60 vessels in the Bay of Cambaya to
annoy the enemy.
After the departure of the Portuguese fleet, Mustapha presented himself
before _Badur_ king of Cambaya, who received him honourably, giving him
the command of _Baroach_ in the Bay of Cambaya, with the title of
Rumi-khan. He was called Kami, as having been born in Greece; as the
Moors of India, being ignorant of the divisions of the European
provinces, call the whole of Thrace, Greece, Sclavonia, and the adjacent
countries by the general name of _Rum,_ and the inhabitants _Rumi_
though that term ought only to be applied to Thrace, the modern
_Romania._ The _Turks_ and _Rumes_ are different nations; the former
being originally from Turkistan, and the natives of Greece and Thrace
consider themselves as of more honourable descent than the Turks[185].
The tide of _Khan_ now bestowed on Mustapha is a dignity among the
Tartars equivalent to that of _Duke_ in Europe, and is bestowed in the
east on persons of distinguished merit.
[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned
as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the
Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province
of Romania or Thrace.--E.]
Antonio de Saldanna, who was left in command of the sea of Cambaya, with
60 vessels and 1500 men, took and burnt the town of _Madrefavat,_[186]
five leagues from Diu towards Beth. He then went against Gogo,
twenty-four leagues farther, formerly a strong and populous place of
great trade. There were fifteen of the largest paraos belonging to
Calicut at that time in the port laden with spice, which took shelter in
a creek, and were followed by Saldanna with 800 men in the smaller
vessels. Finding it necessary to land, he was opposed by 300 horse and
800 foot that came to defend the Makbars; but after a sharp encounter,
in which 200 of the enemy were slain, they were constrained to abandon
the vessels, which were all burnt; after which Saldanna destroyed the
town of Gogo and eight ships that were in the port He afterwards
destroyed the towns of Belsa, Tarapor, Mail, Kelme, and Agasim, and
lastly Surat, which was beginning to revive from its former destruction.
Having thus ravaged the coast of Cambaya, he returned to Goa. About this
time a brother of the king of Cambaya, who was rightful heir to that
crown, came into the hands of Nuno; who expected through his means to
obtain what had been so long desired, the possession of Diu, and the
command of the trade of Cambaya.
[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned
as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the
Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province
of Romania or Thrace.--E.]
[Footnote 186: Perhaps that now called Jaffrabad.--E.]
About this time the Portuguese cruisers had taken twenty-seven ships
belonging to the zamorin, all richly laden. Being perplexed by the great
losses he was continually sustaining through the Portuguese superiority
at sea, the sovereign of Calicut made overtures towards an
accommodation; and in a treaty of peace gave permission to the
governor-general to build a fort in the island of _Chale_, in a river
that falls into the sea about three leagues from Calicut, which is
navigable by boats all the way to the foot of the _Gaut_ mountains.
_Urinama_, a heathen, was at this time rajah of _Chale_, and both he and
the neighbouring rajah of Tanore, who were subjects to the zamorin, were
anxious to throw off their subjection to that prince, and to enter into
alliance with the Portuguese, in hopes of becoming rich by participating
in their trade. Immediately upon procuring the consent of the zamorin to
construct the fort, Nuno set out from Goa with 150 sail of vessels, in
which were 3000 Portuguese troops and 1000 native _Lascarines_. So much
diligence was used in carrying on the work, even the gentlemen
participating in the labour, that in twenty-six days it was in a
defensible situation, being surrounded by a rampart nine feet thick and
of sufficient height, strengthened by towers and bastions or bulwarks at
proper places. Within the fort a church was built, together with a house
for the commander, barracks for the soldiers, and store-houses for
trade. Diego de Pereira, who had negotiated the treaty with the zamorin,
was left in command of this new fortress, with a garrison of 250 men;
and Manuel de Sousa had orders to secure its safety by sea, with a
squadron of twenty-two vessels. The zamorin soon repented of having
allowed this fort to be built in his dominions, and used ineffectual
endeavours to induce the rajah of Chale, Caramanlii, and Tanore to break
with the Portuguese, even going to war against them, but to no purpose.
About the end of February 1532, Emanuel de Vasconcelles was sent to the
Red Sea with two galliots and several brigantines to cruise against the
Turks. Off Xael he captured several Turkish vessels, among which, was a
large ship, named _Cufturca,_ which was sent to Muscat. The king of
Xael, fearful of danger, made his peace with Vasconcelles. Soon
afterwards Antonio de Saldanna arrived with ten ships to take the
command in the Red Sea, who was dissatisfied with the terms entered into
with the sheikh of Xael, on which that prince sent all the valuables
belonging to the town, together with the women and children into the
interior, that he might provide for defence; but being obliged to quit
the Red Sea on account of the weather, Saldanna sailed first to Muscat
and thence to Diu, where he took several vessels belonging to the enemy,
among which was one in which he got above 60,000 Venetian chequins.
About the same time Diego de Sylveira plundered and burnt Puttun, a city
twelve leagues from Diu, and destroyed four ships that were in the
harbour. He acted in a similar manner at Pate and Mangalore and other
places, and returned to Goa with above 4000 slaves and an infinite
booty.
All this encouraged Nuno de Cuna to continue hostilities against Diu and
the king of Cambaya, in hopes of constraining him to allow of the
construction of a fort in that city. _Malek Tocam_[187], lord of Diu,
was then fortifying the city of Basseen, and as that place might prove
injurious to the designs of Nuno against Cambaya, he determined to
destroy it. For this purpose he fitted out a fleet of 150 vessels, in
which he embarked with 3000 Portuguese soldiers and 200 native Canarins.
Tocam on hearing of this expedition, left a garrison of 12,000 men in
Basseen and retired to Diu. Despising the danger of attacking such
superior numbers, Nuno landed his troops and took Basseen by assault, in
which action 600 of the enemy were slain, and only eight or nine on the
side of the Portuguese. Having ravaged the surrounding country and razed
the fortifications of Basseen, Emanuel de Albuquerque was sent with
twelve vessels and 300 men to destroy the fort of Daman, which he was
unable to accomplish. He burnt however all the towns upon the coast from
_Basseen_ to _Tarapor_, and reduced _Tanua_, _Bandora_, _Maii_, and
_Bombay_ to become tributary. About this time orders were sent from
Portugal that all the commanders of forts in India should make oath of
obedience to the governor-general, whence it appears that till then they
were in a great measure independent.
[Footnote 187: The lord of Diu only a little before was named Malek
_Saca_; but De Faria gives no intimation of any revolution, except by
change of name. Yet from the sequel it is evident this person was the
son of Malek Azz.--E.]
About this time Malek Tocam, lord of Diu, desired Nuno to send a proper
person to him with whom he might treat of an important affair, he being
at that time apprehensive that the king of Cambaya meant to deprive him
of his government. Vasco de Cuna was accordingly sent on this embassy,
with instructions to procure the surrender of Diu, but was unsuccessful.
At the same time Tristan de Ga pressed the king of Cambaya to allow of
building a fort at Diu, and Badur expressed a desire of conferring with
the governor-general on the subject, though his real design was to kill
him rather than grant permission to build a fort. Nuno went accordingly
to Diu with a fleet of 100 sail and 2000 Portuguese troops; but the king
who was then at Diu delayed the interview on various pretences, and
desired Nuno to send some of his principal captains to wait upon him.
They went accordingly richly dressed and were splendidly received. While
in discourse with the king, Emanuel de Macedo took the liberty, yet in a
respectful manner, to say "That he wondered much his majesty should
deprive Malek Tocam of the government of the city, who had not only
served him faithfully, but was the son of one who had performed many
signal services and had long enjoyed his favour, and that he should
bestow the command on _Mustapha Rumi Khan_, whose principal merit was
disloyalty to the _Grand Turk_, his natural prince." He added, that if
Mustapha denied this, he challenged him to combat, either hand to hand,
or in any other manner he might think fit. _Rumi Khan_ was present, but
made no answer, till the king looking angrily at him, he said his
silence proceeded from contempt. Macedo repeated the challenge, and the
Turk, no longer able to shun it with a good grace, agreed to fight him
at sea. But this challenge took no effect, as the parties could not
agree upon the terms of combat. Being unable to come to any agreement
with the king of Cambaya, Nuno de Cuna entered into a league with
_Humayun_[188] padishah, or emperor of the Moguls, and returned to Goa,
dispatching several of his captains with squadrons to different places.
[Footnote 188: In De Faria called _Omaum Patxath_, king of the
Moguls.--E.]
At this time, _Cunale Marcar_, a bold pirate, scoured the seas about
Calicut with eight vessels well equipped and full of men. One night off
Cape Comorin he surprised a Portuguese brigantine at anchor, in which
were twenty-one Portuguese, all so fast asleep that they were bound
before they waked. He caused their heads to be bruised to pieces, to
punish them for daring to sleep while he was at sea, _a merry cruelty_.
From thence _Cunale_ went to Negapatnam on the coast of Coromandel,
where there were forty Portuguese, who defended themselves to no
purpose, as the degar or governor of that place agreed with Cunale to
rob them. Khojah Marcar, though a relation of Cunale, used his
endeavours to deliver the Portuguese from this danger, by instilling
mutual jealousy into the Degar and Cunale, who however took some
Portuguese vessels then in the river at Negapatnam, and shot eight of
their men. Antonio de Silva was sent against him from Cochin with 200
musqueteers in fifteen small vessels, on which Cunale took refuge in a
bay on the coast called _Canamnera_, where he fortified himself. But
Antonio forced him to make his escape in the habit of a beggar to
Calicut, leaving his vessels and cannon, with which Antonio returned to
Cochin.
In 1534 Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Portuguese admiral in India, took the
fort of Daman; and Badur king of Cambaya, fearing still greater losses,
and finding his trade completely interrupted, made peace with Nuno, on
the following conditions. The fort of Basseen with all its dependencies
was ceded to the crown of Portugal: All ships bound from the kingdom of
Cambaya for the Red Sea, were to come in the first place to Basseen, and
to touch there on their return, paying certain duties to the crown of
Portugal: No ships belonging to Cambaya were to trade to any other parts
without licence from the Portuguese government: No ships of war were to
be built in any of the ports belonging to Cambaya: The king of Cambaya
was on no account to give any assistance to the _Rumes_ or Turks. There
were other articles in favour of the king of Cambaya, to render the
harshness of these more palatable; and even these were afterwards
moderated when he gave permission for building a fort at Diu.
The kingdom of Guzerat, commonly called Cambaya from the name of its
metropolis, extends from Cape _Jaquet_ or _Jigat_ in the west, to the
river _Nagotana_ near _Chaul_, within which limits there is a large and
deep bay or gulf having the same name with the capital, in which bay the
sea ebbs and flows with wonderful rapidity, insomuch that any ship that
is caught in this tremendous _bore_ certainly perishes. To avoid this
danger, there is always a man stationed on an eminence, who gives notice
with a horn when he sees the approach of this torrent. The distance
between Cape _Jigat_ and the river of Nagotana is above 200 leagues. On
the west Guzerat borders on the _Resbuti_ or _Rajputs_, a people
dwelling in a mountainous country.[189] On the north it joins with the
kingdom of _Chitor_[190]: On the east with that of _Pale_.[191] The
coast is covered by numerous towns and cities. It is watered by two
famous rivers, the _Taptii_ and _Tapei_[192] by many creeks that form
several islands. Guzerat is all plain, so that they generally travel in
waggons, as in Flanders, but lighter made, which are easily drawn by
oxen, smaller than those of Spain. The country breeds cattle in great
abundance, and plenty of provisions of all sorts. The natives are of
four different kinds. The first called _Baneanes Baganzariis_, feed
after our manner: The second called simply _Baneanes_[193], who eat of
nothing that hath life. Their priests are called _Vertias_, who are
clothed in white, and never change their apparel till it falls in
pieces. These live altogether on charity; and, like the children of
Israel in the desert, they never keep any thing for the next day. They
place their greatest hope of salvation in abstaining from killing any
creature whatever, and even use no light at night, lest any moth should
fly into the flame; and always carry a broom to sweep the ground they
tread on, that they may not trample any worm or insect to death. The
third race consists of the _Resbuti_ or _Rajputs_, who are good
soldiers, and to whom formerly the kingdom belonged. These people
acknowledge _one God in three persons, and worship the blessed Virgin_,
a doctrine which they have preserved ever since the time of the
apostles[194]. The fourth and last class of inhabitants are the
Mahometans called _Lauteas_, consisting both of strangers who have
conquered the country, and natives who have embraced that religion. The
inhabitants of Guzerat are very ingenious mechanics in works of silk,
gold, ivory, mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, crystal, ebony, and other
articles. They follow the rules of Pythagoras, killing no creature; but
rather buy all, though even venomous, from those who take them, on
purpose to set them free. They have even a set of men whose only
employment is to go about the towns and fields looking out for sick
beasts, which are tended with great care in hospitals built on purpose.
Yet in spite of all this charity to the brute creation, they are devoid
of human kindness, and will not reach out their hand to help a fellow
creature in the utmost need.
[Footnote 189: These mountains are in the middle of Guzerat, which they
pervade in a range of considerable length from N.E. to S.W.--E.]
[Footnote 190: More properly _Agimere_, in which is the town or city of
_Cheitore_, whence the name in the text.--E.]
[Footnote 191: Malwa, one of the kingdoms or _Soubahs_ of Hindostan is
to the east of Guzerat. The meaning of the name in the text is not
obvious.--E.]
[Footnote 192: The Taptee is evidently one of these, but it is hard to
say what river is meant by the other. Next to the Taptee on the north,
the great river Nerbuddah flows into the Gulf of Cambay, dividing the
two great Subahs of Malwa and Candeish. The Mahie divides Guzerat from
Malwa; and the Mehindry and Puddar pervade Guzerat; which is bounded on
the west by the Cagger, dividing it from the great sandy desert of
_Sinde_ or Jesselmere, and from Cutch.--E.]
[Footnote 193: _Banians_: It would much exceed the bounds of a note to
enter upon any explanation here of the Hindoo casts, which will be fully
illustrated in the sequel of this work.--E.]
[Footnote 194: It is most wonderful, that in the grossest, most
ridiculous, and most obscene of all idolatrous polytheism, the
Portuguese should have fancied any resemblance to the pure religion of
Christ! even under its idolatrous debasement of image worship, and the
invocation of legions of saints. The monstrous superstitions of the
bramins will be discussed in a future division of this work.--E.]
In the year of God 1292, or according to the Mahometan account the 700,
a pagan king named _Galacarna_ ruled in peace in Guzerat; but involved
the country in war to deprive his brother of the kingdom of _hampanel_
or _Champaneer_ which had been left him by their father. Galacarna
employed two generals in this war, one of whom named _Madana_ had to
wife one of the most beautiful women of the country, of the race of
_Padaminii_, who, besides their beauty, are said to have so sweet a
scent from their skin that they are esteemed beyond all other women. It
is said there are scarcely any of these women in Guzerat, but many in
Orissa. There is no mischief without a woman even with an ill savour,
how much more then for one of a good scent! King Galacarna fell in love
with the wife of Madana, and used every means to gain her but to no
purpose. But she being chaste, which was doubtless the sweet smell, gave
notice to her husband and brother of the dishonourable conduct of the
king; on which they called in _Shah Nasr Oddin_ king of Delhi, who
invaded the kingdom of Guzerat and slew Galacarna in battle; after which
he left his general Habed Shah to reduce the kingdom to subjection,
having in the first place rewarded the two brothers for their services,
and made the kings of _Mandou_ and _Cheitore_ tributary[195]. Shah Nasr
Oddin was soon afterwards killed by his nephew, and the kingdom of
Delhi was so much weakened by civil war, that Habed-shah revolted and
set himself up as king of Guzerat.
[Footnote 195: Probably Malwa and Agimere are here meant.--E.]
In 1330, _Hamet_ a Mahometan Tartar, who resided in the city of Cambay,
by the assistance of a number of Arabs, Persians, and _Rumes_ or Turks,
usurped a great part of Guzerat, then possessed by _Deosing-rao_. Ali
Khan succeeded Hamet, and left forty sons, three of whom became kings.
The eldest _Peru-shah_ succeeded in the kingdom of Guzerat. The second
_Azeide-khan_ got the kingdom of _Mandou_ or Malwa by his wife; and the
third named Ali-khan acquired the kingdom of _Agimere_ in the same
manner. Peru-shah followed the example of his father and grandfather in
securing his kingdom against foreign enemies, and built the city of Diu
in memory of a victory over a _Chinese_ fleet. Sultan Mahomet his son
succeeded, and reigned at the time when Vasco de Gama discovered India.
He left the kingdom to his son _Modafer_, as most worthy; but in
consequence of a civil war, Modafer was slain, and his youngest brother
_Mahomet Khan_ was raised to the throne. An elder brother _Latisa Khan_
aspired to the kingdom, but without success; and after a succession of
civil wars it fell to _Badur_, or _Behauder Khan_, who was king of
Guzerat at this period. The former king _Modafer_ divided the
possessions belonging to Malek Azz who was lord of Diu among his three
sons, which destination gave great displeasure to his own sons who
coveted these territories. But _Badur_ was chiefly dissatisfied, and
even poisoned his father _Modafer Khan_. After this parricide, he fled
to the king of Chitore, where he killed a person even in the presence of
the king at an entertainment, and fled to Delhi. He there professed
himself a _Calendar_ or religious person, to shun the punishment due to
his crimes. These Calendars go about loaded with iron chains and live
abstemiously; yet with all their outward shew of religious austerity,
they practice all manner of lewdness and wickedness in secret. They
enter into no town, but blow a horn on the out-skirts, that people may
bring them alms. Sometimes they go about in bands of two thousand or
more, laying the country under contributions.
After remaining some time among the Calendars, Badur got notice of the
distractions prevailing in Guzerat, and went there with his chains in
search of the crown, and acquired the favour of the people so strongly
by his pretended religious austerity, that he was proclaimed king. To
secure his ill-gotten power, he caused Madrem-al-Mulk to be flayed alive
for having raised his youngest brother Latisa Khan to the throne, and
put to death all his brothers. Being desirous to take off _Malek Saca_
lord of Diu, Saca fled, and was succeeded by his brother _Malek Tocam_.
In the year 1527, one Stephen Diaz Brigas, a Portuguese who had fled his
country for some crime, came to India as captain of a French ship with
forty Frenchmen, and putting into Diu was there made prisoner with all
his men, who were cruelly put to death by order of Badur.
While at Champaneer in 1527, ambassadors came from _Baber_, padishah or
emperor of Delhi, demanding homage and tribute for Guzerat, as part of
his dominions. At first Badur was disposed to have slain these unwelcome
messengers; but he dismissed them, saying that he would carry the answer
in person. He accordingly drew together an army of 100,000 men and 400
elephants, with a great train of artillery. But he was prevented from
carrying his designs into execution, in consequence of a great town
called _Doitabad_ being taken by Nizam-al-Mulk; and though he recovered
it, he met with great loss of men, chiefly by the weather, it being
winter, some of his men being slain by a shower of stones as large as
oranges[196]. Certain men came to Badur, from the kingdom of the
_Colii_[197], who demanded tribute; but he flayed them alive. In 1529,
Badur marched with 70,000 horse and 200,000 foot into the dominions of
Nizam-al-Mulk, where he did much damage. In the same year Baber padishah
of the Moguls of Delhi, marched with an army for the reduction of
Guzerat; but met with so much loss in a battle with the king of
_Cheitore_ in Agimere that he was forced to retire to Delhi.
[Footnote 196: The story in the text is difficultly intelligible. I am
apt to believe that the great army belonged to Baber, the Great Mogul,
designed for the reduction of Guzerat, but turned aside for the recovery
of _Dowlatabad_ in the Deccan, and that the shower of stones of the text
is to be understood of hail.--E.]
[Footnote 197: Who these were does not appear.--E.]
Badur invaded the kingdom of _Mandou_[198], and killed the king by
treachery. He then imprisoned all the kings sons, and distributed the
wives and daughters of the deceased king among his officers.
_Salahedin_, one of the principal officers of that kingdom fled to
_Raosinga_, a place almost impregnable by nature and art, but was
inveigled into the power of Badur and forced to turn Mahometan. Badur
then besieged the mountain fort of Raosinga, and commanded the women
belonging to Salahedin to come out; but they sent word that they would
not do so unless along with Salahedin, who was accordingly sent into the
fort for that purpose. His women, about 500 in number, exclaimed against
his becoming a Mahometan, saying they would rather be all burnt alive
than delivered to the enemy. Whereupon Salahedin, with 120 men who
guarded his _zenana_, slew them all upon a pile of wood, where they were
burnt with all his riches. After this Badur went against Chitore with an
army of 100,000 horse, an innumerable infantry, and 600 cannon, and
besieged Chitore for two months, at the end of which it surrendered. By
this conquest Badur was in possession of three considerable kingdoms.
[Footnote 198: Probably Malwa.--E.]
At this time Tristan de Ga, as formerly mentioned, was at the court of
Badur on an embassy from Nuno de Cuna to treat of peace, but which
negociation was delayed by sundry accidents, and in particular by the
death of the Great Mogul, of whom Badur was in great fear. Through
covetousness Badur discontinued the pay of many of those leaders who had
served him with great fidelity in his late conquests, on which account
4000 men of note deserted from him to the Mogul. One of his officers
named Mujate Khan endeavoured to convince him of the dangerous effects
this conduct might have upon his affairs; in reward for which Badur sent
him on some frivolous pretence to Diu, and at the same time sent secret
orders to Melek Tocam to put him to death; but Tocam disdained to
execute the tyrannical order, and advised the faithful Mujate Khan to
save himself by flight. Instead of following this advice, Mujate
returned to Badur and prostrated himself at his feet, delivering up his
scymeter with these words, "If I have deserved death from you, I here
present you the traitor and the instrument of his punishment. Kill me,
therefore, that I may have the honour of dying by your hand: Yet the
faithful services of my grandfather, father, and self, have merited a
better reward." Badur, struck with his fidelity and attachment, received
him again to favour; but turned his rage against Melek Tocam for
revealing the secret orders with which he had been entrusted, and sent
Mustapha Rume Khan to Diu to put him to death. Malek Tocam got notice of
this at a country house in which he occasionally resided, whence he fled
from Rume Khan. After this Badur came to Diu which he reduced, having
arrived there at the same time with Nuno de Cuna, when the interview
between the governor and him was proposed; but which Badur only intended
as a feint to ward off the danger which he apprehended from the padishah
of the Moguls; meaning, if he could patch up an agreement with that
sovereign, to break with the Portuguese. But the Mogul recalled his
ambassadors and commenced war upon Bader, of which hereafter.
Those whom we name Moguls call themselves _Zagetai_, in the same manner
as the Spaniards call themselves Goths. Zagetai is the name of the
province which they inhabited in Great Tartary near Turkestan, and the
nobles do not permit themselves to be called Moguls. According to the
Persians, the Moguls are descended of Magog the grandson of Noah, from
whom they received the worship of the _one_ only God. Wandering through
many provinces, this nation established themselves in _Mogalia_ or
_Mongolia_, otherwise _Mogostan_, called Paropamissus by Ptolemy. At
this time they extend farther, and border upon the kingdom of _Horacam_
or _Chorassan_, called _Aria_, or _Here_ by that ancient geographer.
From the extreme north, the Moguls extend to the river _Geum_ or
_Jihon_, which runs through _Bohara_ or _Bucharia_, the ancient
_Bactria_, so named from its capital, the celebrated seat of learning
from the time of _Zoroaster_, and where _Avicenna_ acquired the
knowledge which made him so famous. _Bucharia_, or _Bactria_ borders
upon _Quiximir_ or _Cashmire_ and Mount _Caucasus_, which divides India
from the provinces of Tartary in the north. This kingdom of the Moguls
now reaches to the mountainous regions of _Parveti_ and _Bagous_ which
they call _Angou_ [199]. As in this dominion there ace great mountains,
so there are likewise very large and fruitful plains, watered by five
rivers which compose the Indus. These are the _Bet, Satinague, Chanao,
Rave_, and _Rea_[200]. The cities of this country are numerous and, the
men courageous.
[Footnote 199: De Faria becomes here unintelligible, unless he here
means the range of mountains which bound Hindostan, particularly on the
north-west, including Cashmir and Cabul; which seems probable as
immediately followed in the text by the _Punjab_, or country on the
_five rivers_ composing the Indus.--E.]
[Footnote 200: These rivers are so strangely perverted in their
orthography as hardly to be recognisable, and some of them not at all.
The true _Punjab_ or five rivers is entirely on the east of the Indus,
Sinde or Nilab. Its five rivers are the Behut or Hydaspes, Chunab or
Acesinas, Rauvee or Hydraotes, Setlege or Hesudrus, and a tributary
stream of the last named the Hyphasis by the ancients. These two last
are the Beyah and Setlege of the moderns. The Kameh and Comul run into
the Indus to the west of the Punjab--E.]
The Moguls are of the Mahometan religion, using the Turkish and Persian
languages. They are of fair complexions, and well made, but have, small
eyes like the Tartars and Chinese. Their nobility wear rich and gay
clothes, fashioned like those of the Persians, and have long beards.
Their military dress is very costly, their arms being splendidly gilt
and highly polished, and they are singularly expert in the use of the
bow. In battle they are brave and well disciplined and use artillery.
Their padishah is treated with wonderful majesty, seldom making his
appearance in public, and has a guard of 2000 horse, which is changed
quarterly. Both Moguls and Patans endeavoured to conquer India; but by
treachery and the event of war, the Patans and the kingdom of Delhi were
reduced by the Moguls at the time when Baber, the great-grandson of the
great Tamerlane was their padishah.
At the period to which we have now proceeded in our history of the
Portuguese in India, _Omaum_ or _Humayun_, the son of Baber, was
padishah of the Moguls, and declared war against Badur king of Guzerat;
who immediately sent an army of 20,000 horse and a vast multitude of
foot to ravage the frontiers of the enemy. Ingratitude never escapes
unpunished, as was exemplified on this occasion. _Crementii_ queen of
_Chitore_, who had formerly saved the life of Badur, and who in return
had deprived her of the kingdom of Chitore, was required by him to send
her son with all the men he could raise to assist him in the war against
Humayun. The queen required he would restore her other son, whom he kept
as an hostage, that she might not be deprived of both, and in the mean
time raised all the forces she was able. Not aware of her intentions,
Badur sent her son to Chitore, on which she immediately put herself
under the protection of Humayun. Badur immediately drew together an army
of 100,000 horse, 415,000 foot, 1000 cannon, 600 armed elephants, and
6000 carriages, with which he besieged Chitore, and battered its walls
with great fury. While engaged in this siege, he received information
that the army he had sent to ravage the country of the Moguls had been
defeated with the loss of 20,000 men. He at length got possession of
Chitore by policy more than force, after losing 15,000 men during the
siege; but the queen made her escape with all her family and wealth. He
repaired the fortifications of Chitore, in which he left _Minao Husseyn_
with a garrison of 12,000 men. He then marched to meet the army of the
Moguls, which was advancing through _Mandou_ or _Malwa_ in order to
relieve Chitore. On learning that Chitore had fallen, and that Badur was
intrenched with his army at Dozor, Humayun marched to that place and
took up a position with so much judgment that the army of Badur was
reduced to extremity for provisions. Being unable to extricate his army
from this state of difficulty, Badur fled with all speed to _Mandou_, or
_Mundu_ near the Nerbuddah on the southern frontier of Malwa,
accompanied by Mustapha Rumi Khan and a few Portuguese. His prodigious
army was utterly destroyed or dispersed, and his camp plundered by the
Moguls; he even escaping with difficulty from the pursuit of 10,000
Mogul horse.
Badur fortified himself in _Mundu_, giving the command of his remaining
force to Rumi Khan, who soon deserted to Humayun. The family and wealth
of Rumi Khan were at this time in the fortress of _Champaneer_, and both
Badur and Rumi Khan strove which of them should first be able to secure
that place, in which Badur had deposited one of his three tres, which
only in copper money was worth 30 millions[201], besides pearls,
precious stones, and other valuables. Badur got possession of
Champaneer, whence he immediately sent all the treasure, and the family
of Rumi Khan, under a strong escort to Diu; while he wasted the country
and destroyed all the artillery, that it might not fall into the hands
of Humayun, and even did the same at _Cambaya_ his own capital. Seeing
his women and riches in the hands of Badur, Rumi Khan obtained five
hundred horse from his new master, with which he pursued Badur so
expeditiously that he entered one of the gates of _Cambaya_ as Badur was
going out at the other. Finding himself so closely pursued, Badur left
the women and riches by the way, in hopes of stopping the pursuit, which
had the desired effect, as Rumi Khan immediately returned with them to
Champaneer, and Badur got safe to Diu, leaving his entire kingdom to
Humayun.
[Footnote 201: No intimation is given by De Faria of the denomination of
money here alluded to.--E.]
In this state of adversity, Badur at length consented to the erection of
a fort at Diu by the Portuguese. He had formerly given up Basseen to
them, to secure their friendship during his contest with Humayun, and
was now in hopes by their assistance to recover his dominions. Still
however his pride prompted him to temporize, and he sent an ambassador
to request assistance from the Turks to recover his territories. Hearing
that Humayun had taken Champaneer he gave himself up to despair and
resolved upon going to Mecca, to wait the answer of the grand Turk; but
his mother and friends dissuaded him, advising him to allow the
Portuguese to erect the fort at Diu, as by their aid his affairs might
be restored. He immediately sent notice to that effect to Martin Alfonso
de Sousa, then at Chaul, who communicated the event to Nuno de Cuna, and
went immediately to Diu at the request of Badur, arriving on the 21st of
September 1536. A league offensive and defensive was immediately entered
into between Badur and the Portuguese, in which the former treaty was
confirmed, except that the emporium of trade was to be transferred from
Basseen to Diu: The fort was to be built where and in what manner should
be judged best by the governor-general; and in the mean time a bulwark
or castle upon the sea, commanding the entrance of the port was to be
delivered up. There were many other articles, and among these that the
Portuguese were not to meddle with the kings revenues at Diu and other
places. The governor general on receiving notice of this treaty, came
immediately to Diu, where he was honourably received by Badur.
A Jew and an Armenian were immediately sent off to carry intelligence of
this event to Portugal [202]. At this time there was a person named
Diego Botello residing at Diu who was in disgrace with the king of
Portugal, on account of it being reported that he intended to go over
to the French in hopes of high promotion, as he was very conversant in
the affairs of India. Knowing how earnestly King _Joam_ had desired the
establishment of a fort at Diu, he resolved upon endeavouring to be the
first messenger of this news. For this purpose, having procured a copy
of the treaty and a draught of the intended fort, he embarked in a small
vessel, only sixteen feet and a half long, nine feet broad, and four
feet and a half deep, manned by his own slaves, with three Portuguese
and two others, giving out that he was going to Cambaya. But when out at
sea, he informed his companions that he meant in this frail bark to
traverse the prodigious extent of ocean between India and Portugal, and
prevailed upon those along with him to concur in his design. Being
reduced to unspeakable miseries, the slaves, who were the only mariners
on board, entered into a conspiracy to kill him, and even killed one of
his servants, but were all slain. Being now without seaman or pilot, he
held on his course and arrived at Lisbon to the astonishment of every
one. Botello was restored to the royal favour for this wonderful action,
but received no other reward, and the bark was immediately destroyed,
that it might not be known so small a vessel was capable of performing
so great a voyage.
[Footnote 202: Though not so expressed in the text, these messengers
were probably sent over land.--E.]
Nuno de Cuna lost no time in erecting the fort at Diu, the command of
which was given to Emanuel de Sousa with 900 Portuguese troops, the
ramparts being furnished with sixty pieces of great cannon. Badur soon
found the benefit of his alliance with the Portuguese, as Nizam-al-Mulk
at the instigation of Nuno made peace with and aided him against
Humayun; and a Portuguese force under Vasco Perez recovered for him a
considerable place towards the Indus named _Varivene_[203]. Garcia de Sa
and Antonio Galvam defended Basseen against the Moguls, who were
constrained to retreat from that place; and Mirza Mahmoud, nephew to
Badur, recovered many places on the frontiers from the Moguls. Being
thus prosperous, solely by the assistance of the Portuguese, 500 of whom
served in his army under the command of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Badur
repented of having allowed them to build a fort at Diu, and even began
to build a wall or fortification between the fort and the city, under
pretence of separating the Portuguese from the natives, to prevent
differences by too free communication. But after several strong
remonstrances this was desisted from.
[Footnote 203: Perhaps Warwama on the Gulf of Cutch.--E.]
In the year 1537, Badur became still more intent upon removing the
Portuguese from Diu, for which purpose he again sent to procure
assistance from the Turks, and in the mean time used his utmost
endeavours to take the fort and to destroy Nuno de Cuna, whom he invited
to Diu with that view. Though apprized of the treacherous designs of
Badur, De Cuna omitted to avail himself of an opportunity of securing
him while on a visit on board his ship, deferring it to a future
opportunity in a proposed conference in the fort. While Badur was going
on shore in his _katur_ or barge, Emanuel de Sousa the commandant of the
fort of Diu followed him in a barge and went on board the royal katur to
give the invitation from the governor-general. At this time another
Portuguese barge coming up hastily, Badur became suspicious of some evil
intention, and ordered his officers to kill De Sousa. One Diega de
Mosquita who had aided Badur in the late war and had acquired a perfect
knowledge of the language, understood what was said by Badur, whom he
immediately attacked and wounded, but De Sousa was slain by his
attendants. Upon this a bloody affray took place between the Portuguese
and the attendants on Badur, in which seven of the latter were slain.
Several other boats belonging to both parties came up, and Badur
attempted to escape in his barge to the city, but was stopped by a
cannon-shot which killed three of his rowers; on which he endeavoured to
escape by swimming, but being in danger of drowning he called out,
discovering who he was. Tristan de Payva reached out an oar for him to
take hold of, that he might get on board the boat; but a soldier struck
him on the face with a halberd, and then others, till he was slain. His
body sunk, and neither it nor the body of De Sousa could afterwards be
found for interment.
Most of the citizens of Diu were witness to this scene from the walls,
and when the intelligence of the kings death reached the city, the
inhabitants began to abandon it in such haste and confusion that many
were trampled to death in the throng, being afraid that the Portuguese
would plunder them. The governor-general soon restored confidence by a
public proclamation, and the inhabitants returned quietly to their
houses. He even entered the town unarmed, to reassure the inhabitants
and to restrain the avarice of his people, so that no disorder was
committed. De Sousa being slain, as before mentioned, De Cuna gave the
command of the fortress of Diu to his brother-in-law Antonio de Sylveira
Menezes, and his gallant conduct afterwards shewed that he was worthy of
the station. The queen-mother had retired to _Navanaguer_[204], and Nuno
sent a message of condolence for the death of her son, endeavouring to
demonstrate that it had been occasioned by his own fault; but she
refused to receive or listen to the message. The treasure found in the
palace of Diu in gold and silver was of small value, not exceeding
200,000 _pardaos_[205], but the quantity of ammunition was exceedingly
great. The number of brass cannon was prodigious, those of iron not
being deemed worthy of account. Among the brass ordnance were three
_basilisks_ of prodigious size, one of which was sent by De Cuna as a
curiosity to Lisbon, which was placed in the castle of St Julian at the
mouth of the Tagus, where it is known by the name of the _Gun of Diu_.
Among the papers belonging to Badur and his treasurer _Abd' el Cader_
letters were found from _Saf_ Khan, communicating the progress he had
made in his negociations for bringing the Turks upon the Portuguese, and
copies of others from the sheikhs of _Aden_ and _Xael_ to the same
purpose. Having collected these and other testimonies of the treachery
of the late king, Nuno caused _Khojah Zofar_, a man of great reputation
among the citizens both Mahometans and Gentiles, to convene a meeting of
the principal people, merchants, and _cazis_, or teachers of the
Mahometan law, to whom these letters and testimonials were produced, in
justification of the conduct of the Portuguese, and in proof of the
treacherous intentions of the late king. All the Moors and Pagans
acknowledged themselves satisfied by these documents, and accordingly
gave certificates to that effect in the Arabic and Persian languages,
which were signed by Khojah Zofar and all the leading people among the
Mahometans and Hindoos, which were communicated to the kings of the
Deccan, Narsinga, and Ormuz, and to all the sheikhs along the coast of
Arabia as far as Aden.
[Footnote 204: Probably Noanagur on the east side of the Gulf of
Cutch.--E.]
[Footnote 205: At 3s. 9d. each, worth L. 37,500 sterling.--E.]
For the greater security and satisfaction of the people, Nuno gave
orders that the Mahometans should enjoy the free exercise of their
religion, and that the laws and regulations established by Badur for the
government of the city and its dependencies should continue to be
executed, even continuing all the salaries and pensions granted by the
late king. Among these was a Moor of Bengal who, by _authentic_
information was 320 years old[206]. This man had two sons, one ninety
and the other only twelve years of age. He appeared to be only about
sixty, and it was said that his beard and teeth had fallen and been
renewed four or five times. He was rather under the middle size, and
neither fat nor lean. He pretended that before he was an hundred years
old, while herding cattle on the banks of a river, there appeared a man
to him clothed in a gray habit and girt with a cord, having wounds on
his hands and feet, who requested to be carried by him across the river
on his shoulders; which having done, this person said that as a reward
for his charity, he should retain all his faculties till he saw him
again. Going accordingly into one of the Portuguese churches in India,
this old man exclaimed on seeing the image of St Francis, This is he
whom I carried across the river so many years ago.
[Footnote 206: Perhaps an error of the press for 120.--E.]
Mir Mahomet Zaman, a descendant of the ancient kings of Guzerat, on
learning the death of Badur, went to condole with the queen-mother at
_Novanaguer_; but she, fearing he came to rob her, refused to see him
and even endeavoured to remove to another place. Offended at her
suspicions, Mahomet Zaman lay in wait for her with 2000 horse, and
robbed her of all her riches, amounting to above two millions of gold.
He then raised above 5000 horse, with which he seized Novanaguer, and
had himself proclaimed king of Guzerat. He then sent a messenger to Nuno
de Cuna, giving an account of the posture of his affairs and of his
title to the crown, desiring his assistance, in requital for which he
offered to cede to the Portuguese all the coast from Mangalore to
Beth[207], including the towns of Daman and Basseen with the royal
country house of Novanaguer, and other advantages. Nuno accepted these
offers, caused him to be proclaimed king in the mosque of Diu, and urged
him to raise forces and disperse the other pretenders. Fearing that this
advice was only given to deceive, Zaman procrastinated and took no
effectual steps to secure the crown to which he aspired, of which
misconduct he soon experienced the evil consequences; as the principal
people of Guzerat set Mahomet Khan, a nephew of the deceased Badur on
the Musnud, and made preparations to subdue Zaman. As Nuno was under the
necessity of leaving Diu early in 1538 to attend to the other affairs of
his extensive government, the Guzerat nobles in the interest of Mahomet
raised sixty thousand men, with which they marched against Zaman; and
having corrupted most of his officers, he was obliged to flee to Delhi,
where he was honourably received by the padishah of the Moguls, from
whom he received the kingdom of Bengal. The successful party in Guzerat
called Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu to account for the death
of Badur, and being satisfied on that head proposed a treaty of peace;
but as they peremptorily refused to accede to the condition conceded by
Zaman, the negociations were broken off.
[Footnote 207: This account if the matter is inexplicable. Mangalore is
on the coast of Malabar far to the south of Guzerat, Beth is not to be
found in any map of India in these parts, and Novanaguer or Noanagur is
at the other extremity of Guzerat on the Gulf of Cutch.--E.]
The most inveterate enemies of the Portuguese in India were the Moors
upon the coast between Chaul and Cape Comorin, a space of about 200
leagues, who had flocked thither in great numbers allured by the vast
and profitable trade in that part of India. About this time there lived
in Cochin a rich and powerful Moor named Pate Marcar, who being
irritated against the Portuguese for taking some of his vessels went to
reside in Calicut to have an opportunity of being revenged upon them by
the assistance of the zamorin, who furnished him with above 50 ships,
2000 men, and 400 pieces of cannon. With these he went to the assistance
of Madune Pandar who had revolted against his brother the king of Ceylon
who was the ally of the Portuguese. At Coulam Marcar attacked a large
Portuguese ship which was loading pepper, but was beat off after killing
the captain. In another port farther south he took a ship belonging to
the Portuguese and killed all her crew. Beyond Cape Comorin he destroyed
a town inhabited by native Christians. On hearing of these depredations,
Martin Alfonso went in 19 row-boats from Cochin in pursuit of Marcar,
whom he found in a creek where he offered him battle; but as Marcar
declined this, and Alfonso did not think his force sufficient to attack
him in that situation, he returned to Cochin for a reinforcement.
Setting out again with 28 row-boats and 400 men, Alfonso found Marcar
careening his vessels at a port or creek beyond Cape Comorin named
_Beadala_, where he gave the Moors a total defeat though they had
gathered a force of 7000 men to resist him. Alfonso took 23 barks, 400
cannon, 1500 firelocks, and many prisoners, and set free a considerable
number of Portuguese slaves, having lost 30 men in the action, chiefly
through the mistake of a signal. After this great victory, Alfonso went
over to Columbo in Ceylon, the king of which place was besieged by his
rebellious brother Madune Pandar, who at first believed the Portuguese
fleet to be that of Marcar coming to his assistance; but hearing of the
destruction of his ally, he raised the siege and made peace.
It is proper that we should give some account of the rich and fertile
kingdom of Bengal on the bay of that name, which receives the waters of
the famous river Ganges by two principal mouths and many subordinate
creeks. This river has its source in the mountains of Great Tartary,
whence it runs southwards near 600 leagues, dividing India into two
parts _infra et extra Gangem_, or on this side and the other side of the
Ganges. On the great eastern mouth of the Ganges stands the city of
_Chatigam_ or _Chittagong_, and on the western mouth the city of
_Satigam_[208]. On the east of the Ganges, which runs through the middle
of Bengal, _Caor, Camatii, Sirote, Codovascam, Cou,_ and _Tipora_ were
subject to that kingdom, but the two last uniting together had thrown
off the yoke. On the west of the river, the country of _Cospetir_, whose
plain is overflowed annually by the Ganges as the land of Egypt by the
Nile, had been conquered by the Patans. According to the Pagans, God
hath granted to the kingdom of Bengal an infinite multitude of infantry,
to Orixa abundance of elephants, to Bisnagar a people well skilled in
using the sword and buckler, to Delhi a prodigious number of towns, and
to _Cou_ innumerable horses. The kingdom of Bengal, reaching between the
latitudes of 22° and 26° 30' N. is well watered and exceedingly fertile,
producing abundance of fruit, with sugar and long pepper, great
quantities of cotton, which the inhabitants manufacture with much skill,
and has great abundance of cattle and poultry. The natives are heathens
of a pusillanimous character, yet false and treacherous; for it ally the
case that cowardice and treachery go together.
[Footnote 208: It is impossible even to guess what place is meant in the
text by Satigam, unless it may have some reference to the river
Sagar.--E.]
The king is universal heir to all his subjects. The capital city, named
_Gowro_, on the banks of the Ganges, is three leagues in length. It
contains 1,200,000 families, and is well fortified. The streets are
long, wide, and straight, with rows of trees to shelter the people from
the sun, and are sometimes so thronged with passengers that many are
trodden to death.
About fifty years before the discovery of India by the Portuguese, an
Arabian merchant who dwelt in Gowro became very rich and powerful, and
having defeated the king of Orixa in a great battle grew so much in
favour with the king of Bengal that he was made captain of his guards.
But, ungrateful to his benefactor, he killed the king and usurped the
kingdom, leaving it as an inheritance to the Moors who have since
possessed this rich and fertile kingdom. The succession to this kingdom
proceeds upon no rule of hereditary descent; but is often acquired by
slaves who kill their masters, and whosoever acquires the government,
were it only for three days, is looked upon as established by Providence
and Divine right. Hence during a period of forty years this kingdom had
been ruled by 13 successive princes. At the time when Martin Alfonso
Melo de Jusarte was prisoner in Bengal, Mahomet Shah was king and held
his court in Gowro with such state that there were 10,000 women in his
Zenana, yet was he in continual apprehension of being deposed. Martin
and the other Portuguese prisoners did signal service to Mahomet in his
wars with the Patans; and Martin and his followers obtained their
liberty through the means of one _Khojah Sabadim_, a rich Moor, who
engaged to procure liberty for the Portuguese to build a fort at
Chittagong, if Nuno de Cuna would carry him to Ormuz. Nano being eager
to acquire an establishment in Bengal, granted all that was asked, and
sent Martin Alfonso with 200 men in five vessels to Bengal, and to
secure the friendship of the king sent him a magnificent present.
Thirteen men who carried the present to Gowro, and thirty others who
accompanied Martin Alfonso to an entertainment at Chittagong were made
prisoners. On learning this event, Nuno sent Antonio de Silva with 350
men in nine vessels, to treat for the liberation of Martin Alfonso and
prisoners, by the assistance of Khojah Sabadim, to whose suggestions the
former unfortunate expedition was owing; and to secure the fidelity of
Sabadim, a ship belonging to him with a rich cargo was detained in
pledge. From Chittagong, Silva sent a messenger to Gowro with a letter
and a present; but as the answer was long in coming, Silva judged that
the king had detained his messenger along with the rest, on which he
rashly destroyed Chittagong and some other places; for which proceeding
the king confined the prisoners more rigidly than before. But his
necessities obliged him soon after to change his severity into kindness.
_Xerchan_, or _Shir Khan_, a general of note among the Moguls, being in
disgrace with the padisbah or Great Mogul, fled from Delhi to Bengal
accompanied by his brother Hedele Khan, and both of them rose to eminent
rank in the service of Mahomet. Being now at the head of a large army,
Shir Khan resolved to avenge upon Mahomet the murder of the former
infant king of Bengal; for which purpose he revolted with his army to
Humayun the Mogul padishah, and turned his arms against Mahomet. In his
distress, Mahomet consulted with Martin Alfonso how best to oppose the
arms of Shir Khan. By his advice, some vessels commanded by Portuguese
were stationed in the Ganges at a pass near the fort of _Gori_ where the
Ganges enters Bengal. These effectually barred the passage of Shir Khan
in that direction; but having discovered another ford, he advanced to
Gowro, which he invested with 40,000 horse, 200,000 foot, and 1500
elephants. Shir Khan likewise brought a fleet of 300 boats down the
river, to a place where Mahomet had 800 boats to oppose the enemy. At
this place Duarte de Brito did signal service in the sight of King
Mahomet, and among other things, accompanied by eight other Portuguese,
he took an elephant that was swimming across the river. The city of
Gowro being reduced to distress by the besiegers, Mahomet bought a
peace, and Shir Khan drew off with his army. Being now as he thought in
safety, Mahomet allowed Martin Alfonso to depart with the other
Portuguese, only retaining five as hostages for the assistance he had
been promised by Nuno.
Shir Khan returned soon afterwards to Gowro, which he took by assault,
obliging the king, who was wounded in the assault, to abandon the city.
Mahomet died of his wounds on his way to ask assistance from Humayun.
Shir Khan drew off from Gowro, where he acquired treasure to the amount
of 60 millions in gold. Humayun brought the dead body of King Mahomet to
Gowro, where he appointed his own brother-in-law Mir Mahomet Zaman to
the vacant kingdom, who had been lately driven from Guzerat. But on the
return of Humayun towards Delhi, Shir Khan returned to Gowro and drove
out Mahomet Zaman. Humayun then marched against Shir Khan with 100,000
horse and 150,000 foot, with above 200,000 followers. The two armies met
on the banks of the Ganges near the city of Kanoje when Shir Khan gained
so complete a victory that Humayun made his escape with only 25
attendants, and never stopt till he arrived at Lahore. Shir Khan treated
the women belonging to Humaynn with great respect, and restored them to
the padishah. Finding himself too weak for the conquest of Bengal,
Humayun determined upon endeavouring to reduce Guzerat; but abandoned in
his distress by his own Omrahs, he went into Persia, where the Sophi
supplied him with an army of 12,000 horse, to which he was enabled to
add 10,000 volunteers. With these allies, added to the troops that
continued to adhere to him, he invested Candahar, where his brother
Astarii Mirza had proclaimed himself king of Mogostan. The city was
taken and given up to the Persians. In the mean time Shir Khan made
himself formidable in Bengal, having an army of 400,000 horse. He took
the city of Calijor belonging to the Rajputs, meaning to plunder a vast
treasure contained in the temple at that place; but pointing a cannon to
kill an elephant belonging to the temple, the piece burst and killed
himself.
The present formerly mentioned, which was sent by the king of Guzerat to
the Grand Turk to obtain his assistance, was delivered at
Constantinople, where at the same time arrived news of the kings death.
But the great value of the present demonstrated the vast riches of
India, and made the Turkish emperor desirous of acquiring a footing in
that country, whence he thought the Portuguese might be easily expelled,
and their possessions reduced under his dominion. In this enterprise he
was greatly encouraged by a Portuguese renegado at Constantinople, who
asserted that the Turkish power might easily supplant that of the
Portuguese in India. For this purpose, the Turkish emperor ordered a
fleet to be fitted out at Suez, the command of which was given to the
eunuch Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo. Solyman was a Greek janizary
born in the Morea, of an ugly countenance, short of stature, and had so
large a belly that he was more like a beast than a man, not being able
to rise up without the aid of four men. At this time he was eighty years
of age, and he obtained this command more by dint of his wealth than
merit, as he offered to be at the entire charge of the expedition. To
enable him to perform this, he put many rich men to death and seized
their wealth. Among others he strangled Mir Daud, king or _bey_ of the
Thebaid, and seized his treasure. It might be said therefore that this
fleet was equipped rather by the dead than the living. It consisted of
70 sail, most of them being large gallies, well stored with cannon,
ammunition, and provisions; on board of which he embarked 7000 soldiers,
part Turkish janizaries and part Mamelukes; besides a great number of
choice sailors and galley-slaves, many of the latter being taken from
the Venetian gallies then at Alexandria, which were seized in
consequence of a war breaking out between the Turks and the republic of
Venice.
Solyman, who was both a tyrant and a coward, set out from Suez on the
22d of June 1538, ordering four hundred of the soldiers to assist at the
oars, and as they resisted this order as contrary to their privileges,
he put two hundred of them to death. At Jiddah he endeavoured to take
the sheikh, but knowing his tyrannical character, he escaped into the
interior. At _Zabid_, after receiving a rich present, he put the sheikh
to death. He did the same thing at Aden; and arrived at Diu about the
beginning of September 1538, losing six of his vessels by the way.
When Badar king of Guzerat was killed, one _Khojah Zofar_ swam on shore
and was well received by the Portuguese, being the only one of the kings
retinue who was saved on that occasion. For some time he seemed grateful
for his safety; but at length fled without any apparent reason to the
new king of Guzerat, to whom he offered his services, and even
endeavoured to prevail upon him to expel the Portuguese from his
dominions, asserting that this might be easily done with the assistance
of the Turks. By his instigation, the king of Guzerat raised an army at
Champaneer of 5000 horse and 10,000 foot, to which Khojah Zofar added
3000 horse and 4000 foot in his own pay. Getting notice of these
preparations, Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu, used every
precaution to provide against a long and dangerous siege. Khojah Zofar
began the war by attacking the town of the _Rumes_[209] near Diu.
Francisco Pacheco defended himself bravely in a redoubt at the place,
with only fourteen Portuguese, till relieved by Sylveira, and Zofar was
forced to draw off his troops, being himself wounded. Immediately
afterwards Ali Khan, general of the Guzerat army, joined Zofar with all
the army, and Sylveira thought proper to evacuate all the posts beyond
Diu, that he might be able to maintain the city and fort; but some
vessels and guns were lost in the execution of these orders. In
consequence of these losses, and because there were many concealed
enemies in the city who only waited an opportunity of doing all the evil
in their power to the Portuguese, Sylveira deemed it expedient to
evacuate the city, giving his sole attention to the defence of the fort.
Ali Khan and Zofar immediately took possession of the city, and began to
fire upon the fort with their cannon. Lope de Sousa, who guarded the
wood and water belonging to the garrison, had several rencounters, in
which he slew many of the enemy without any loss on his side, except
being himself severely wounded.
[Footnote 209: This must have been some town or village inhabited by
Turks.--E.]
Hearing that the Turkish fleet was approaching, Sylveira sent immediate
notice of it to Nuno de Cuna, who prepared with great diligence to go in
person to relieve Diu. Michael Vaz was sent to sea by Sylveira to look
out for the enemy, and falling in with their fleet came so near on
purpose to examine their force that several of their shot reached his
vessel. He got off however, and carried the news to the governor of Goa.
The Turkish fleet came at length to anchor in the port of Diu, where it
was formidable not only to the small Portuguese garrison in the fort,
but to the Moors even who had long expected their arrival. Next day
Solyman landed 600 well armed janizaries, who immediately entered the
city and behaved with much insolence. Drawing near the fort, they killed
six Portuguese; but 300 musqueteers attacked them from the fort and
drove them away with the loss of fifty men. In consequence of a storm,
Solyman was obliged to remove his fleet to _Madrefavat_, as a safer
harbour, where he remained twenty days, during which time Sylveira was
diligently occupied in strengthening the fortifications of the castle,
planting his artillery on the ramparts, and assigning every one his
proper post for the ensuing siege. At the same time, the Turks assisted
by Zofar commenced operations against the fort, by constructing
batteries, and endeavouring to ruin the defences of a bulwark at the
entrance of the harbour, which they battered with their cannon. With
this view likewise, they built a wooden castle on a large bark, which,
they filled with combustibles, meaning to send it against the bulwark
to set it on fire. But Francisco de Gouvea, who commanded the small
naval force then at Diu, went against this floating castle under night,
and contrived to destroy it by fire. At this time likewise some relief
was sent to the fort by Nuno de Cuna, and the garrison was much elated
by the assurance of his intention of coming speedily in person to raise
the siege.
Returning from Madrefavat, Solyman commenced a heavy fire from his ships
against the sea bulwark in which Francisco de Gouvea commanded, but was
so well answered both from that work and the tower of St Thomas, that
one of his gallies was sunk and most of her men drowned. The greatest
harm suffered at this time by the Portuguese was from the bursting of
some of their own cannon, by which several men were killed. Two brothers
only were slain by the fire of the Turks. Zofar now so furiously
battered the bulwark in which Pacheco commanded, that it became
altogether indefensible, on which seven hundred janizaries assaulted it
and set up their colours on its ruined walls; but the Portuguese rallied
and dislodged them, killing an hundred and fifty of the enemy. The
assault of this bulwark was continued a whole day, and at night the
enemy were forced to retreat with much loss. Next day Pacheco deeming it
impossible to resist, surrendered upon promise of life and liberty to
himself and his men. Solyman did not perform the latter stipulation, but
he granted their lives for the present and clothed them in Turkish
habits. By one of these prisoners, Solyman sent a summons to Sylveira to
surrender, but the proposal was treated with contempt. Solyman now
planted his artillery against the fort, having among other cannon nine
pieces of vast size which carried balls of ninety pounds weight. His
artillery in all exceeded 130 pieces of different sizes, and his
batteries were continually guarded by 2000 Turks. This formidable train
began to play against the castle on the 4th of October 1538, and
continued without cessation for twenty days, doing great injury to the
defences of the fort, which could hardly do any injury in return to the
besiegers, neither could the garrison repair sufficiently the most
dangerous breaches, though they used every possible exertion for that
purpose. On the sixth day after the commencement of this violent
cannonade, perceiving that the bulwark commanded by Caspar de Sousa was
much damaged, the Turks endeavoured to carry it by assault, but were
repulsed with much slaughter, two only of the defenders being slain.
Every day there were assaults by the besiegers or sallies by the
garrison. In one of these Gonzalo Falcam lost his head; and Juan de
Fonseca being disabled by a severe wound of his right arm continued to
wield his lance with his left as if he had received no hurt. A youth of
only nineteen years old, named Joam Gallego, pursued a Moor into the sea
and slew him, and afterwards walked back deliberately to the fort
through showers of balls and bullets. Many singular acts of valour were
performed during this memorable siege.
At length many brave officers and men of the besiegers were slain,
powder began to wax short and provisions shorter. The relief expected
from Non Garcia Noronha, now come out as viceroy of India, was long in
making its appearance. The remaining garrison was much weakened by a
swelling in their gums, accompanied by their teeth becoming so loose
that they were unable to eat what little food remained in the stores.
Yet the brave garrison continued to fight in defence of their post, as
if even misery and famine were unable to conquer them. Even the women in
the fort exerted themselves like heroines. Donna Isabella de Vega, the
wife of Manuel de Vasconcelles, had been urged by her husband to go to
her father Francisco Ferram at Goa, lest the fort might be taken and she
might fall into the hands of the Turks; but she refused to leave him.
During the distress of the garrison, as many of the men were obliged to
work in repairing the works, this bold-spirited lady called together all
the women who were in the fort, and exhorted them to undertake this
labour, as by that means all the men would be enabled to stand to their
arms. The women consented to this proposal, and continued for the
remainder of the siege to perform this duty. She was even outdone by Ann
Fernandez, the wife of a physician, who used to visit the most dangerous
posts by night, and even appeared at the assault to encourage the
soldiers. Her son happening to be slain in one of the attacks, she
immediately drew away his body, and returned to the place of danger, and
when the fight ended she went and buried her son.
Perceiving that the Turks were undermining the bulwark which he
commanded, Gasper de Sousa made a sally with seventy men to prevent that
work and made a great slaughter of the enemy. When retreating he missed
two of his men and returned to rescue them; but being surrounded by the
enemy they cut the tendons of his hams, after which he fought upon his
knees till he was overpowered and slain. The mine was countermined; but
the continual labour to which the besieged were subjected became
insupportable, and they were utterly unable to repair the many breaches
in their works. At this conjuncture, four vessels arrived from the
viceroy Don Garcia, and landed only a reinforcement of twenty men.
Solyman was much concerned at this relief though small, and was
astonished the fort should hold out against so many assaults, more
especially as Zofar had assured him he might carry it in two. At the
beginning of the siege the garrison consisted of six hundred men, many
of whom were slain and several of the cannon belonging to the fort had
burst; yet Solyman began to lose confidence, and looked anxiously to the
sea, fearful of the Portuguese fleet which he had learnt was coming
against him. This induced him to press the siege more vigorously,
especially against the sea bulwark where Antonio de Sousa commanded,
which was furiously attacked by fifty barks, two of which were sunk by
the Portuguese cannon. The Turks made several attempts to scale this
bulwark, in all of which they were repulsed with great slaughter, yet
returned repeatedly to the charge with similar bad fortune. Sousa sent
off his wounded men from the rampart to have their wounds dressed. Among
these was a person named Fernando Ponteado, who waiting his turn heard
the noise of a fresh assault, and forgetting the dressing ran
immediately to his post where he received a fresh wound. Going back to
get dressed, a third assault recalled him before the surgeon had time to
attend to his wants, and he was a third time wounded, and at length
returned to get all his three wounds dressed at once.
By this time, out of the original garrison of 600 men, only 250 remained
that were able to stand to their arms. Solyman was almost in despair of
success, yet resolved to make a desperate effort to carry the place. In
hopes of putting Sylveira off his guard, and to take the place by
surprise, he sent twelve of his gallies to sea, as if he meant to raise
the siege; but Sylveira was not to be lulled into security, and
continued to exert the utmost vigilance to provide against every danger.
One night some noise was heard at the foot of the sea-wall of the
castle, where it appeared that the enemy were applying great numbers of
scaling ladders. Every effort was made to oppose them during the
darkness of the night, and when morning broke, the place was seen beset
all round by at least 14,000 men. The cannon of the fort was immediately
directed against the assailants, and the garrison mounted the walls in
every part, but chiefly near the governors house where the defences were
weakest, but where Sylveira had placed such people as he could most
rely upon. Being repulsed from thence with great slaughter, the enemy
made an attempt on an adjoining bulwark, where Gouvea commanded, and
poured in prodigious showers of bullets and arrows. Fourteen gallies
came up against this bulwark, which they battered with their cannon; but
Gouvea obliged them to draw off, having sunk two of the gallies and
killed many of their crews. At length 200 Turks forced their way into
the bulwark and planted their colours on its rampart. Scarcely thirty
Portuguese remained to oppose them, yet they charged the enemy with
great fury, who were so thick that every shot told, and they were driven
out with much loss. Fresh men succeeded and regained the bulwark, on
which they planted four standards. Many Portuguese who were wounded and
burnt by the fireworks of the enemy ran and dipped themselves in jars of
salt water, where seeking ease they perished in dreadful torment.
Sylveira went continually from place to place, encouraging all to do
their duty manfully and supplying reinforcements where most needed. The
enemy had much the better in the second assault on the bulwark commanded
by Gouvea, on which several gentlemen rushed upon them. At this time,
one Joam Rodrigues, a strongman of great bravery, ran forward with a
barrel of powder on his shoulder, calling out to clear the way, as he
carried his own death and that of many. He threw the barrel among the
enemy, which exploded and blew up above an hundred of them, yet
Rodriques came off unhurt, and performed other memorable deeds, so that
he merited the highest honours and rewards of those that were gained in
this siege. By other fireworks the four ensigns who set up the colours
were burnt to death, and two others who went to succeed them were slain.
Being again driven from the bulwark, the enemy made a third assault: But
their commander being slain, who was son-in-law to Khojah Zofar, his men
were dismayed and took to flight. These reiterated assaults lasted four
hours, during which a small number of exhausted Portuguese had to
withstand vast numbers of fresh enemies. At length, having 500 men slain
and 1000 wounded, the enemy retired; while on the side of the Portuguese
fourteen were killed, and 200 were disabled from wounds. Only forty
remained who were able to wield their arms, insomuch that no hope
remained of being able to withstand a fresh attack. The walls were
shattered and ruined in every part: No powder remained: In fact nothing
remained but the invincible courage of Sylveira, who still encouraged
the remnant of his brave garrison to persist in their defence. Not
knowing the desperate state to which the fort was reduced, and dismayed
by the bad success of all his efforts, Solyman raised the siege and set
sail with all his fleet on the 5th of November.
When Sylveira saw the Turkish fleet weigh anchor and depart he thought
it was merely a feint preparatory for another assault, for which reason
he posted the forty men who still remained of his garrison, determined
to resist to the last man. He even made some of the wounded men be
brought to the walls, on purpose to make a shew of a greater number than
he really had. Many even who were so badly wounded as to be unable to
rise, made themselves be carried in their beds to the walls, saying that
it was best to die in an honourable place. Several even of the women
armed themselves and appeared on the walls. The whole night was spent in
anxiously waiting for the enemy; but the morning gave comfort to the
afflicted garrison, as Solyman was seen in full sail, and had no
thoughts of returning. Fear did much on this occasion, yet Zofar did
more towards inducing Solyman to go away. Zofar was weary of the
insupportable pride of the Turks, and had even received orders from the
king of Guzerat, in case it appeared that the Turks meant to keep the
city and fort of Diu, rather to endeavour that it might remain in the
hands of the Portuguese. Zofar accordingly framed a letter which fell
into the hands of Solyman, saying that the viceroy of India would be at
Diu next day with a vast fleet; on reading which letter Solyman thought
proper to hasten his departure. On the same night, Zofar set fire to the
town of Diu and marched away. Thus ended the first siege of Diu, which
added new lustre to the Portuguese fame, all due to the invincible
courage of the renowned Antonio de Sylveira, and those valiant gentlemen
who fought under his command, whose fame will last from generation to
generation.
Solyman, on his voyage back to Suez, touched at several ports in Arabia,
where he took such Portuguese as happened to be there, to the number of
140, whose heads he cut off, salting their ears and noses to send to the
Grand Turk as memorials of his services against the Christians. Among
these was Francisco Pacheco, who had not the courage to die in his
bulwark, and had surrendered with some men at Diu, as formerly related.
On his return to Turkey, Solyman was not well received, and was reduced
to the necessity of killing himself, a fit end for such a tyrant.
This famous siege was far advanced when Don Garcia de Noronha arrived as
viceroy in India, to whom Nuno de Cuna immediately resigned the
government. His arrival with a great reinforcement might well have
enabled him immediately to relieve the deplorable situation of Diu, yet
on the contrary contributed to augment its danger. For, if he had not
come, Nuna had certainly relieved Diu much sooner and prevented so many
miseries, and the death of so many brave men, as he had prepared a fleet
of eighty sail, and was ready to have gone to Diu when Don Garcia
arrived. Still fresh advices were brought of the extremity to which the
besieged were reduced, yet still Don Garcia wasted time in considering
of proper means for their relief, without putting any into execution,
and refusing to take the advice of De Cuna for his proceedings. By these
means the siege was raised before he could determine on the mode of
relief, for which purpose he had gathered 160 sail of vessels of all
sorts and sizes. Don Garcia did not want courage, of which he had given
sufficient demonstrations while under Alfonso de Albuquerque: But he
chose rather to commit an error through his own obstinacy, than rightly
to follow the advice of Nuno de Cuna. It soon appeared indeed, that he
was not at all disposed to take any advice from De Cuna, whom he treated
so disrespectfully at Goa, that he forced him to retire to Cochin to
arrange his affairs previous to his return to Portugal. When at Cochin,
he even refused him a convenient ship which he had chosen for his
accommodation; although he had authority from the king to continue to
act as governor while he remained in India, and liberty to choose any
vessel he thought proper, but Don Garcia forced him to hire a merchant
vessel for himself and family. If the viceroy treated De Cuna ill in
India, no less evil designs were entertained against him in Portugal;
and doubtless the knowledge Don Garcia had of the evil intentions of the
ministers of state, was the cause of the hard usage he gave him in
India. Nuno de Cuna fell sick and died on the voyage. He protested at
his death that he had nothing belonging to the king except five gold
medals found among the treasure of the late king Badur, which he had
selected for their beauty and meant to have presented to the king in
person. Being asked by a chaplain what he would have done with his body
after his death; he said, that since it had pleased God he was to die at
sea, he desired that the sea might be his grave. Nuno de Cuna, who was
an excellent governor of India, died at fifty-two years of age. He was
of large stature and well proportioned, but wanted an eye. Though of
stately manners, he was extremely courteous, not subject to passion,
easily reconciled, a strict observer of justice, loved to do good to all
around him, free from covetousness, prudent in council, and affable in
discourse. He governed for ten years, all but two months, and died in
the beginning of the year 1539.
Don Garcia de Noronha assumed the government of India as viceroy in
November 1538, having arrived from Lisbon with 3000 soldiers, many of
whom were men of note. Although this great armament had been principally
intended for opposing the Turks who besieged the castle of Diu, yet the
viceroy permitted them to continue their operations before that place,
and merely sent hopes of relief to the oppressed garrison. At length
however he sent a second reinforcement under Antonio de Menezes in 24
small vessels. Though this armament came late, yet Menezes contended in
some measure with the great Sylveira for the honour of having occasioned
the retreat of the Turks, as he valued himself much in having witnessed
their flight. The viceroy had indeed made ready to sail for Diu with a
fleet of 160 sail of vessels of different kinds, having 5000 soldiers
and 1000 pieces of cannon, when advice came that the Turks had abandoned
the siege. On this intelligence he dismissed all the trading ships from
his fleet, still retaining 90 sail, with which he set out for Diu, but
proceeded so slowly as if some evil omen had threatened his ruin at that
place, since he not only avoided it while environed with danger, but
seemed afraid to visit it in peace. Hearing that it was still infested
by Lur-Khan and Khojah Zofar, he sent Martin Alfonso de Melo against
them with his galley, together with the vessels that had been there
before under Antonio de Menezes. Melo was too weak to be able to do any
thing against the enemy, and had to seek protection under the guns of
the fort.
At length the viceroy sailed for Diu on the first of January 1539; but
the fleet was dispersed by a storm to different ports, two gallies and
some other vessels being lost. He arrived however at Diu with 50 sail;
and having given all due praise to Antonio de Sylveira for his valiant
defence, he repaired the fort and confided it to the charge of Diego
Lopez de Sousa, who had been nominated to the command by the king. A
treaty of peace was set on foot with the king of Guzerat, which was
concluded, but very little to the advantage of the Portuguese, which was
attributed by common fame to the covetousness of the viceroy.
During this year 1539, the viceroy sent Ferdinand de Morales with a
great galleon laden on the kings account to trade at Pegu. Morales was
induced by the king of Pegu to assist him against the king of Birmah,
who had invaded the kingdom of Pegu with so prodigious a power that the
two armies amounted to _two millions of men_ and 10,000 elephants.
Morales went in a galliot having the command of the Pegu fleet, and made
great havock among the ships of the enemy. The king of Birmah came on by
land like a torrent, carrying every thing before him, and his fleet was
so numerous that it covered the whole river, though as large as the
Ganges. Morales met this vast fleet with that which he commanded, at the
point of _Ginamarreca_; where, though infinitely inferior, he fought a
desperate and bloody battle. But overpowered by the multitude of the
Birmans, the Peguers deserted Morales, who was left alone in his galliot
amid a throng of enemies, against whom he performed wonders and long
maintained the battle, doing astonishing execution; but at last
oppressed by irresistible multitudes, he and all his followers were
slain: Yet the memory of his heroism was long preserved among these
people.
The cause of this war and of the revolt of the king of Birmah, who was
tributary to Pegu, was as follows. Above 30,000 Birmans laboured in the
works of the king of Pegu, as that was one condition of their vassalage.
The king of Pegu used often to visit these labourers attended only by
his women, who were curious to see the foreigners and the great works
that were carrying on. The Birmans seized an opportunity on one of these
visits to murder the king, after which they plundered the women of every
thing they had of value, and fled to their own country. As many of the
subjects of _Dacha Rupi_, who succeeded to, the kingdom of Pegu,
rebelled against him, _Para Mandara_ king of the Birmans seized this
favourable opportunity to recover his independence and to enlarge the
bounds of his dominions. He accordingly reduced with astonishing
rapidity the kingdoms of the _Lanjaoes, Laos, Jangomas_, and others, who
like his own dominions were tributary to Pegu. By these means he
possessed himself of the whole ancient kingdom of _Ava_, which extends
to the length of two months of ordinary travelling, and contains 62
cities. To the north-east of this, at the distance of a months journey
is _the kingdom of the Turks_, containing as many cities, which the king
of Pegu had conquered from the king of _Cathay_. The kingdom of _Bimir_
is west from Ava, and is of similar extent, having 27 populous cities.
North of this is _Lanjam_, of equal size, with 38 cities and abounding
in gold and silver. On the east is the kingdom of _Mamfrom_, equally
large, but having only 8 cities. East again from this is _Cochin-China_;
on the south is _Siam_, which was afterwards conquered by the king of
Birmah; and east of Siam is the great kingdom of _Cambodia_. All the
inhabitants of these kingdoms are Pagans, and the most superstitious of
all the east: Yet they believe in one only God, but in time of need have
recourse to many idols, some of which are dedicated to the most secret
acts and necessities of nature, even in the very form in which they are
acted. They hold the immortality of the soul; are zealous in giving
alms, and hold their priests in great veneration. These are very
numerous, and live according to rules like those of the Catholics in
monasteries, subsisting from day to day upon what is given them, without
laying any thing up for the next. These priests and monks eat neither
flesh nor fish, as they kill no creature whatever. They observe _Lent_
and _Easter_ after the manner of the Christians; whence some have
inferred that they are some remnant of the disciples of St. Thomas,
though mixed with many errors. They wear yellow cassocks and cloaks,
with hats of oiled paper. The whole natives of these countries are
white, and their women very beautiful; but their bodies are all over
wrought with blue figures down to the knees made with hot irons. In
their manners they are very uncivilized and even brutal.
CHAPTER II.
PARTICULAR RELATION OF THE EXPEDITION OF SOLYMAN PACHA FROM SUEZ TO
INDIA AGAINST THE PORTUGUESE AT DIU, WRITTEN BY A VENETIAN OFFICER WHO
WAS PRESSED INTO THE TURKISH SERVICE ON THAT OCCASION [210].
INTRODUCTION.
Following the PORTUGUESE ASIA of _Manuel de Faria y Sousa_, we have
given an account of the Portuguese transactions in India in the
preceding chapter, from the year 1505 to 1539. We might have extended
this article to a much greater length from the same source, as De Faria
continues this history to the year 1640; but his work after the year
1539 is generally filled with an infinite multiplicity of uninteresting
events, petty wars, arrivals and dispatch of trading ships, and such
minute matters, unconnected and tending to no useful information. We now
take up an original document of much interest, and most directly
connected with the object of our collection, as an actual journal of a
voyage. In a separate future division of our arrangement, we propose to
give an abridged extract from De Faria of every thing his work contains
worthy of notice, as tending to discovery, but leaving out all
uninteresting details.
[Footnote 210: Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 88.]
There are two published copies of the voyage which constitutes the
essence of our present chapter. The earliest of these was published by
_Aldus_ at Venice in 1540, along with other tracts of a similar nature,
under the name of _A Voyage from Alexandria to India_[211]. The other
was given by _Ramusio_ in the first Volume of his Collection, under the
title of _A Voyage written by a Venetian officer_[212] of the _Gallies,
who was carried prisoner from Alexandria to Diu in India, &c_. These
copies differ in several respects besides the title. That by Ramusio is
altered in several places both in the substance and diction, which in
many parts of that edited by Aldus is obscure. Yet that edition is of
use to correct some errors of the press in Ramusio. Our translation is
from the text of Aldus, but we have marked the variations in that of
Ramusio, and have likewise divided the journal into sections, as done by
Ramusio.
[Footnote 211: The title of the book published by Aldus in which this
voyage is contained is Viaggi alla Tana, Persia, India, &c.--Astley, I.
88. a.]
[Footnote 212: The word designating the rank of this officer in Ramusio
is _Comito_, signifying Boatswain, or the officer who superintended the
galley-slaves.--Ast. I. 88. b.]
Though not made by the Portuguese, this voyage certainly claims to be
inserted in this place, as having a near connection with their affairs;
besides which, it serves to complete the information contained in the
article next succeeding; as the present voyage was made along the
eastern side of the Red Sea, while the other was along its western side:
So that the two together give a tolerable account of the whole of that
sea; and they are in fact the more valuable, as being the only minute
journals or relations extant of voyages performed along the whole length
of the Arabian Gulf; except that by Mr Daniel in 1700, which is very
superficial. Yet geographers, with the exception of M. de Lisle, and one
or two since, seem to have made no use of these helps. It is however
very surprising that neither of these two journals take the smallest
notice of that great bay or arm at the head of the Red Sea, anciently
called the _Elanitic_, a little to the east of _Tor_ or _Al Tur_, which
passing by the foot of Mount Sinai, penetrates a great way into Arabia.
This has been described by the Arabian geographers, and confirmed by two
eminent travellers of our own country, Dr Shaw and Dr Pococke, both of
whom have delineated it in their maps[213].
[Footnote 213: The topography of the Red Sea has been much improved by
Bruce, in his Travels in Abyssinia, and since him by Lord Valentia in
his Travels in India.--E.]
"The present voyage shews the way of sailing in these eastern seas by
the Turks, with whom we may join the Arabs and Indians; and it mentions
several particulars respecting the siege of Diu, and particularly
respecting the conduct of the Pacha, which could not be so well known to
the Portuguese; serving to rectify some things and elucidate others. It
must be observed that the soundings or depths of water, though expressed
in fathoms, which are reckoned at _six_ feet in the British marine
service, are here to be understood as paces of _five_ feet each. The
_time_ is expressed according to the Italian mode of reckoning; which
begins the day at sunset, and counts the hours successively round from
_one_ to _twenty-four_; instead of dividing the entire day into twice
twelve hours, as is customary with the English and other European
nations."[214]--_Astl_.
[Footnote 214: The Editor of Astleys Collection does not seem aware that
in the British marine, the day begins at noon, instead of the civil day
which begins at midnight.--E.]
SECTION I.
_The Venetian Merchants and Mariners at Alexandria are pressed into the
Turkish service, and sent to Suez. Description of that place. Two
thousand men desert from the Gallies. Tor. Island of Soridan. Port of
Kor_.
This voyage was performed by compulsion, having been forced to accompany
the eunuch Solyman Pacha, who was sent by Solyman Shah emperor of the
Turks on an expedition against the Portuguese in India. At the time when
the war broke out in 1537, between the republic of Venice and the Turks,
a fleet of trading gallies happened to be at Alexandria in Egypt,
commanded by Antonio Barbarigo, and remained there without opportunity
of trading or taking in goods till the 7th of September; on that day
Almaro Barbaro the Venetian consul, the captain Antonio Barbarigo, and
all the merchants and seamen, with every thing belonging to them, were
seized and lodged in the _tower of Lances_. After this, all of them that
belonged to the sea, and the author of this voyage among the rest, were
taken from the tower and sent by fifty at a time to Cairo; whence
Solyman Pacha, having selected the gunners, rowers, carpenters,
caulkers, and officers, sent them by companies to Suez to assist in
fitting out the fleet in that port against his own arrival.
Suez stands in a desert place, where grows no herb of any kind. At this
place the ships are built which are designed for India. All the timber
of which they are built, with the iron work, and every kind of tackle,
are brought from Satalia and Constantinople to Alexandria; whence they
are carried on the Nile in jerbs or barks to Cairo, and thence on the
backs of camels to Suez, where Pharaoh was drowned. On the road from
Cairo to Suez, which is eighty miles, there is not a single habitation,
and no water or any thing whatever for eating is to be found, so that
the caravans before setting out must supply themselves with water from
the Nile. In former times, Suez was a great city well supplied with
cisterns for holding water, and had a _Kalij_ or canal cut all the way
from the Nile, by which these cisterns were annually filled at the
overflow of the river, which served them with water all the rest of the
year. Being afterwards destroyed by the Mahometans, the canal was filled
up, and all the water that is drank at Suez is brought upon camels from
certain ponds or wells six miles distant; which water, though very
brackish, they are obliged to drink; every fifty men being allowed as
much water as a camel can carry. All the timber, iron, rigging,
ammunition, and provisions for the fleet were brought from Cairo. Suez
stands on a bay of the Red Sea, and has a small fort with mud walls,
thirty paces square, which is guarded by twenty Turks. The fleet
destined for India consisted of seventy-six sail; of which six were
_Maons_, seventeen gallies, twenty-seven _foists_, two galleons, four
ships, and the rest small craft.
On the 9th of March 1538, about 2000 men landed from the gallies with
their arms and marched off for the mountains, meaning to desert; but
when about six miles from the shore they were met by a Sanjiak,
accompanied by 27 horse[215], designed for the garrison of Suez. The
deserters were immediately surrounded by the horse, who killed about 200
of them, and all the rest were stripped and carried on board the
gallies, where they were chained to the oars. On the 15th of June
Solyman Pacha arrived at Suez, where he pitched his tents and rested
eight days. In the mean time the fleet was got in readiness, and the
soldiers received their pay, being five gold ducats to each and ten
_maydins_, or 215 maydins in all. Part of the men belonging to the large
Venetian galley, in which the author of this journal served, were
distributed on board the fleet; seventy in one half galley, seventy in
another, and eighteen in the galley of the _Kiahya_, who likewise had
along with him the Venetian consul. The rest of these men were
distributed in two galleons which carried the powder, saltpetre,
brimstone, ball, meal, biscuit, and other necessaries for the fleet.
The Pacha likewise sent his treasure on board the gallies, which was
contained in forty-two chests, covered with ox hides and oil-cloth. On
the 20th, he issued orders for every one to embark in two days. On the
22d the Pacha embarked, and dropt down four miles below Suez to the
point of Pharaoh, where he anchored in four fathoms water on a good
bottom. This place is seven miles from the pits of Moses. Seven men died
here.
[Footnote 215: This is surely some mistake, it being next to impossible
that so few men should surround and overpower so great a number of armed
soldiers.--Astl. I. 89. d.]
On the 27th of June the whole fleet left Suez with the wind at N.W. and
before night cast anchor at a place called _Korondol_, 60 miles from
Suez; at which place Moses divided the sea by stretching out his rod,
and Pharaoh was drowned with all his host. At this place, which may be
considered the commencement of the Red Sea, we had 12 fathoms water, and
lay at anchor all night. Leaving Korondol on the 28th, we sailed 33
leagues to the S.E. and cast anchor two hours before night at a place
called _Tor_, where there are many Fransciscan friars who supplied the
fleet with water. This place is a days journey and a half from Mount
_Sinai_, where is the church and monastery of St Catharine, in which the
body of that saint is reposited. We remained five days at Tor, in five
fathoms water. We departed from Tor on the 3d of July, and came behind a
dry sand bank about a mile from the shore and 40 miles from Tor, where
we cast anchor in 12 fathoms water at a place named _Kharas_, where we
remained two days to inspect the two ships which carried the stores.
Leaving Kharas on the 5th, we came to an island named _Soridan_ 40 miles
from the coast, the whole days course from sunrise to sunset being 100
miles. Continuing our voyage all night to the S.E. we found ourselves at
sunrise of the 6th to windward of a mountain on the right hand shore,
named _Marzoan_, 100 miles beyond Soridan. Proceeding forward on the
6th, and still sailing S.E. we advanced 100 miles by sunrise, and saw
land on the right towards _Kabisa_[216]. We sailed 90 miles on the 7th
S.E. by E. Proceeding on the 8th at the rate of 8 miles an hour, we
sailed 100 miles by sunrise; and in the night, the wind being
south-westerly, we advanced 20 miles to the S.E. On the 9th the winds
were variable and rather calm. To the S.E. we found a shoal under water
50 miles from land. Our course during the day was only 10 miles to the
N.W. and in the ensuing night 20 miles S. by W. On the 10th we sailed 70
miles S.E. and came to a port named _Kor_ in eight fathoms water, in a
very desert country.
[Footnote 216: In Ramusio this is called the land of the _Abissini_. So
that instead of Kabisa or Kabisia, we should read in the text Habash or
Habashia, commonly called Abassia, Abissina, or Abyssinia.--Astl. I. 90.
a.]
SECTION II.
_Arrival at Jiddah, the Port of Mecca. The islands of Alfas, Kamaran,
and Tuiche. The Straits of Bab-al-Mandub._
Leaving Kor on the 11th of July, we sailed along shore till noon 30
miles, when we came to a city named _Zidem_[217], which is the emporium
or landing place of all the spices from Calicut and other parts of
India. This place is a stage and a half from Mecca; and though there are
several shoals both above and under water, the port is good, and the
town has abundance of provisions: but no water is to be met with, except
from a few cisterns which are filled with rain water. This place abounds
in merchandize, and the country round produces dates, ginger of
Mecca[218], and other sorts. In a mosque on the outside of the town is a
tomb, which according to the Mahometans is the burial-place of Eve. The
inhabitants go almost naked, and are meagre and swarthy. The sea
produces abundance of fish. The natives tie three or four pieces of
timber together about six feet long, on one of which slight rafts a man
rows himself with a board, and ventures out to sea eight or nine miles
to fish in all weathers. At this place the fleet remained four days and
took in a supply of water.
[Footnote 217: Otherwise Jiddah or Joddah, the port of Mecca. In his map
of Egypt, Nubia, and Abyssinia, De L'Isle makes Zidem, which he also
names _Gidde_, doubtless a corruption of Jiddah, a distinct place a
little to the south from Jiddah. This must be a mistake; as Jiddah has
for many ages been the port of Mecca, as Zidem is said to be in the
text. This is farther confirmed by the mention of _Eves tomb_ in the
text, which Pitts saw at Jiddah. Thevenot says her tomb is at _Gidde_,
which De L'Isle supposed to have been a different place from Gidda,
Joddah, or Jiddah, whence arose his mistake.--Astl. I.90. b.]
[Footnote 218: Perhaps we ought to read _Balsam_ of Mecca.--E.]
At our departure on the 15th of July, five small vessels were missing by
chance, which we learnt from a man who had escaped from a foist. This
day we sailed 80 miles S.W. by S. The 16th our course was S.E. with
very little wind, making only 30 miles till night; and before sunrise 50
miles farther. The 17th we sailed S.E. till night 100 miles; and from
thence till sunrise 16 miles, S.E. by S. On the 18th we steered S.E.
140[219] miles during the day, which was dusky; and in the night 50
miles S.E. by E. The 19th sailing E. by S. with a brisk wind till nine
in the morning, we came among certain islands called _Atfas_, almost
entirely desert, and only inhabited by people who come from other
islands to fish and seek for pearls, which they get by diving to the
bottom of the sea in four fathom water. They drink rain water, which is
preserved in cisterns and ponds. We remained here all night, having ran
100 miles. On the 20th we came to an island 20 miles from the land named
_Khamaran_, where we got provisions and good water. In this island there
was a ruinous castle, altogether unoccupied, and about fifty houses
built of boughs of trees, besides a few other huts scattered over the
island. The inhabitants were barefooted and quite naked, of a small
size, and having no head-dresses but their hair, and merely conceal
their parts of shame by means of a clout. They are all mariners, having
a few barks and small craft, the planks of which are sewed together by
rope, and are entirely destitute of iron work, with sails curiously made
of mats, constructed of the barks of the palm or date tree, and folding
together like a fan. The cordage and cables are made of the same
materials. They trade to the main land in these barks, and bring from
thence abundance of dates, jujebs, and a sort of white buck-wheat. They
make a good quantity of _Mecca ginger_, and procure plenty of
frankinsence from Bista[220]. They reduce their buck-wheat to meal on a
piece of marble, about the size of the stone on which colours are ground
by painters, on which another stone about half an ell long and like a
rolling pin or roller is made to work so as to bruise the corn.
Immediately after this it is made into a paste and baked into thin
cakes. This is their bread, which must be made fresh every day,
otherwise it becomes so dry and hard that there is no eating it. Both
fish and flesh are to be had here in sufficient abundance. From the
islands of _Akhefas_ or _Atfas_ to this island of _Khamaran_ the
distance is 40 miles.
[Footnote 219: In Ramusio only 40 miles.--Astl. I. 90. d.]
[Footnote 220: This is called the land of the Abissins in the edition of
Ramusio.--Astl. I. 91. a.]
The Pacha landed at this place, making all the gallies turn into the
harbour along with him; and sent from thence two foists with messengers,
one to the king or sheikh of _Zibit_ or _Zabid_, and the other to the
sheikh of Aden, ordering them to provide water and provisions for the
fleet, to enable him to proceed in his expedition to India against the
Portuguese. The messenger to Zabid was likewise ordered to tell the
sheikh of that place, which is a days journey inland, that he must come
to the shore, bringing with him the tribute due to the grand signior,
and to pay his obeisance to the Pacha. The fleet remained ten days at
the island of Khamaran, where it was furnished with water. Leaving
Khamaran on the 30th of July with a scanty wind, we sailed S. by E. 50
miles, and came at one in the morning to the island of _Tuiccé_. Here
the foist sent to the sheikh of Zabid brought a present to the Pacha,
consisting of swords in the shape of scymeters made at _Zimina_, the
handles and scabbards being of silver; also some poinards of similar
workmanship, the handles of which were adorned with turquois stones,
rubies, and pearls. But the sheikh sent word that he would pay the
tribute when the Pacha returned from conquering the Portuguese,
acknowledging at the same time that he was the slave of the sultan. This
day we advanced fifty miles, and fifty more during the night, our course
being S. by E. On the 1st of August, we proceeded ten miles with the
wind at S.W. to a shoal named _Alontrakin_[221], near the mouth of the
straits, having _Kabisia_ or _Habash_ on the right hand. Here we had two
fathoms water, and staid one night.
[Footnote 221: In Ramusio this shoal is called Babel, being the two
first words or syllables of Bab-el-Mandub, corruptly called _Babel
Mandel_. Bab-el-Mandub signifies _the gate of weeping_, being the name
of the entry to the Red Sea of Arabian Gulf; so called because reckoned
exceedingly dangerous by the ancient Arabs, insomuch that they used to
put on mourning for their relations who passed them, as persons given
over for lost.--Ast. I. 91. d.]
SECTION III.
_Arrival at Aden, where the Sheikh and four others are hanged. Sequel
of the Voyage to Diu_.
On the 2d of August, leaving the shoal of Alontrakin, we sailed 10 miles
E. by S. and got through the straits; whence proceeding till sunrise
next morning we went 80 miles farther. On the 3d sailing 80 miles E. by
N. we arrived at the city of _Adem_ or Aden. This city is strongly
fortified, standing close to the sea, and surrounded by lofty mountains,
on the top of which are several little forts or castles. It is
encompassed also on every side with _ravelins_[222], except an opening
of 300 paces wide leading from the shore to the country; and has strong
gates and towers and well-built walls. Besides all these, there is a
fort built on a shoal before the city, having a tower on one side to
defend the port, which is to the south, and has two fathoms water. To
the north there is a large port with good anchorage, being safe in all
winds. Though there is plenty of good water here, the soil is dry and
produces nothing. The water is all from rain, and is preserved in
cisterns and pits 100 fathoms deep; and is so hot when first drawn up
that it cannot be used till it stands to cool. This city is provided
with provisions, wood, and every other necessary from other places, and
has abundance of Jews[223].
[Footnote 222: Perhaps redoubts or detached towers are here meant; or
the word here translated ravelins may signify shoals, reefs, or
sand-banks, encompassing the harbour.--E.]
[Footnote 223: This circumstance is not in the least improbable; yet it
is possible that the author of this journal may have mistaken _Banians_
for Jews, as we know that all the trade in the ports of Arabia and the
Red Sea is now conducted by Banian factors--E.]
Immediately on the arrival of the fleet, the Pacha was waited upon by
four principal persons of the city, who brought refreshments. He
received them courteously, and talked with them a while in private;
after which he gave each of them two vests of figured velvet, and sent
them back with letters of safe conduct for the sheikh, signifying that
he might come freely on board and fear nothing. The sheikh sent back
word that he would not come in person, but would readily supply whatever
was wanted. On the 5th of August, the Pacha ordered the janizaries to
land with their arms, and all the gallies to man and arm their boats.
He then sent his Kiahya to summon the sheikh to come before him, and do
homage to the sultan. The sheikh answered, "I swear by your head that I
am the humble slave of the sultan;" and came immediately to the gallies
attended by many of his principal officers. The Kiahya presented him
with a handkerchief round his neck to the Pacha, who embraced and
entertained him with much courtesy. After a long conference, the Pacha
caused two vests of figured velvet to be brought, which he put with his
own hands on the sheikh, and made all the lords of his retinue be
clothed in a similar manner. They conferred together afterwards for a
long time, and the sheikh was dismissed with leave to return to the
city. What happened afterwards it is not proper for me to relate[224];
suffice it to say, that Solyman suddenly gave orders to a sanjack with
500 janizaries to take possession of the city, the inhabitants of which,
like those of _Kharabaia_[225], are swarthy, lean, and of small stature.
Aden is a place of considerable trade, particularly with India, at which
there arrive every year three or four ships laden with various kind of
spices, which are afterwards sent to Cairo. In these parts grow _ginger
of Mecca_, but no other sort.
[Footnote 224: In the edition of Ramusio, the author is made to relate
the story openly, in the following manner: "That same instant after
dismissing the sheikh, the Pacha, caused him to be hanged by the neck at
the yard-arm, together with four of his principal officers or
favourites."--Ast. I. 92. a.]
[Footnote 225: By Ramusio this word is given _Arabia_.--Ast. I. 92. b.]
On the 8th of August, the fleet removed to the north port of Aden, where
it remained eleven days, taking in a supply of water. On the 19th we
departed, being 74 sail in all, reckoning gallies, foists, ships, and
lesser vessels; the Pacha leaving three foists behind to guard the port.
This day our course was 40 miles E. by N. On the 20th we went 50 miles
east with a fair wind at west; and during the night we went other 20
miles E. by N. The 21st we ran 30 miles, east in a calm, and by sunrise
30 more. The 22d it was quite calm till noon, when a gentle breeze arose
which carried us 20 miles east before night, and 50 more during the
night in the same direction. During the 23d, we steered 60 miles E. by
N. and 40 miles in the night N.E. The 24th 40 miles N.E. and other 40
miles in the night in the same direction. The 25th 90 miles N.E. by E.
and 100 miles in the night the same course. The 26th 90 miles N.E. and
80 in the night. The 27th 90 miles, and in the night 100, both N.E. The
28th 90 miles during the day, and 90 more during the night, still N.E.
The 29th still keeping the same course, 90 miles in the day, and 90 more
at night. On the 30th, we sailed 86 miles E. by N. during the day, and
90 miles N.E. by E. during the night. Still holding N.E. by E. on the
31st we sailed 70 miles by day and 80 by night. Proceeding in the same
course on the 1st September we went 70 miles in the day and 50 in the
night. Holding on the same course on the 2d we ran 30 miles; by noon we
were in 35 fathoms water, and at night in 20 fathoms, being within 100
miles of Diu, but 400 miles from the nearest land on the north. While
between 100 and 150 miles from the land, we saw several snakes in the
sea, the water often having a green colour, which are sure signs of
approaching the land on this coast.
On the 3d the fleet proceeded with calm weather along the shore, and at
nine in the morning the Pacha was informed by a boat from the land that
there were 600 Portuguese in the castle of Diu, and six armed gallies in
the port. The Pacha made the bearers of this intelligence a present of
six _kaftans_ or vests, and dismissed them. A Jew was afterwards taken
on shore by some of the Turkish sailors, and confirmed this account.
This day our course along shore was 30 miles, and we made 30 more during
the night. On the 4th of September at sunrise, we proceeded 30 miles,
and cast anchor within three miles of Diu. Before anchoring, a
Portuguese foist was seen coming out of the harbour, which was chased by
a half galley all day, but made her escape in the night.
SECTION IV.
_The Castle of Diu is besieged by the Moors. The Turks plunder the City,
and the Indian Generals withdraw in resentment. The Pacha lands. A man
300 years old. Women burn themselves. The Fleet removes_.
The same day on which we anchored near Diu, one Khojah Zaffer came on
board in a galley. This man was a native of Otranto in Italy, but had
turned Turk and was captain of a galley in the former fleet sent to
India by the sultan. When that fleet was defeated and destroyed, Zaffer
entered into the service of the king of Diu or Kambachia, who gave him
lands and made him chief governor of his kingdom. Zaffer had also
insinuated himself into the confidence of the Portuguese; but when he
learnt that the Turkish fleet was coming, he and the vizier or viceroy
of the kingdom came with 8000 Indians, took the city of Diu from the
Portuguese, and besieged them in the castle which was now closely begirt
by their troops, not a day passing without a skirmish. Zaffer was
accompanied on this visit to the Pacha by the prime vizier of Cambaya,
and both were received with much honour. They informed the Pacha that
there were 500 soldiers and 300 others in the castle, which they had
besieged for 26 days, and had no doubt of being able to reduce it with
their Indian troops, if the Pacha would furnish them with artillery and
ammunition. The Pacha presented each of them with two vests; but while
they remained on board, the Turkish troops landed with their arms and
plundered the city of Diu, doing infinite injury to the Indian
inhabitants, and not even sparing the palace of the viceroy, whence they
took three fine horses, together with, some treasure and furniture,
carrying away every thing they could lay hands upon. They likewise
advanced towards the castle, and skirmished with the Portuguese
garrison. When the viceroy returned and was made acquainted with the
outrages committed by the Turks, he gave immediate orders to his
officers to have every thing in readiness, and retired from Diu with
6000 men, going immediately to the king who was about two days journey
up the country. That same night a foist came from the city to our fleet
with a supply of fresh bread, nuts, flesh, boiled rice, and other
things, sent in the name of the king of Cambaya, all of which were taken
into the Pachas galley. On the 5th of September, the Pacha sent the
Moorish captain and his Kiahya to join these on shore; and all the
gallies sent their boats filled with janizaries to assist the native
troops who were encamped round the castle, these being now reduced to
not more than 2000 men, as all the rest had departed along with the
viceroy and Khojah Zaffer. On the 7th, the fleet removed to a very good
port, thirty miles from Diu, called _Muda Burack_[226], where we got
abundance of water.
[Footnote 226: This place is afterwards called Mudafar-aba, and perhaps
ought to be written Madaffer-abad.--Ast. I. 93. e.]
On the 8th the Pacha went on shore at Diu, where the besiegers had began
to batter the castle, having placed some cannons for that purpose on
four _maons_. He sent also three pieces of artillery on shore, which
were planted on[227] a tower standing by the water side about a
cannon-shot from the great fortress, being the place where the Indian
officers used to receive the customs. It had thick walls and was
defended by four brass guns and a hundred men, but had no ditch. On the
9th, a ship and galley which were laden with biscuit, powder, and other
stores for the siege, struck on a sand bank while entering the harbour.
The goods and the galley were saved, but the ship was totally lost.
[Footnote 227: Perhaps we ought here to read _against_ the tower by the
water side.--E.]
A half galley belonging to our fleet arrived at Diu on the 19th in bad
condition. She had fallen behind the fleet, and had been driven to a
port belonging to a people of the Pagans called _Samori_[228], where she
sent a boat on shore with some janizaries, who were all cut to pieces.
After which the natives in our barge and some of their own barks,
attacked the galley and slew other sixty men of her crew, so that she
had much ado to escape. The Pacha sent for the pilot of this galley, and
caused him to be hanged for his bad management.
[Footnote 228: Probably meaning the dominions of the zamorin of
Calicut--E.]
On the 25th an Indian who had turned Christian and belonged to the
garrison in the castle, was made prisoner in a sally, and being brought
before the Pacha, but refusing to answer any questions, was condemned to
be cut in two. On the same day an old man presented himself before the
Pacha, who said that he was upwards of 300 years old, which was
confirmed by the people of the country, who asserted that there were
several very old men in that neighbourhood. The natives of this country
are very lean and live sparingly. They eat no beef, but use their oxen
for riding upon. Their oxen are small and handsome, very tractable, and
have an easy pace. Instead of a bridle, they use a cord passed through a
hole in the nostrils of the ox. Their horns are long and straight, and
they are used as beasts of burden, like mules in Italy. These animals
are held in much veneration, especially the cows, and they even make
great rejoicings on the birth of a calf, on which account these people
are reckoned idolaters. When any of the men of this country happens to
die, the widow makes a great feast for the relations; after which they
go in procession with music and dancing to a place where a great fire
is prepared, into which the corpse is thrown, carrying along with them
many large pots full of scalding hot grease. The widow then dances round
the fire, singing the praises of her husband, after which she
distributes her entire dress and ornaments among her relations, till she
has nothing left but a small apron. Immediately after this, having
thrown a pot of the scalding grease into the fire, she leaps into the
midst of the flames, and the assistants throw in all the other pots of
grease to increase the flames, so that she is dead in an instant. All
women who would be esteemed virtuous observe this custom, and such as do
not are accounted wicked, nor will any one marry them. The country of
Guzerat is rich and fertile, producing excellent ginger of all sorts,
and cocoa nuts. Of these last the natives make oil, vinegar, flour,
cordage, and mats. The cocoa-nut tree resembles the date palm in every
thing except the fruit and leaves, those of the palm being broader.
On the 28th the fleet removed from the port of _Mudaferaba_, which has
from 2 to 4 fathoms water; and having sailed six hours on the 29th, cast
anchor about 15 miles from Diu. Having remained at anchor all night, the
fleet made sail on the 30th with a north wind from shore, and came
behind the castle of Diu, where all the gallies discharged their
artillery in succession, after which they cast anchor about three miles
from the castle.
SECTION V.
_A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks, who make Galley-slaves of the
Portuguese Garrison; with several other incidents of the siege._
On the 1st of October, a messenger came from the lesser castle offering
to capitulate, being no longer able to hold out. The Turks had planted
three pieces of cannon against that fort which carried balls of iron of
150 pounds weight, and pierced the tower through and through, so that
the stones flew about and had slain twenty men out of an hundred in the
garrison. Yet these men had slain many of the Turks with their musquets
and four pieces of cannon, the fire having continued incessantly for
eighteen or twenty days. On delivering his message, the person sent from
the fort received a rich vest, and had a safe conduct written in the
most ample form for himself and all the garrison. When the messenger
returned to the tower, he persuaded the captain and two other persons to
wait upon the Pacha, who gave the captain a vest and confirmed the safe
conduct, only under the express condition that they should not go into
the castle. The captain, whose name was _Juan Francisco Paduano_[229],
returning to the tower which was called _Gogole_, brought off his men to
the number of eighty, all of whom the Pacha ordered to be disarmed and
confined in a house under a strong guard.
[Footnote 229: It ought to be _Pacheco_.--E.]
On the 3d of October, the Pacha ordered the four _slave_ gunners of the
large gallies on shore, and gave them in charge to batter the principal
castle. He likewise ordered all the Portuguese who had surrendered to be
distributed among the gallies and chained to the oar, captain and all.
The same day, three Portuguese gallies entered the harbour of Diu
without opposition, for the Pacha did not send a single vessel to hinder
them. The 8th a ship arrived with provisions and was wrecked in the
road. On board were fifteen men belonging to the large gallies, together
with the admiral, and sixty sailors with many galley-slaves. The 13th,
the fleet removed from the west to the east side of Diu, where they
anchored two miles from the castle; but during this change of position,
the cannon of the fortress sunk one galley and broke the main-yard of
another. On the 15th, the Pacha removed from the _maon_ where he resided
hitherto into his half galley, but ordered a _white_ sail to be taken
from another galley, his own being distinguished by colours. The reason
of this was that he expected the Portuguese fleet, and did not wish they
should know what ship he was in. Being also afraid of the shot he caused
a great ring of cables and such things to be formed on the poop,
sufficient to repel cannon-shot, for he was fearful and cowardly. He
likewise ordered all the Christians to be put in irons. On the 17th,
being the eve of St Luke, he caused the head of one of the people
belonging to the Venetian gallies to be cut off, merely for saying, _the
signory of Venice is not dead_.
On the 22d the Pacha gave out in orders to the gunners on shore, about
400 in number, some of whom were slain daily, that whoever shot down the
great standard of the castle should have a reward of 1000 maydins and
receive his freedom. This was chiefly occasioned by a desire of
revenge, as his own standard had been given to the Portuguese by a
_Sanjak_. Upon this, one of these Christian gunners at the third shot
broke down the standard, which stood on the top of a great tower, on
which the Turks made great rejoicings and published the news with much
exultation throughout the fleet. The gunner was rewarded with a silken
vest.
The artillery belonging to the Turks was planted against the castle all
in one line, but in six separate batteries. In the first was an iron
_culverine_ carrying a ball of 150 pounds, and a _paderero_ of 200
pounds. At a small distance was an iron _passe-volant_ of 16 pounds,
which discharged cartridge shot. In another place was a _paderero_ of
300 pounds, and a _culverine_ of 150; and in this second post was a
_passe-volant_ like the former, both belonging to the great gallies. In
another place was an iron _saker_ of 12 pounds, a small _cannon_ of 16
pounds, a _falcon_ of 6 pounds, and a mortar throwing a ball of 400
pounds. In another post was a culverine of 100 pounds. By this
prodigious train of artillery, the Turks had battered down one tower, so
that they could easily mount the breach, the tower not being very high,
and the ditch not having been dug to a sufficient depth: But as fast as
the Turks ruined the defences of this tower, the besieged repaired the
breach as well as they could with earth and rubbish. It must also be
observed that this fortress had no flanks; and being built upon a rock,
they had made no _casemates_, only erecting embrasures on the top of the
wall, which were all ruined and shaken. The main safety of the besieged
consisted in their bravery. Every day fifteen or twenty of them used to
sally forth like so many furious lions, killing all they met, which
struck such terror into the Turkish soldiers that they fled in confusion
as soon as they saw the Portuguese.
On the 25th of October, the Turks caused a great number of cotton sacks
to be got ready, covered with skins and bound with ropes, all of which
were thrown into the ditch, which they completely filled, reaching as
high as the wall. This being noticed by the besieged early in the
morning, before the Turks put themselves in order for the assault, sixty
of the Portuguese made a sally from the castle, forty of whom fought the
enemy with great gallantry, while the other twenty remained in the
ditch, each of whom carried a small leather bag full of powder and a
lighted match. These men cut open the cotton bales, into each of which
they put a handful of powder, which they fired, so that in a short time
several of the bags were set on fire; and the whole continued burning
for two days. Those who sallied out upon the enemy maintained the fight
for more than three hours, during which time they killed 190 Turks and
wounded as many more, losing only two of their own number.
SECTION VI.
_Farther particulars of the siege, to the retreat of the Turks, and the
commencement of their Voyage back to Suez._
On the 27th of October five Portuguese _foists_ arrived at Diu, which
took a Turkish vessel of the same kind, and landed succours for the
besieged, but were unable to get into the harbour, as some of the cannon
formerly mentioned commanded its entrance, by ranging past the end of
the castle. The 29th the Pacha ordered out forty boats filled with
Turks, having some small cannon in each, in order to assault a small
fort or bulwark on the water side in the harbour at some distance from
the castle, the whole defences of which had been mined by the Turkish
artillery, and in which there were only five or six men, who were
relieved daily from the castle by water, the distance being less than a
falcon shot. On the approach of the Turkish boats, the men in this small
fort or bulwark lay down that they might not be seen. On coming to the
place, the Turks ran the bows of their boats on shore, where every thing
lay in ruins to the very edge of the water, and instantly leapt on
shore. The small but gallant party of defenders immediately met them
with two _fire-horns_, and the cannon from the castle played against the
assailants so furiously, that the Turks soon fled. Several of their
boats were sunk, many of the men were drowned, and the garrison of the
castle took a considerable number of prisoners, coming out in one of
their barks and killing or taking them while in confusion on the water.
All those who were taken were hanged next day on the battlements of the
castle.
The whole Turkish forces were drawn out in order of battle on the 30th,
and advanced to that side of the castle next the harbour to make a
general assault, for which purpose they carried a great number of
scaling-ladders. Another party of the Turks mounted the breach on the
land side of the castle, which they could do at pleasure as the place
was entirely opened by the fire of the batteries. But after remaining
there three hours without sufficient courage to enter the place, the
besieged leapt upon the breach and pushed the Turks into the ditch,
killing four hundred of them. On the 31st the _Moorish_ captain[230]
went with eleven gallies to attack the little castle, but was forced to
desist by the cannon from the great castle, which sunk some of his
vessels.
[Footnote 230: This person has been several times mentioned under this
title, as a principal officer under Solyman Pacha, but we have no
indications by which to conjecture who he was.--E.]
On the 2d of November, the _Sanjak_ with the janizaries and all the
rest of the Turks embarked, leaving all their artillery behind, which
they had not time to carry off. This was occasioned by receiving news
that the Portuguese fleet was advancing in order of battle. The 5th,
twenty sail of Portuguese vessels appeared in sight, and came to anchor
twenty miles distance from the Turkish fleet. In the morning only three
of these ships were seen at a distance, at which time the Turks put off
from the land: But at sunrise many ships were seen, which shot off a
great number of guns, though nothing could be perceived but the flash of
the powder. Upon this the Pacha gave orders for each of his gallies to
fire three guns; after which, the trumpets were sounded, all the ships
hoisting their foresails and plying their oars. This was done at one
o'clock at night, and at four the whole fleet departed with hardly any
wind, and by day-break had run 30 miles, shaping their course S.S.W.
The 7th, we sailed forty miles in the same direction, the weather being
still calm. The 8th, we proceeded 30 miles W. during the day, and 20 in
the night. The 9th, we went 20 miles W. and this day the Christians had
their irons taken off. The 10th, we made no way, the weather being a
dead calm. The 11th, the wind blew from the W.S.W. We stood to N.W.
advancing 30 miles in the day and night. The 12th, the wind being N.W.
by N. we entered the gulf of Ormuz[231] and then sailed W.S.W. advancing
all that day and night only 30 miles. The 13th, we proceeded W. 70 miles
by day and 90 during the night. The 14th, 100 miles during the day and
as much in the night. The 15th, 80 by day and 80 by night. The 16th, 80
by day and 70 in the night. The 17th, 90 in the day and 80 in the night.
The 18th, 100 in the day and 70 in the night. The 19th, 70 by day and 80
by night; all this time the course being due west. The 20th, we sailed
W. by S. 90 miles, and saw land to windward, and proceeded 100 miles in
the night. The 21st, we sailed W. by S. 80 miles by day and 50 in the
night. The 22d, continuing the same course, we went only 10 miles during
the day, and 20 in the night. The 23d it fell a calm, and we proceeded
along the coast of Arabia, 30 miles in the day and 20 in the night. On
the 24th, the calm continued and we had adverse currents, yet proceeded
along the coast of Arabia 30 miles, and came to the islands of _Curia
Muria_[232], which are very desert and thinly inhabited. We staid here
one day and took in a supply of water. The fleet departed from these
islands on the 26th, sailing along the coast of Arabia towards the Red
Sea, 30 miles in the day and 30 at night.
[Footnote 231: That part of the gulf may be here understood which is on
the outside of the Straits of Ormuz, or the bay between Cape Ras-al-gat,
or the coast of Muscat, and the Persian shore: Yet, from the after part
of the voyage this could hardly be the case, and we ought perhaps to
read in this part of the text the _Arabian Sea_, or that part of the
Indian ocean which stretches across the mouths of the Indus, from the
western coast of Guzerat towards the coast of Arabia.--E.]
[Footnote 232: In the text of the Aldus this place is called by mistake
the town of Khamaran, which is a very different place within the Red
Sea, but in Ramusio it is rightly named Curia Muria. These islands, are
in lat. 17° 30' on the oceanic coast of Yemen or Yaman, and are likewise
named the islands of Chartan and Martan.--E.]
SECTION VII.
_Continuation of the Voyage back to Suez, from the Portuguese factory at
Aser, to Khamaran and Kubit Sharif_.
At the second hour of the night on the 27th of November, the fleet cast
anchor in six fathoms water off a town on the coast of Arabia named
_Aser_[233], a barren desert place, where both men and cattle are forced
to live on fish. At this place was found forty Portuguese with a consul
or factor, who resided here for trade, besides other merchants who come
frequently with spice and other things. But their chief trade was in
horses, which are here excellent; being to be had at about 100 ducats
each, and sell in India for 1000 ducats. As soon as the sheikh of this
place understood that Solyman Pacha was coming there with his fleet, he
caused all the Portuguese at the factory to be seized, and presented
them to the Pacha, who made them all be chained to the oars. We here
found a ship which had staid there by the way, being unable to proceed
to India. We remained here three days, and the Pacha seized all the
biscuit which could be procured for the use of the fleet. It may be
proper to notice, that in every place at which the fleet touched in this
return voyage, the Turks gave out that they had conquered the whole
country of India, and had cut all the Christians to pieces. The 1st
December, the fleet departed, holding a courses W.S.W. along the coast
of Arabia, and sailing 40 miles cast anchor before night at a place
called _Mikaiya_, and took in water. The 2d, continuing along the coast
of Arabia, we proceeded W.S.W. 30 miles in the day, and 10 in the night.
The 3d, 40 miles by day and 50 in the night. The 4th, 70 in the day and
30 in the night. The 5th, we went 60 miles farther, and by nine o'clock
in the night cast anchor off the town of _Adem_ or _Aden_.
[Footnote 233: About the distance rather vaguely indicated in the text,
is a place called _Dhofar_ on the coast of Yemen, and perhaps the text
ought to have been _D'Afer_.--E.]
On the 6th, the Pacha sent in the morning for a renegado Turk, formerly
a Christian and a person of some note, and without assigning any cause
ordered his head to be cut off. The reason was they all murmured, and
the Pacha feared this man might accuse him of negligence or cowardice,
and was therefore determined to be beforehand with him. This man had
formerly been in the service of the sheikh of Aden, and was afterwards a
captain at Diu, when the former king Badur was slain by the Portuguese.
The widow of Badur being possessed of a great treasure and desirous of
retiring to Mecca, was persuaded by this man to embark with him in a
galleon, with which he treacherously sailed to Egypt, whence he carried
the treasure to Constantinople and presented it to the sultan; who,
because of his conversance in the affairs of India, made him commander
of a galley, and ordered him to return to India with the fleet under
Solyman Pacha: And as the expedition succeeded so ill it now cost him
his life. Being desirous to secure Aden, the Pacha caused 100 pieces of
cannon of different sizes to be landed from the fleet, among which were
two _passe-volants_ that had been taken out of the Venetian gallies at
Alexandria. He likewise landed an ample supply of powder and ball, and
left a Sanjak with 500 Turks and five _foists_[234]. Thinking himself
now out of danger from the pursuit of the Portuguese fleet, the Pacha
removed from the half galley and returned to the _maon_. On the 19th,
every thing being arranged at Aden, the fleet took in water, which
occupied them during three days; and on the 23d we sailed from Aden with
a good wind, steering W. by S. and between the evening and morning
proceeded 100 miles. The 24th at the 5th hour of the day, the fleet
entered the straits of the Red Sea, and lay all night at anchor. On the
25th, being Christmas, we departed three hours before day, and sailing
to the N.W. with a scant wind, we ran 50 miles and came to a castle
called _Mokha_. The same day, an old Turk who was governor of the castle
came to wait upon Solyman, who received him with great honour and gave
him a caftan. In return the governor sent every kind of refreshment that
the place could supply to the Pacha; and came a few days afterwards on
board with all his riches, which were very great, besides many slaves of
both sexes.
[Footnote 234: These _fouts_, so often mentioned in this chapter, were
probably _grabs_ or _jerbs_, a large species of barks employed in their
navigations by the Arabs of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf.--E.]
From Mokha the Pacha sent a messenger to the sheikh or king of Zabid,
who was a Turk named _Nokoda Hamet_, commanding him to come immediately
to the sea-side and pay his obeisance to the sultan. The sheikh sent
back for answer, that he was ready to pay the tribute due to the sultan,
and would willingly accept a Sanjak or banner if sent to him; but that
he did not know the Pacha and would not come to the sea-side. The Pacha
was much displeased at this, yet sent his Kiahya and some janizaries to
Zabid, which is three days journey inland, to carry a standard to the
sheikh. In return the sheikh made him a rich present, in which was a
splendid scymeter and dagger, with some beautiful pearls of six carats
forming a string above a foot in length, besides one fine pearl of
eighteen carats: for a great deal of fine oriental pearls are found in
this coast of Arabia. He likewise gave each of the Turks two rich-vests
or caftans, and a young black slave. The Kiahya made him many
compliments, and entreated him to wait upon the Pacha; but the sheikh
would on no account consent. Finding that he could not prevail upon him,
the Kiahya said, "Since you will not go to the Pacha, he will come to
you:" And so took his leave and returned to Mokha.
We remained twenty-nine days at Mokha, which we left at sunrise on the
23d of January 1539 with a brisk gale, and sailed W. by N. till noon;
when the wind altered and we proceeded N.W. going in all 100 miles that
day. The 24th we continued to the N.W. under easy sail with a fair wind
30 miles during the day; and by the sixth hour of the night, we cast
anchor at the island of _Khamaran_, 20 miles farther. The Pacha landed
on the 29th, and gave pay to all the janizaries who were willing to
fight, but nothing was given to the slaves and mariners. The 2d of
February, the weather being calm, we left Khamaran by the help of our
oars, and came about six o'clock to a place on the coast called _Kubit
Sarif_[235], 20 miles from Khamaran.
[Footnote 235: In the edition of Aldus, this place is here named
_Khebiccairf_; but afterwards Kubit Sarif as in the text. In Ramusio it
is named _Kobbat Sharif_, signifying the noble dome, which is probably
the right name.--Astl. I. 98. a.]
SECTION VIII
_Transactions of the Pacha at Zabid, and continuation of the Voyage from
Kubit Sarif_.
On the 3d of February, the day after our arrival at Kubit Sarif, a Turk
in the service of the sheikh of Zabid[236] revolted with fifty horse and
came to the Pacha, who received him kindly and gave him presents. This
man encamped with his followers on the shore, and we noticed that in
this country they had their horses in armour, to defend them against
darts and arrows which are their chief weapons. The Pacha landed on the
fourth, ordering his men to be got ready with provisions and ammunition,
in order to march for Zabid, and directed some light pieces of artillery
to be put on carriages to accompany him. The Pacha set out on his march
on the 19th, three hours before day on horseback, and was joined on the
road by another Turk with fifty horse, who had deserted from the sheikh.
Him the Pacha made free, and continued his march. He encamped on the
20th on the outside of the city of Zabid, and sent a message to order
the sheikh to wait upon him. Seeing himself betrayed by many of his own
people, and distrusting the fidelity of the rest, the sheikh came forth
with a cord about his neck, as the slave of the grand signior, and
presented himself before the Pacha, who immediately commanded his head
to be cut off. On this the people of the city, to the number of three
hundred men, fled to the mountains, among whom were three chiefs with
all their riches, which were very considerable, yet knew not where to
go. The Pacha sent to tell those who had escaped, that they ought to
return and join him, promising to enroll them among his troops and to
give them good pay. Accordingly there came back 200 _black
Abissins_[237], who had been soldiers in the service of the sheikh.
These were valiant desperate fellows almost naked, who did not value
their lives, and were almost as swift as horses. For arms, some carried
clubs of the cornel tree headed with iron, others had pointed stakes
which they used like darts, others again had short swords, a span
shorter than those used by the Christians, and everyone had a dagger at
his girdle, bent like those used, by the Moors and Arabs. The Pacha
asked every one his name, which he caused to be written down, and with
higher pay than they had received before. He then dismissed them, with
orders to return next morning without arms to receive their pay, when
they were all to be admitted to kiss his hand, on which occasion they
would have no use for their arms. The Abissins accordingly presented
themselves at the time appointed, and being ordered to lay down their
arms, they went to wait upon the Pacha who was sitting near his tent on
the plain, surrounded by his Turks under arms. They were no sooner
within the circle, than a previously concerted signal was given, and
they were all instantly cut to pieces.
[Footnote 236: This name is differently written Zibit, Zebit, and
Zebeyd. It is a town of the Tehamah on the western coast of Arabia, in
lat. 15° 2O', about 30 miles from the Red Sea, inland from the large bay
formed by the isle of Khamaran.--E.]
[Footnote 237: Probably negroes, imported from the coast of Abyssinia,
Massua and Arkike, the gates or entry into that country being on the
opposite coast of the Red Sea.--E.]
After this bloody scene, the Pacha placed a Sanjak with 1000 soldiers in
Zabid to retain it under subjection. The city is well built, and the
country round is pleasant and fertile, abounding in running water,
delightful gardens, and abundance of productions that are not to be
found in any other part of Arabia; particularly Zibibs like those of
Damascus, which have no stones, and other excellent fruits, such as
dates. Flesh, is to be had in plenty, and corn is not scarce.
On the 8th of March 1539, the Pacha returned to the coast, whence he
ordered ammunition to be sent to Zabid to secure his acquisition, and
appointed foot _foists_ to remain as a guard for that part of the coast.
The 10th the Pacha ordered the Portuguese prisoners, to the number of
146 in all, reckoning some Indian converts, to be brought bound on
shore; and having distributed them among his troops, all their heads
were cut off by his command. The head of the chief[238] was flayed, and
the skin was salted and filled with straw. The noses and ears of all the
rest were cut off, and put into bags, to be sent to the sultan. On the
13th the Kiahya departed in company with another galley for
_Zadem_[239], whence he was to go to Constantinople by way of Mecca,
with an account of the expedition to India, carrying with him the heads,
noses, and ears, besides magnificent presents for the sultan, to make it
appear that the Pacha had performed great exploits and mighty services.
[Footnote 238: Pacheco most probably, formerly mentioned, who
surrendered in a cowardly manner at Diu.--E.]
[Footnote 239: Formerly called Zidem, but it ought to be Jiddah, Joddah,
or Juddah, as differently pronounced: Yet Barthema, Corsali, Barbosa,
and other travellers of those times call it Zidem or Ziden; doubtless by
corruption. Thus likewise _Yamboa, Yembo_, or _Al Yambo_, the sea port
of Medinah, is named _Elioban_ by Barbosa, transposing the letters
instead of _El Jambo_.--Astl. I. 99. a.]
On the 15th of March we departed from Kubit Sarif, and cast anchor at
sunset at a place called _Kor_, five miles from the land and 100 miles
from Kubit Sarif. We departed from the island of Kor on the 16th an hour
before day with a fair wind and pleasant breeze, and sailing along the
coast of Arabia came to anchor at sunset in 8 fathoms water at _Zerzer_,
70 miles from Kor, a place subject to Mecca. At this place the three
persons who had fled from Zabid with their riches were brought to the
Pacha, who caused their heads to be cut off, and seized their treasure,
which filled six large sacks, each of which was a sufficient load for
any single man.
The 17th we sailed along the coast with a pleasant gale, which became
contrary an hour before sunset, when we cast anchor in 8 fathom-water,
at a place called _Adiudi_, 50 miles from Zerzer. We departed from
thence on the 18th two hours before day, and coasted along the land
till noon, when we anchored in a good port named _Mugora_, in 4 fathoms
water, 50 miles from Adiudi, where we got wood and water. An hour before
day on the 19th, we departed by means of our oars, the wind being
contrary; but at sunrise the wind became fair, and we sailed 50 miles
along shore to a place called _Darboni_, where we came to anchor in 7
fathoms water. Being calm, we coasted along by rowing till noon, when a
breeze sprang up, and then using our sails, we came to anchor in 10
fathoms water by sunset at a place called _Yasuf_, belonging to Mecca.
On the 21st we proceeded 60 miles, and anchored in 40 fathoms, at a
place called _Khofadan_, in the dominions, of Mecca. The 22d the
navigation being much encumbered with sand banks, so thick together and
intricate that it was hardly possible to sail in the day, the Pacha
ordered six gallies to lead-the way, and we came to a shelf or shoal
called _Turakh_. The 23d we coasted along, still among shoals, the
channel being so narrow that only one galley could pass at a time; and
cast anchor at a place named _Salta_ in 4 fathoms, having ran fifty
miles. Sailing 30 miles farther along the coast on the 24th, we anchored
at noon in the port of _Mazabraiti_ in 6 fathoms, near a place called
_Ariadan_ inhabited by peasants who are subject to Mecca. On the 25th we
weighed anchor early, and endeavoured to proceed along the coast; but
the wind getting up at sunrise and proving contrary, we had to stand out
to sea till noon, when we again made for the land, off which we cast
anchor early in the evening.
SECTION IX.
_Continuation of the Voyage to Suez, along the Arabian Shore of the Red
Sea_.
We remained at anchor during the whole of the 26th and proceeded two
hours before day of the 27th, in very pleasant weather, and at eight
o'clock, having sailed 30 miles, we anchored in 4 fathoms at a place
called _Yusuma_. The 28th we coasted along the land till noon with a
fair wind, and then entered among certain banks two miles from the
shore, where we could not let go our anchors for fear of losing them,
being off a place named _Mukare_, 30 miles from Yusuma. The 29th, still
coasting along, we came among other shoals called _Balir_, thirty-five
miles farther on. The 30th continuing along shore till evening, we
anchored in 12 fathoms at a place called _Mukhi_, having proceeded 35
miles. Departing on the 31st with a calm two hours before day, the wind
springing up at sunrise, and in the evening we came to _Ziden_ or
_Jiddah_ the sea-port of Mecca. The Pacha landed on the 1st of April,
and pitched his tents on the outside of the town, where he rested four
days. On the 7th he rode away for Mecca, on pilgrimage, leaving orders
for the fleet to proceed to Suez[240]. On the 8th the fleet was driven
two miles out to sea by a contrary wind, and was obliged to come to
anchor among the shoals. Remaining here till the 11th, we made sail with
a fair wind, and at the _twentieth_ hour came into the port of _Contror
Abehin_, where one of our gallies was sunk in attempting to double a
point of land. At this place a carpenter belonging to the Venetian
gallies of Alexandria, named Mark, turned Mahometan and remained behind.
Having staid here two days, we proceeded again with a fair wind along
shore, and cast anchor in 12 fathoms at a place called _Amomuskhi_, 70
miles farther. Setting sail on the 15th two hours before day, the
_Moorish captains_ galley got aground on a bank, but was towed off by
the boats belonging to the other ships, without having received any
damage. We then coasted along the land 30 miles, to a place called
_Raban_ or _Robon_, where we cast anchor in 13 fathoms. From the 16th to
the 20th both inclusive, we left this place every day, and were always
forced to return by contrary winds. The 21st we departed with an off
shore wind; but at the sixth hour of the day were again driven towards
the coast by a contrary wind, and obliged to put in among certain banks
where we remained all night.
[Footnote 240: It does not appear that the Pacha ever rejoined his
fleet. It has been already mentioned from De Faria, that on his return
to Turkey he was reduced to the necessity of killing himself. "Cruel and
tyrannical men like him, says De Faria, should always be their own
executioners."--E.]
The 22d we coasted along by favour of a land breeze; but the wind coming
contrary were obliged to anchor at a place called _Farsi_, having only
advanced 16 miles. The 23d we continued along the coast till noon, when
the wind changed full in our teeth, and we had to come to anchor at a
place named _Sathan_, having sailed 25 miles that day. The 24th we
proceeded along the coast till noon, when the wind became again
contrary, and we were driven to the coast, and came to _Lorma_, 30 miles
beyond Sathan. We rowed along shore against the wind on the 25th, and
came at evening to _Yamboa_[241]. This place affords provisions,
particularly fish and dates. Their water is kept in cisterns, and has to
be brought on camels from a place a days journey distant, as there are
no wells or springs. A days journey[242] inland from this place is a
large town named _Medinah_, or _Medinat al Nubi_, where is the sepulchre
of Mahomet, though commonly said to be at Mecca[243]. We remained at
Yamboa six days, and set sail at four o'clock on the 1st of May; but
after proceeding only 10 miles the wind became contrary, and we had to
anchor among some shoals, where we staid two days. During the 3d and
4th, we had to stand off and on, beating up against a contrary wind; and
so continued for _six_ days, advancing only eight miles in all that
time. The 10th and 11th, the wind being still contrary, we made only 10
miles, and anchored in a different place. Proceeding along the coast on
the 13th, we came up with a galleon which left _Zabid_ before the rest
of the fleet. The pilots name was _Mikali_, and some of those on board
belonged to the Venetian gallies of Alexandria.
[Footnote 241: Called _Jombu_ in the edition of Aldus, and _Jambut_ by
Rarmusio. This is Yembo, Yambo, or Yamboa, the Italians using the _J_
instead of the _Y_. Yamboa is the port of _Medina, Medinah_, or _Medinat
al Nubi_, signifying _the city_, or the city of the prophet.--Astl. I.
100. c.]
[Footnote 242: Medina is at least 90 miles inland from Yamboa, which
cannot be less than _three_ ordinary days journeys.--E.]
[Footnote 243: This error has been long since corrected, yet many
travellers still persist in placing the tomb of Mahomet at Mecca.--Astl.
I. 100. d.--Christian travellers are debarred from visiting the holy
cities of Mecca and Medina. At Mecca the grand object of pilgrimage is
the _Caaba_ or holy house, containing _a black stone_, the remains of
the ancient Pagan superstition of the Arabians: Perhaps the same with
the _Lingam_ or _Priapus_ of the Hindoos.--E.]
The 14th, we sailed 10 miles[244] along the coast, and cast anchor in 7
fathoms at a place named _Sikhabo_. The 15th we sailed 70 miles N.W. and
came to anchor in the open sea. The 16th, we sailed along the coast 30
miles, and anchored at a place named _Buducktor_ or _Bubuktor_. The 17th
sailing 30 miles along the coast, we anchored in 20 fathoms in the open
sea, near an island called _Yenamani_. Going 20 miles along shore on the
18th, we anchored for the night off _Khifate_. We proceeded 50 miles
along shore on the 19th, and anchored at _Molin_. The 20th, we anchored
at sea 25 miles farther. Proceeding 48[245] miles on the 21st along
shore, we anchored in the evening out at sea. The 22d, after sailing 10
miles, we anchored again at sea. Being in a very bad anchorage, we
proceeded again on the 24th with a tolerably good wind. The half galley
left an anchor and three cables at this last anchorage, and one galley
ran aground but was got off. After advancing only 10 miles, we came to
anchor in 8 fathoms with good ground, and remained two days. Proceeding
85 miles along the coast on the 26th, we came to anchor in a road-stead.
[Footnote 244: In Ramusio this distance is made 60 miles.--Astl. I. 100.
e.]
[Footnote 245: Only 40 miles, in the copy published by Ramusio.--Astl.
I. 100. f.]
SECTION X.
_Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez, and return of the Venetians to
Cairo_.
On the 27th of May we proceeded on our voyage, sailing W.N.W. At noon we
were abreast of _Tor_ or _Al Tor_, and continued our course for two
hours after night-fall, when the wind came foul, on which we lay too
till day-light, when the _Moorish captain_ set sail again, and the other
gallies weighed anchor and hoisted their foresails. After running 100
miles we came to shoal water where we cast anchor in 6 fathoms, and
remained five days waiting for a fair wind. Leaving the bank on the 3d
of June, and holding on our course, we cast anchor sometimes on the
western coast[246] and sometimes on the eastern, having contrary winds,
and on the 15th we arrived at _Korondol_, where Pharaoh and his host
were drowned, and where are the baths of Moses as they are called. We
took in water at this place, where we staid two days. The 16th, the
fleet sailed from Korondol, and continuing its course for two days
together, we arrival at Suez on the 17th of May 1589, whence we had set
out on the 27th of June in the former year.
[Footnote 246: In the original called the _Abyssinian_ coast, but
certainly that of Egypt.--E.]
On the day of our arrival, we began to draw the barks on shore. The 2d
of June we began to haul up the large galley, and next the half galley
of the Pacha, all the rest being unrigged and drawn up successively. On
this occasion the whole labour rested on the Christians, who acted as
porters and worked all the tackle for unloading, cleaning and unrigging
all the vessels: In short the entire fatigue lay upon their shoulders.
On the 16th, the _Lemin_[247] came and paid off all the seamen,
Christians as well as Turks, giving 180 maidans to each. The 19th of
August, the _Emin_, accompanied by seven boats, went to Tor to pay off
the gallies which remained behind, taking with him all the best and
strongest of the Christian mariners to navigate these gallies to Suez,
as they were in a manner disarmed, many of their crews having died and
others run off. At Tor all were paid off, and the Christians were
distributed among the gallies, which they brought up to Suez on the 20th
of October, and were all drawn up by the Christians, who worked hard
both day and night. On the 26th, all the gallies being hauled up, the
cables, rigging, tackle, iron work, planks, small cannon, and all the
other stores were carried into the castle of Suez.
[Footnote 247: In Ramusio the _Emin_, who is an officer of the treasury,
or the pay-master.--Astley, I. 101. a.--Probably _Al Emin_, and
originally written in _Italian L'Emin_.--E.]
The Red Sea, from Suez to its mouth extends 1800 miles in length; the
coast running all the way from N.W. to S.E.[248] This gulf is 200 miles
broad, and in some places more. In its whole length it is full of banks,
shoals, and shelves, towards the land on both sides, so that it cannot
be navigated by night, except in the middle. These obstructions are so
intricately disposed that the channels can only be discovered by the
eye, nor can the proper course be taken except by means of an
experienced pilot standing constantly on the _prow_, and calling out
_starboard_ or _larboard_[249] according to circumstances. Owing to
this, the return voyage does not admit of being described so accurately
as the outward bound. There are two distinct kinds of pilots for this
sea; the one being acquainted with the middle of the gulf, which is the
passage outwards; and the others, called _Rubani_, are for ships
returning from the ocean, and navigating within the shoals. These are
such excellent swimmers, that in many places where they cannot cast
anchor on account of foul ground, they will swim under water and fix the
gallies within the shoals, and will often even fasten the prows under
water, according to the nature of the place[250].
[Footnote 248: From Suez to the Straits of _Bab-al-Mandub_, the direct
distance is about 1590 statute English miles, or 1200 geographical
miles, 60 to the degree. From the Straits to _Cape Guardafu_ is about
433 English miles farther, or 375 geographical: Making in all 1825 of
the former and 1575 of the latter. The direction is S.S.E.--E.]
[Footnote 249: In the original Italian, _Orza_ and _Poggia_, being the
names of the ropes at the yard-arms which are hauled when these words
are pronounced.--Astl. I. 101. b.]
[Footnote 250: The expression in the text is not very obvious, but seems
to indicate that these _Rubani_ are such excellent divers as to be able
to fasten ropes or hausers to the rocks below water.--E.]
On the 28th. of November 1539, the Christians belonging to the Venetian
gallies left Suez, and arrived at Cairo on the 1st of December, where
they were lodged in the same house that they had formerly occupied. Each
of them was allowed half a _maidan_ daily for subsistence, which is
equal to about twopence of Venice. They here suffered great affliction
and fatigue, as whatever laborious work was to be performed was devolved
upon them. Clearing out the water-cisterns, levelling hills, putting
gardens in order, new buildings, and such like, all fell to their share.
On the 25th of March 1540, many of the Christians went from Cairo with a
guard of Turks to a hill or mount two miles from the Nile, which seemed
to have been a burying-place like the _Campo Santo_, where every year,
on the Friday before our _Lady of August_[251], a vast number of people
assemble to see dead bodies rise out of the ground. This resurrection
begins on Thursday evening, and lasts till Saturday at six o'clock,
during which time great numbers rise; but after that no more appear.
When they do rise, some are rolled about with linen bandages in the
manner in which the ancients swathed their dead. It must not be imagined
that these dead bodies move, and still less that they walk about. But,
one instant you may observe and touch the arm or the leg of one, or some
other part, and going away for a moment, you will find at your return
the part you had formerly seen and touched still more exposed, or
farther out of the ground than at first; and this will happen as often
as you make the experiment. On that day, many tents are pitched about
this mount, and thither many persons repair, sick as well as healthy;
and near this place there is a pond in which the people bathe on the
Friday night, in order to get cured of their infirmities. _For my own
part, I did not see these miracles_.
[Footnote 251: The 15th of August, the Assumption of the Virgin.--E.]
CHAPTER III.
THE VOYAGE OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM GOA TO SUEZ, IN 1540, WITH THE
INTENTION OF BURNING THE TURKISH GALLIES AT THAT PORT. WRITTEN BY DON
JUAN DE CASTRO, THEN A CAPTAIN IN THE FLEET; AFTERWARDS GOVERNOR-GENERAL
OF PORTUGUESE INDIA[252].
INTRODUCTION.
Don Juan or Joam De Castro, the author of the following journal, was a
Portuguese nobleman born in 1500; being the son of Don Alvaro de Castro,
governor of the Chancery, and Donna Leonora de Noronha, daughter of Don
Joam de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes. In his youth, Don Juan de Castro
served with reputation at Tangier, and on his return home had a
commandery of 500 ducats of yearly revenue conferred upon him, which was
all he was ever worth, though a man of high birth and rare merit. He
afterwards served under the Emperor Charles V. in his expedition against
Tunis, and refused his share of a pecuniary reward from that prince to
the Portuguese officers on the expedition, saying that he served the
king of Portugal, and accepted rewards only from his own sovereign.
After this he commanded a fleet on the coast of Barbary, and was sent to
join the fleet of Spain for the relief of Ceuta. On hearing that the
Moors were approaching, the Spaniards wished to draw off, on pretence of
consulting upon the manner of giving battle, but Don Juan refused to
quit his post; and the Moors retired, not knowing that the fleets had
separated, so that he had all the honour of relieving Ceuta.
[Footnote 252: Astley, I. 107. Purchas, II. 1422.]
When Don Garcia de Noronha went viceroy to India, Don John was captain
of one of the ships in his fleet; and when about to embark, the king
sent him a commission by which he was appointed governor of Ormuz, and a
gift of 1000 ducats to bear his charges till he obtained possession. He
accepted the latter, because he was poor; but refused the government,
saying that he had not yet deserved it. After the expedition to
Suez[253], contained in the present chapter, he returned into Portugal,
and lived for some time in retirement in a country house near Cintra,
giving himself up entirely to study. He was recalled from this retreat
by the advice of the infant Don _Luys_, and sent out governor-general to
India in 1545; where he died with the title of viceroy in 1548, when 48
years of age. We shall hereafter have occasion to speak farther of this
great man, who made himself illustrious in the _second_ siege of Diu by
the forces of the king of Guzerat. In his life, written by _Jacinto
Freire de Andrada_, there is a particular account of this siege, with a
map to illustrate its operations. The author also treats of the
Discoveries, Government, Commerce, and affairs of the Portuguese in
India. This book was translated into English, and published in folio at
London in 1664.
[Footnote 253: De Faria in his Portuguese Asia, says that Don Juan went
up to Mount Sinai, where his son Don Alvaro was knighted. But this does
not appear in his journal.--Astl. I. 107. a.]
Such was the illustrious author of the following journal, which was
never published in Portuguese; but having been found, if we are rightly
informed, on board a Portuguese ship taken by the English, was
afterwards translated and published by Purchas. Purchas tells us that
the original was reported to have been purchased by Sir Walter Raleigh
for sixty pounds; that Sir Walter got it translated, and afterwards, as
he thinks, amended the diction and added many marginal notes. Purchas
himself reformed the style, but with caution as he had not the original
to consult, and abbreviated the whole, in which we hope he used equal
circumspection: For, as it stands in Purchas[254] it still is most
intolerably verbose, and at the same time scarcely intelligible in many
places; owing, we apprehend, to the translator being not thoroughly
acquainted with the meaning of the original, if not to the fault of the
abbreviator. These two inconveniences we have endeavoured to remedy the
best we could, and though we have not been always able to clear up the
sense, we presume to have succeeded for the most part; and by entirely
changing the language, except where the places were obscure, we have
made the journal more fit for being read, and we hope without doing it
any manner of injury[255].
[Footnote 254: Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 1122, under the title of _A
Rutter_, or Journal, &c. from India to Suez, dedicated to the Infant Don
_Luys_.--Astl. I. 107. b.]
[Footnote 255: On the present occasion we have followed the example of
the Editor of Astleys Collection, having employed the original
abbreviated translation by Purchas modernized in the language and
endeavouring to elucidate obscurities; using as our assistance the
version in Astley.--E.]
This expedition was undertaken for two important purposes. _One_, to
carry succours to the emperor of _Habash_ or Abyssinia; and the _other_,
to endeavour to destroy the Turkish ships at Suez. For, soon after the
retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu, it was rumoured that another fleet of
the _Rumes_ or Turks was on its way to India; but as Don Stefano de Gama
was afterwards informed that the Turks could not set out during the year
1540, he determined to be before hand with them, in some measure to be
revenged for the late siege of Diu, and to prevent a second attack by
burning the fleet they had prepared for that purpose. The governors
liberality brought more men to inlist under his banners than he desired,
so that he was enabled to select the best. The fleet consisted of 80
sail of different sorts and sizes, and carried 2000 soldiers besides
mariners and rowers. On coming into the Red Sea, he found most of the
cities and islands abandoned, the inhabitants having notice of his
coming. At Suakem, the sheikh or king, who had retired a league up the
country, amused De Gama with pretences of peace, that he might not
destroy the town and island. In consequence of this delay, De Gama was
prevented from carrying his design into execution of destroying the
ships at Suez; as it afforded time for the Turks to receive intelligence
of the expedition. This is the account given by De Faria; but Bermudas
gives a different reason for the want of success in that design, as De
Gama could not get at the ships, which were all drawn up on the land,
which we have already seen to have been the case, in the journal of the
voyage of Solyman Pacha, in the immediately preceding chapter.
In revenge for the duplicity and delay of the sheikh of Suakem, De Gama
marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don
Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter. He then
plundered the city of Suakem, where many of the private men got booty to
the value of four or five thousand ducats, and then burnt it to the
ground. From thence, he went towards Suez with only sixteen, _Katurs_
or Malabar barges, and sent back the fleet to Massua under the command
of Lionel de Lima. On this occasion, there was a great dispute, as every
one strove to go on this expedition; whence the bay got the name of
_Angra de los Aggraviadas_, or _bay of the offended_. Many gentlemen
went in the barges as private soldiers or volunteers, willing to go in
any capacity if only they were admitted. The number of men on this
fruitless expedition was 250. They plundered and burnt _Cossier_ or _Al
Kossir_; whence crossing to _Tor_ or _Al Tur_, they took some vessels
belonging to the enemy. At first the Turks opposed their landing; but
some of them being slain, the rest abandoned the city, in which nothing
was found of value. De Gama did not burn this town, in reverence for the
relics of St Catharine and the monastery and religious men there, which
he visited at their request. He was the first European commander who had
taken that city, where he knighted several of his followers, an honour
much prized by those who received it, and which was envied; afterwards
even by the emperor Charles V. From thence De Gama proceeded to Suez;
and after many brave but fruitless attempts to sound the harbour, De
Gama determined to go himself in open day to view the gallies. He
accordingly landed and saw the enemies but endeavouring to force his way
towards them, the enemies shot poured thick from the town, and 2000
Turkish horse broke out from an ambush, by which the Portuguese were
reduced to great straits. Though the Portuguese cannon slew a good many
of the enemy, their numbers were so much superior that the Portuguese
were obliged to retreat with some loss, and much grieved that the object
of their expedition was frustrated. Thus far we have deemed necessary to
premise, relative to the design and success of the expedition, from De
Faria and other authors; because the journal of Don Juan de Castro is
almost entirely confined to observations respecting the places visited
in the voyage, and gives little or no information respecting these
particulars.
The _rutter_ or journal must be allowed to be very curious.--The author,
like an exact and diligent navigator, has not only given the course and
distance from one place to another, with the latitudes of the principal
ports and head-lands; but has noticed the minute windings of the coast,
and the situations of islands, with observations on the tides, currents,
shoals, sand-banks, and other particulars respecting the Red Sea. Yet,
far from confining himself to mere nautical remarks, he has given an
account of all the places at which he touched, together with accounts of
the countries and the inhabitants, so far as he was able to collect from
his own observations, or the accounts of such as he was able to converse
with, particularly the natives. Don John hath gone farther yet, and has
even attempted to draw a parallel between the ancient and modern
geography of this sea. If in all points of this last he may not have
succeeded, the great difficulty of the task, owing to the obscurity of
the subject, is to be considered: most of the ancient places having been
destroyed; the ancient names of others long since out of use and
forgotten; and that very little is known of these coasts by Europeans,
even at this day. For these reasons, as the conjectures of the author
are often erroneous respecting the ancient geography, and as at best
they are very uncertain, we shall for the most part _insert them by way
of notes_, with our own remarks respecting them[256]. Whether the
_altitudes_ have been taken by Don Juan with that precision which
geography requires, may also be in some measure questioned; since we
find there was a _crack in the instrument employed_, the size of which
is not mentioned; neither were all the observations repeated. Even if
they had been, it is well known that the observations of those times
were by no means so accurate as those made of late years. After all,
however, the observations in this journal appear to have been made with
a good deal of care, and they cannot fail to be of great service to
geography.
[Footnote 256: In this edition, which has been taken from that by
Purchas, these conjectures of Don Juan de Castro are restored to the
text: but the remarks by the Editor of Astleys Collection are all
retained in notes.--E.]
It is alone by the observations contained in this journal that
geographers are able to determine the extent of the Arabian Gulf or Red
Sea from north to south[257], as well as the situation of its principal
ports on the west side. The latitude of the straits was verified by the
observations of Don Juans pilot. But as most maps and charts give the
situation of Suez, at the northern end of the Red Sea, very different
from that marked in this journal, which is 29° 45' N. it may not be
amiss to examine this point.
[Footnote 257: The modern knowledge of the Red Sea has been much
augmented by the labours of Bruce, Nieubur, Lord Valentia, and others,
which will be given in a future division of our work.--E.]
By several very accurate observations made in 1694, M. Chazelles of the
Royal Academy of Paris found the latitude of Cairo to be 80° 2' 20". The
difference of latitude therefore between Cairo and Suez, will be 17
minutes; which we conceive cannot be very far from the truth, if not
quite exact, since the map published by Dr Pocock makes the difference
about 20 minutes. It is true that in Sicards map of Egypt, and in a
_late_[258] French chart of the _eastern ocean_, Suez is placed only two
or three minutes to the southward of Cairo. But as these authors had no
new observations made at Suez to go by, and seem to have been
unacquainted with those of Don Juan de Castro, their authority can weigh
very little against an express observation, and against Dr Pococks map,
which, among other helps, was constructed upon one made by the natives.
Besides this, in his later maps _De L'isle_ regulates the situation of
Suez according to the latitude found by Don Juan. Indeed Sicard places
Suez nearly in that parallel, but egregiously mistakes the latitude of
Cairo, so that he seems to have given it that position more by chance
than design.
[Footnote 258: It is proper to remark here that the collection of Astley
was published in 1745, _sixty-seven_ years ago.--E.]
This may suffice to support the credit of the observations of latitude
as made by Don Juan, till new and better ones can be made, which we are
not to expect in haste, as European ships now seldom sail any farther
into the Red Sea than _Mokha_ or _Zabid_, for which reason this journal
is the more to be prized. In other respects it is full of variety; and
if some parts of it be dry and unamusing, these make amends by their
usefulness to geographers and navigators, while other parts are
calculated to instruct and give pleasure on other accounts.--_Astley_.
* * * * *
So far the foregoing introduction is taken from Astleys collection. In
our edition of the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, we have used the
earliest known copy as given by Purchas, Vol. II. p. 1122-1148, under the
title of _A Rutter or Journal of Don John of Castro, of the Voyage which
the_ Portugals _made from_ India _to_ Zoes, _&c. and here abbreviated.
The original of which is reported to have been bought by_ Sir Walter
Raleigh, _at sixtie pounds, and by him caused to be done into_ English
_out of the_ Portugal.
Of this Journal Purchas gives the following account in a marginal note,
which is inserted in his own words: "This voyage being occasioned by
sending the Patriarch _Bermudez_ to _Ethiopia_, and relating how that
state decayed, invaded by the _Moores_, and embroiled with civil
discontents, contayning also a more full intelligence of the _Red Sea_,
than any other _Rutter_ which I have seene, I have here added; and next
to it, _Bermudez_ own report, translated, it seemeth, by the same hand
(not the most refined in his _English_ phrase, which yet I durst not be
too busie with, wanting the original) and reduced to our method; here
and there amending, the _English_, which yet in part was done, as I
thinke, and many marginall notes added, by _Sir Walter Raleigh_
himselfe."--In the present edition, while we have adhered closely to
that of Purchas, with the assistance of that in Astleys Collection, we
have endeavoured, _little more busy_ than Purchas, to reduce the
language to a more intelligible modern standard; and have divided it
into _Sections_, in imitation of the editor of Astleys Collection of
Voyages and Travels. On purpose to carry on the series of events, we
have inserted as a necessary introduction, an account of the Portuguese
Transactions in India, from the discontinuance of the siege of Diu and
retreat of Solyman Pacha in November 1538, to the commencement of the
expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to the Red Sea in December 1540, when
the journal of Don Juan de Castro begins; which _first section_ of this
chapter is taken from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria.--E.
SECTION I.
_Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege Diu by the Turks, to
the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez_[259].
Soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu in November 1538, but
in the beginning of the subsequent year 1539, when the new viceroy Don
Garcia de Noronha had returned from his tardy expedition to relieve Diu,
_Don Gonzalo Vaz Confino_[260] came with five small vessels from
_Onore_, where he had been sent by the former governor Nuno de Cuna on
the following occasion. One of the gallies belonging to the fleet of
Solyman Pacha had been forced into the port of Onore[261], and it was
thought the queen of that province, then a widow, had violated the
treaty subsisting between her government and the Portuguese, by giving
protection to that vessel. Gonzalo Vaz called her to account on this
subject, when she declared that the vessel was there against her will,
as she was not in condition to prevent it, but would be glad that it
were taken by the Portuguese. Gonzalo Vaz accordingly made the attempt,
but was repulsed after a sharp engagement, in which he lost fifteen of
his men, and among these his own son Diego Vaz. Gonzalo suspected the
queen of having secretly assisted the enemy, and refused some
refreshments she had sent for the wounded men, returning a rash and
resentful answer mingled with threats. The queen cleared herself of the
imputation, and again offered a treaty of peace with the Portuguese,
which was concluded, and some Portuguese were left by Gonzalo at Onore,
to observe what conduct was pursued by the queen for expelling the
Turks.
[Footnote 259: This section is added from the Portuguese Asia of De
Faria, II. s. et seq. to connect the history of events.--E.]
[Footnote 260: The name of this commander is probably erroneous in the
text, from an error of the press, and ought to have been
_Coutinho_.--E.]
[Footnote 261: Probably the galley already mentioned in the Venetian
Journal, as having separated from the Turkish fleet on the voyage to
Diu, and for which the pilot was executed by command of Solyman.--E.]
Before leaving Diu, and having repaired the fortifications of the
castle, the command of which was given to Diego Lopez de Sousa, pursuant
to a commission from the king of Portugal, a treaty of pacification with
the king of Guzerat was set on foot and concluded, very little to the
advantage of the Portuguese, owing as was generally believed to the
covetousness of Noronha.
The late success of the Portuguese terrified all the princes of India
who had been their enemies. Nizam-al-Mulk and Adel Khan sent ambassadors
to the viceroy to renew the former treaties of peace; and the zamorin,
to obtain the more favourable reception from the viceroy, employed the
mediation of Emanuel de Brito, commandant of the fort at _Chale_. Brito
accordingly promised his interest, and the zamorin sent _Cutiale_ as his
ambassador to Goa accompanied by a splendid retinue, where he was
received by the viceroy with much courtesy and great pomp. Had not the
viceroy fallen sick, he intended to have gone to Calicut, to perform
the ceremony of swearing to the observance of the articles of
pacification and amity which were agreed to upon this occasion; but he
sent his son Don Alvaro on this errand, under the discretion of some
discreet men, as Alvaro was very young. They came to Paniany with a
numerous fleet, where they were met by the zamorin, accompanied by the
kings of Chale and Tanor. The peace was confirmed and ratified with
great demonstrations of joy on both sides, and lasted thirty years to
the great advantage of the Portuguese.
The illness of the viceroy became serious and threatened to end fatally,
insomuch that he could not attend to the affairs of government; for
which reason he proposed that some worthy person might be chosen to
supply his place, and even desired that the choice might fall upon his
son Don Alvaro. This surprised all men as violating the public liberty
of choice, and might have proved of dangerous consequence, had not the
death of the viceroy prevented its adoption. On the death of the
viceroy, the _first_ patent of succession was opened in which Martin
Alfonso de Sousa was named; but he had gone a short while before to
Portugal. On the _second_ being opened, Don Stefano de Gama was therein
named, who then lived in retirement a short way from Goa.
Don Stefano de Gama, who was the son of Don Vasco de Gama the discoverer
of India, entered upon the government in the beginning of April 1540.
The first thing he did was to have his whole property publicly valued,
that it might not be afterwards laid to his charge that he had acquired
riches during his government; and indeed at his death, his fortune was
found considerably diminished. Finding the public treasury very much
exhausted, he advanced a large sum to it from his own funds. In the next
place he refitted the fleet, which had been laid up by his predecessor
after his return from Diu. He likewise founded the college of _Santa
Fe_, or St Faith, at Goa for the education of the heathen youth who were
converted, appointing the vicar-general Michael Vaz as first rector. He
sent his brother Christopher de Gama, to attend to the repair of the
ships at Cochin, and gave notice to several commanders to hold
themselves in readiness to oppose the _Rumes_ or Turks, whose fleet was
reported to be again proceeding towards the western coast of India. But
being afterwards credibly informed that the Turks would not set out
this year, he attended to other affairs.
SECTION II.
_Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-al-Mandab_.[262]
Having expedited all the affairs of his government, and collected an
armament of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, on board which 2000
soldiers were embarked, besides mariners and rowers. Don Stefano de Gama
set sail from the bar of Goa, at sunrise of the 31st December 1540, on
his expedition to Suez. The wind was easterly, blowing from the land,
and they advanced under an easy sail, coming to anchor about ten o'clock
at the mouth of the river _Chaparoa_. Proceeding on their voyage till
the 13th of January 1541, they saw in the morning of that day great
quantities of weeds which grow on the rocks of the sea coast, and soon
afterwards a sea-snake, being indications of the neighbourhood of land;
and when the sun was completely risen, they descried the island of
Socotora, whither they were bound in the first place, bearing due south.
[Footnote 262: We now take up the Rutter or Journal of Don Juan de
Castro, but Purchas has chosen to omit the navigation from the Malabar
coast to the Island of Socotora, _to avoid prolixity_.--E.]
After coming to anchor at this island, I inquired at the principal
pilots of the fleet how far they had reckoned themselves from the land
when we first came in sight. The chief pilot was 90 leagues short; the
pilot of the _Bufora_ galleon 100 and odd; those who made the least were
70 leagues short; and my own pilot, being only 65 leagues, was nearest
in his reckoning. They were all astonished at this difference, and all
affirmed in excuse for their short reckoning, that the way was actually
shorter than was expressed on the charts; with them the Moorish pilots
concurred in opinion, affirming that it was only 300 leagues from Goa to
Socotora[263]. The island of Socotora is 20 leagues in length from east
to west, and 9 leagues broad, being in lat. 12° 40' N. on its north
side. This northern side runs east and west, somewhat inclined towards
the north-west and south-east The coast is all very clear without rocks
and shoals, or any other hinderance to navigation. The anchoring ground
in the road is sand, stony in some places, but not of such a nature as
to cut the cables. On this side the north wind blows with such force as
to raise up great heaps of sand over the hills, even beyond their
highest craggy summits. In the whole circuit of the island there is no
other place or harbour where a ship may winter in safety. The sea coast
all around is very high, and girt with great and high mountains, having
many pyramidal peaks, and having a grand appearance. The tides on the
coast of this island are quite contrary to those on the opposite shore
of India, being flood when the moon rises in the horizon, and as the
moon ascends the tide of ebb begins, and it is dead low water when the
moon comes to the meridian of the island; after which, as the moon
descends, the tide begins to flow; and when set it is full sea. I made
this observation for many days by the sea side, and always found it
thus.
[Footnote 263: The real distance is 430 marine leagues, and the
difference may be easily accounted for by the operation of an eastern
current, not observed or not sufficiently allowed for.--E.]
If I am not deceived, this island of Socotora was in ancient times named
_Dioscorides_, and had a city of the same name, as appears in the
_sixth_ table of Asia by Ptolemy: But by the situation which he has
given it, he appears to have had bad information from navigators[264].
The Socotorians are Christians, their ancestors as they say having been
converted by the holy apostle Thomas. The island has many churches, in
which there is _no oracle_[265] except the cross of Christ. They pray in
the _Chaldean_ tongue; and are very ignorant, but as I was informed they
are desirous of being instructed in the doctrines and ceremonies of the
Romish church, which they confess to be alone good and worthy of being
followed. The men have names like us, as John, Peter, Andrew, &c. that
of the women being generally Mary. The manner of life of these people is
singular, as they have no king, governor, prelate, or other person in
authority, but live in a manner like wild beasts, without any rule, or
order of justice or policy[266].
[Footnote 264: Don Juan omits all mention of the island of _Abdal
Kuria_, about nine leagues E.S.E. of Socotora, with two intersposed
small islands, called _Las Duas Hermanas_ or the Two Sisters.--E.]
[Footnote 265: Probably meaning no images or Christian idols.--E.]
[Footnote 266: Since then they have been subdued by the Arabs.--Astl.]
In the whole island there is no city or great town, and most of the
people dwell in caves, though some have small thatched cottages,
separated from each other, more savage than pastoral. Their food is
flesh and wild dates, and their drink chiefly milk, as they taste water
but seldom. They are much devoted to the cross, and you will hardly meet
a single individual without one hanging from the neck. Their
dispositions are good; their persons tall and straight, their faces
comely but swarthy, the women being somewhat fairer, and of very honest
behaviour. They have no arms either of defence or offence, except very
short swords of dead iron. The men go entirely naked, except a clout of
a certain cloth called _Cambolis_, a considerable quantity of which is
manufactured in the island. The country is very poor, and produces no
other merchandise than _verdigris_[267] and _sanguis draconis_; but the
_verdigris_ is in great abundance, and is esteemed above all. All the
island is mountainous, and breeds abundance of all kinds of cattle like
those of Europe. There is no wheat or rice or other provisions of that
kind, which I believe is not the fault of the ground, but owing to want
of skill and industry in the people; as the land within the external
mountains is fresh, and hath many vallies and plains, very convenient
for culture. They have no manner of navigation, neither do they catch
any fish, though the sea around their coast has an infinite quantity.
They have very few fruit trees, among which the palm tree is chiefly
esteemed, and produces a principal part of their food. The land produces
all kind of garden and medicinal plants, and the mountains are covered
with the herb _Basil_ and other odoriferous herbs.
[Footnote 267: By verdigris is probably meant the Socotorine
aloes.--Purch.]
Leaving Socotora, we were very near Aden in the morning of the 27th of
January 1541, which was to the north-west, distant from us about 6
leagues. The wind being from the east and fair, we sailed W.S.W. and
then knew that the land we had seen the evening before, thinking it an
island, was the mountain of Aden. This mountain is very high and is full
of crags on every side, with some very high peaks, like the hill of
Cintra, having a noble appearance. This hill descends to the sea, into
which it projects a very great and long cape or promontory; on each side
of which there is a deep harbour or bay, the strong city of Aden being
situated on that which is to the east of the cape. In ancient times the
hill was called _Cabubarra_, famous among navigators, and the city of
_Aden_ was then known by the name of _Madoca_. Within these three years,
this city of Aden has fallen under the power of the Turks, being taken
by the treachery of Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo, in the following
manner. At the request of the king of Cambaya and all the inhabitants of
the _Straits of Mecca_[268], the grand Turk sent the governor of Cairo,
Solyman Pacha eunuch, with a great fleet of ships and gallies for India.
On coming to Aden, the king and inhabitants, fearing the treachery of
the Turks, refused to allow them to come into their city, but supplied
them, with all kinds of provisions and necessaries. As Solyman and his
soldiers shewed no resentment, the king became reassured, and after many
messages and declarations of friendship on both sides, consented to an
interview with the Pacha on board his galley, that they might treat
respecting the conquest on which the Pacha was bound. But the king was
made prisoner by Solyman on board the galley; and the Turks landing
possessed themselves of the city, before the gates of which the king was
hanged next day. Whereupon Solyman left a garrison to keep possession of
the city, and proceeded on his voyage to Diu.
[Footnote 268: This singular expression certainly means the Red Sea,
which the Arabs often call the Straits of Mecca, or more properly the
Gulf of Mecca; sometimes Bahr-hejaz, or the Sea of Hejaz, one of the
provinces of Arabia.--E.]
From the Cape of _Guardafu_ on the coast of Africa, anciently called
_Aromata_, and from the opposite promontory of _Siagros_ or Cape
_Fartak_ in Asia, all the sea to the city of _the heroes_, now _Suez_,
is called the _Arabian Gulf_, vulgarly the Red Sea. The distance between
these two promontories may be 58 leagues. From these promontories the
coast on both sides of this sea extends towards the west, nearly at the
same distance, till they come to the two cities of _Aden_ in Arabia; and
_Zeyla_ in Ethiopia or _Abexi_[269]; and from thence the two shores
begin to approximate rapidly, with desert coasts and little winding,
till they almost meet in the straits which are formed by two capes or
promontories; that on the Arabian side being named _Possidium_ by the
ancients, but I could never learn either the ancient or modern name of
that on the side of Ethiopia[270]. This strait between the promontories
is called by the neighbouring people and those who inhabit the coasts of
the Indian ocean _Albabo_[271], which signifies the gates or mouths in
the Arabic language. This strait is _six_ leagues across, in which space
there are so many islands, little islets, and rocks, as to occasion a
suspicion that it was once stopped up. By those straits, sluices, and
channels, there entereth so great a quantity of water, which produces so
many and great creeks, bays, gulfs, and ports, and so many islands, that
we do not seem to sail between two lands, but in the deepest and most
tempestuous lake of the great ocean. Now returning to the mouths of the
strait, which is the object of our description, we are to note that the
land of Arabia at this place stretches out into the sea with a long and
large point or promontory; and as there is a great nook or bay, it
appears on coming from sea as if this cape were an island separate from
the continent. This is what was named the promontory of _Possidium_ by
Ptolemy. Not more than a stones throw from this promontory is a small
islet called the Isle of the _Robones_. For _Roboan_[272]in Arabic
signifies a pilot, and in this isle dwell the pilots who are in use to
direct ships coming from sea to the ports for which they are bound
within the straits. This islet is round and quite flat, about the sixth
part of a league in circuit, and the channel between it and the main
land of Arabia may be crossed on foot at low water; but at one
quarter-flood it becomes too deep for being waded. To seawards from this
little island about a league from the coast is an island about a league
and a half in length, which has a large haven on the side towards
Ethiopia secure in all winds, where a large fleet of gallies may be
safely harboured; but the side of this island towards Arabia has neither
harbour nor landing-place[273]. This channel is easily sailed in the
middle, steering N.W. and by W. from S.E. and by E. having 11 fathoms
all through. It is all clean in every place, without flats, shoals, or
any other obstruction, so that it may be passed on either side or in the
middle. The whole ground is a soft coral rock, with hardly any sand.
Being far within the channel, and going to seek the road or haven for
shelter from the east winds which are here very strong, the depth
somewhat diminishes, but is never less than 9 fathoms.
[Footnote 269: Meaning Abassi, Abyssinia, or Habash.--E.]
[Footnote 270: The cape on the Arabian shore is called Arrah-morah, or
of St Anthony, and that on the African _Jebul al Mondub_, or _Mandab_,
which signifies the Mountain of Lamentation, as formerly explained
respecting _Bab-al-Mandub_, the name of the straits--E.]
[Footnote 271: In Arabic _Al Bab_ is the gate, and _Al Abwah_ the gates.
By the Turks it is called _Bab Bogazi_, a general name for all straits;
and _the babs_ by the English sailors.--Ast.]
[Footnote 272: Rather Roban or Ruban.--Ast.]
[Footnote 273: The island of Prin.--E.]
Besides this channel of the Arabians[274], there are many others by
which we may safely enter the straits; but we shall only mention one
other, which they called the channel of Abyssinia, between the _Island
of the Gates_, or _Prin_, and the promontory opposite to _Possidium_,
which is on the Abyssinian shore, and is about five leagues broad; but
in this space there are six great high islands, which being seen by
sailors while without the straits are apt to put them in fear that there
is no passage that way; but between all these islands there are large
channels of great depth all of which may be taken without danger, or
leaving them all on the right hand, we may pass in safety between them
and the coast of Abyssinia. At noon on the 29th of January 1541, I took
the altitude of the sun, which at its great height rose 62-3/4 degrees
above the horizon, the declination of this day being 15 degrees, whence
the latitude of the promontory _Possidium_ and mouth of the straits is
12° 15' N. The pilot took the same altitude with me, and being taken on
the land, it cannot but be accurate.
[Footnote 274: From this expression it is probable that Don Juan had
described the channel between the island of Pria and the shore of
Arabia, or rather the pilot island.--E.]
SECTION III.
_Continuation of the Voyage, from the Straits of Bab-el-Man-dub, to
Massua_.
On the same night, two hours after midnight, we set sail from the mouth
of the straits, and by day-light on the 30th we saw the land of both the
Arabian and African coasts, being nearer to the latter. The wind blew
hard at E.S.E. till noon, and we sailed to the N.W. and by W. making our
way by a channel between the first islands and the coast of Abyssinia,
till that day unknown to the Portuguese, being about 4 leagues distant
from that coast. An hour after sunrise, we saw a range of islands along
the coast, most of them low, stretching from S.E. to N.W. and which
extended about 60 leagues. Continuing our course in this channel with a
fair wind, we saw many little islands on either side, at whatsoever part
we cast our eyes. In this channel of the _Abyssins_, as it is called,
it is not proper to sail by night, nor unless the wind is in the poop,
as if the wind should change there is not room to turn to windward,
neither can we come to anchor till so far forward _as the first of the
first islands_, when we shall observe to seawards nine little islands,
and from thence forwards the sea remains free and open to seaward, but
towards the land there still are many islands. Some of these islands are
about two leagues distant from the coast, but the greatest part of them
are close to the land. The length of this channel, between the three
first islands and the coast of Abyssinia is about 8 leagues, and the
safest navigation is nearer the continent than the islands: But in my
opinion no one ought to venture upon this passage without a pilot of the
country.
On the 31st day of January we came to a shoal with six fathoms water,
and to seawards of which, over against certain islands called the Seven
Sisters, there is a very dangerous rock as I was told by the Moorish
pilots; so that the safe navigations in this part is to go between the
shoal and the land, and in no case to pass to seawards of the shoal. At
night we came to anchor in a haven named _Sarbo_, or _Sorbo_, in 9-1/2
fathoms water; having all this day seen many little islands close to the
coast. On the 1st of February I landed at the port in this island of
_Sarbo_ taking the pilot and master along with me, that we might all
three take the altitude of the sun. At its greatest height it was scarce
71° above the horizon, and the declination of that day being 13° 56',
the latitude was 15° 7' N. About 24 leagues short of Massua, and 4
leagues from the Abyssinian coast, in lat. 15° N. there is a great
cluster or archipelago of islands, some of which hardly rise above the
surface of the sea, while others are so lofty that they seem to touch
the clouds; and between these there are so many bays, ports, and
harbours, that no wind can annoy us. All of these islands want water,
except one very high island, called _Whale_ Island by the Portuguese,
because it very much resembles one, in which there is water and plenty
of cattle, with a large haven in which ships may winter. Of all these
islands, that which is most out to sea is called in Arabic _Sarbo_,
where we now lay at anchor. The island of Sarbo is about a league in
length and half a league broad, all low land with many low barren trees,
and covered with grass. In every place we found the marks of men and
cattle, but we only saw one camel, for which reason our men called it
the Island of the Camel. Though we sought the whole island with much
diligence we could find no water, except in one well dug in a stone
which seemed intended to contain rain water. Between these islands there
are numerous arms of the sea, reaches, and channels. At sunrise on the
4th of February, we set sail from the port of _Sarbo_. February 7th we
sailed along many islands about three or four leagues distant from the
main land, most of them very low, almost even with the sea. We passed to
seaward of them all about a league, and about even-song time, we saw to
seawards of us a very long range of islands about 5 leagues in extent
and about four leagues from us, which lay N.W. and S.W. as far as I
could discern. The coast all this day trended N.W. and by W. and S.E.
and by E. so that the channel in which we sailed this day was about 5
leagues broad. The greatest part of this day I caused the lead to be
constantly thrown, always having 25 fathoms on an ouze bottom.
Two hours after sunrise on the 8th of February we set sail, steering
mostly to the N.W. and at sunset we were nearly entered into the channel
between that point of _Dallac_ which looks to the continent, and an
island called _Shamoa_[275]. But as night was coming on, and many of the
galleons were far astern, so that it might be difficult for them to hit
the channel, and as besides the wind was now scarce, we took in our
sails, and with our foresails only _we went rummore_[276], sailing to
the south-east, and two hours after night-fall we cast anchor in 40
fathoms water the ground ouzing. All this day we saw many islands along
the coast, so low and flat that they seemed to have no surface above
water. The coast stretched N.W. and S.E. to a low point which is as far
forward as the island of _Dallac_. On doubling this point, a great bay
or creek penetrates ten or twelve leagues into the land.
[Footnote 275: In Purchas these two last mentioned places are named
Dalaqua and Xamea, the Portuguese expressing our _k_ by _qu_, and our
_sh_ by _x_; but we have preferred the more ordinary mode of spelling in
modern geography.--E.]
[Footnote 276: This expression is absolutely unintelligible, but in the
context the ship is said to have returned to the south-east. It is used
on a subsequent occasion apparently in the same sense, and perhaps means
beating to windwards or drifting to leeward.--E.]
The Island of Dallac is very low land, almost level with the sea, having
no mountain or any other height. In the common opinion it is 25 leagues
long by 12 in breadth. The side of the island opposite to the south
stretches E.S.E. and W.N.W. being all the coast which I could see, and
along the coast lay great numbers of little islands, all very low, and
having the same direction with the coast. I only went along this coast
of the island seven leagues, at two leagues from the land, and though
the lead was often cast I never found ground. The metropolitan city or
chief town is situated almost on the point of the island which lieth on
the west side, and is a frontier to Abyssinia. It is called _Dallaca_,
whence the island took its name. _Dallac_, in the Arabic language
signifies _ten lacs_, because in former times the custom-house of this
city yielded that sum yearly to the king. Every Arabian _lac_ is 10,000
Xerephines; so that _ten lacs_ are worth 40,000 crusadoes[277]. The west
point of the island, opposite to Abyssinia, is distant from the
continent about 6 or 7 leagues, and in this space there are five very
flat islands. The first of these, one league from the point, called
_Shamoa_, is two leagues in circuit, and contains some springs and
wells. Between this island of _Shamoa_ and the western point of Dallac,
is the principal and most frequented channel for going to _Massua_. In
this channel the water is 70 fathoms deep. The land of this island is
red, and produces few trees, but plenty of grass. The king of it and all
his people are Moors. He resides most part of the year at Massua,
because of the trade which he carries on with the Abyssinians. At
present this island and Dallac yields very little profit; for since the
rise of Suakem, Massua, Aden, and Jiddah, it has lost its trade and
reputation.
[Footnote 277: A Xerephine being 3s. 9d., a lac is L.1875 sterling, and
ten lacs are consequently L.18,750.--E.]
The 12th of February the whole of our fleet came into the harbour of
Massua. Massua is a small island very low and flat, in which anciently
stood the city of _Ptolomaida of the wild beasts_. This island is in
length about the fifth part of a league, and a caliver-shot in breadth,
being situated in a large crooked nook or bay of the sea, and near the
north-west head-land of the bay. The channel which divides it from the
main land is about a falcon-shot across, and in some parts not so much,
in which channel the harbour is situated, which is safe in all weathers,
as all the winds that blow must come over the land, and it has not much
current. The depth of water is eight or nine fathom with an ouze bottom.
The proper entrance into this port is on the north-east by the middle of
the channel, between the island and the main; because from the point
which runneth to the E.N.E. a shoal projects towards the land, and the
continental point of the bay hath another projecting towards the point
of the island, both of which make it necessary for ships to avoid the
land and to keep the mid-channel, which is very narrow and runs N.E. and
S.W. Very near this island of Massua, towards the south and the
south-west, there are two other islands, that nearest the main land
being the larger, and that more out to sea being smaller and very round.
These three islands form a triangle, being all very flat and barren,
having no wells or springs; but in Massua are many cisterns for the use
of the inhabitants. There are many shoals interspersed among these
islands, but there is a channel through among them, through which
gallies and rowing vessels may pass at full sea. This island of Massua,
with all the coast from Cape _Guardafu_ to _Swakem_, was only a short
time before under the dominion of _Prester John_; but within these few
years the king or sheikh of _Dallac_ hath usurped it, and resides there
the greater part of the year, because of the trade which he carries on
with the Abyssinians, from whom he procures great quantities of gold and
ivory. In the months of May and June, in consequence of excessive calm
weather, the air of this island is exceedingly intemperate and
unhealthy; at which season the sheikh and the other inhabitants go all
to Dallac, leaving Massua entirely empty. All the coast of the bay of
Massua on the main-land is extremely mountainous, till you come to a
place called _Arkiko_[278] by the sea-side, where there are many wells
of water, where the coast is more clear and open, with many fields and
plains. Arkiko is about a league from Massua to the south, and through
all these mountains and fields there are many wild beasts, as elephants,
tygers, wolves, wild boars, stags, and elks, besides others not known to
us; whence Massua was called _Ptolomaida of the wild beasts_, which is
farther confirmed, as the latitude of Massua is the same as that
assigned to _Ptolomaida_[279].
[Footnote 278: Arkiko, Arkoko, or Erkoko, by some erroneously called
Erocco, and by De L'Isle, Arcua. In the edition of this journal by
Purchas it is called Arquito.--Ast.]
[Footnote 279: These are no proofs that Massua is on the spot formerly
occupied by Ptolomaida; for the whole coast of Abyssinia is full of wild
beasts, and since Ptolomy fixed the latitude solely by computed
distances, it is next to impossible that these should exactly agree with
real observations.--Ast.]
SECTION IV.
_Digression respecting the History, Customs, and State of Abyssinia_.
_Presbyter_ or _Prester John_, otherwise called _Prete Jani_, who is the
king or emperor of the Abyssinians, is lord of all the land called
anciently _Ethiopia sub Egypto_[280], or Lower Ethiopia; which is one of
the most extensive dominions we know of in the world. This empire begins
at Cape _Guardafu_, called anciently _Aromata_, whence running along the
Red Sea, with desert and not very crooked coasts, it reaches to the
boundaries of the rich city of _Swakem_. On the north side it borders on
the warlike people of the _Nubys_, _Nuba_, or Nubians, who intervene
between Abyssinia and the _Theabaid_ or Upper Egypt. From thence it
reaches a great way inland to the kingdom of _Manicongo_, including part
of _Lybia Inferior_, and other interior parts of Africa towards the
west; whence turning behind the springs and lakes of the Nile through
burning and unknown regions, it endeth in the south upon the _Barbarian
Gulf_, now known to the Portuguese who navigate that gulf, as the coasts
of _Melinda_ and _Magadoxa_. The Nile is still known by its ancient
name, being called _Nil_ by the Abyssinians, Egyptians, Arabians, and
Indians. The springs and lakes of this river are on the confines which
separate the land of the Abyssinians from the Cafres that inhabit the
continent behind Melinda and Mozambique, as I was informed by some great
lords and other persons of Abyssinia, whence it appears that the
ancients had little knowledge respecting the origin of this river.
Inquiring from these people, if it were true that this river did sink in
many places into the earth, and came out again at the distance of many
days journey, I was assured there was no such thing, but that during its
whole course it was seen on the surface, having great breadth and depth,
notwithstanding of what we read in the fifth book of the Natural
History of Pliny. I made many inquiries respecting the causes of
increase and overflowings of this river, which has been so much disputed
by all the ancient philosophers, and received the most satisfactory
solution of this question never before determined. Thus almost
jestingly, and by means of very simple questions, I came to learn that
which the greatest philosophers of antiquity were ignorant of.
[Footnote 280: That is Ethiopia _below_ Egypt, or more properly to the
_south_ of Egypt. The expression _below_ seems ridiculous, as Abyssinia
or Ethiopia containing the sources of the Nile must be _higher_ than
Egypt at its mouth. But among Greek and Roman geographers, _above_ and
_below_ meant respectively to the north and to the south.--E.]
The principal lords of Abyssinia informed me, that in their country the
winter began in May, and lasted all June and July and part of August, in
which latter month the weather becomes mild and pleasant. In June and
July it is a great wonder if the sun ever make his appearance; and in
these two months so great and continual are the rains that the fields
and low grounds are entirely overflown, so that the people cannot go
from one place to another. That this prodigious quantity of water hath
no other issue or gathering-place excepting the Nile; as towards the Red
Sea the country is entirely skirted by very high mountains. Hence that
river must necessarily swell prodigiously and go beyond its ordinary
bounds, as unable to contain such vast quantities of water, and
overflows therefore both in Egypt and the other lands through which it
passes. And as the territories of Egypt are the most plain of these, of
necessity the overflowing there must be the more copious, as the river
has there more scope and freedom to spread out its waters than in the
high and mountainous lands of Abyssinia. Now, it is manifest that the
inundations of the Nile in Egypt always begin when the sun is in the
summer solstice, which is in June, while in July the river increases in
greater abundance, and in August, when the rains diminish in Abyssinia,
the river decreases by similar degrees to its former increase. Hence the
manifest cause of the increase of the Nile is from the great and
continual rains that fall in Abyssinia during the months of June and
July. I was myself in Massua in the month of June and part of July,
where I saw great storms of thunder and rain; and we saw within the
continent great and constant black clouds; though the Abyssinians said
what we saw was little in comparison of what it was in the inland
country. We likewise know that the months of June and July are the
winter season at the Cape of Good Hope and all the coast of Africa,
where the rains are continual. I was likewise told that the Nile formed
many islands, especially one exceedingly large, in which was a great
and rich city; which on due consideration must be the Island of _Meroe_.
They told me also that on this great island, and all through the river,
there were great numbers of fierce and pestiferous animals, which
doubtless must be crocodiles. Enquiring if the river in a certain place
fell from such a height, that with the noise of the fall those who
inhabited the neighbouring towns were born deaf; they said that
certainly in one place the river did fall over a great rock with a
prodigious noise, but had no such effects.
As an extended account of the manners and customs of the Abyssinians
would interfere with this journal, I must touch them only shortly,
though most worthy of being known; more especially the causes of the
overthrow and ruin of this empire in these our own days.
_Atini Tingill_, afterwards named David, _Prete Jani_ or Emperor of
Ethiopia, reigning in the year 1530, became so cruel and tyrannized so
much over his subjects that he incurred their universal hatred. At that
time _Gradamet_, king of Zeyla, made war on Abyssinia, encouraged by the
great enmity of the people against their sovereign, and perhaps secretly
invited by some of the great lords of the kingdom. On entering into
Abyssinia, and having reduced some towns and districts, Gradamet divided
liberally the spoils among his warriors, among whom he had 300 Turkish
arquebusseers, who formed the main strength of his army. He likewise
enfranchised all the inhabitants of the towns through which he passed,
exempting the inhabitants from the taxes and impositions they had to pay
to their sovereign, by which he gained to his party all the common
people, and even many of the principal nobles of the kingdom[281].
[Footnote 281: Of the cruelties of David, several examples are given in
the journal of Alvarez, such as the death of two _Betudetes_, the chief
justice, two _Tigre mahons_ or governors of Tigre, and four
_Barnagassoes_ or governors of the maritime country, in six years. This
disposition increased with his years, and perhaps he intended to force
some alteration in the religion of the country; which indeed
sufficiently appears by his sending Alvarez and Bermudez as his
ambassadors to the Pope.--_Purchas_.]
King David sent an army against the king of Zeyla; but when the Turks
began to shoot their calivers or arquebusses, among the Abyssinians, by
which some of them were slain, they were seized with an universal panic
and took flight. Proud of this victory, the king of Zeyla overrun the
country, accompanied by a great number of Abyssinians, and advanced
into that part of the south, towards Magadoxa and Melinda, where the
vast treasures of the former kings of Abyssinia were secured on the top
of an almost inaccessible mountain. Seeing every day the Abyssinians
revolting to the Moors, David gathered a new army with which be marched
against _Gradamet_ and joined battle, but was again completely defeated,
chiefly, by means of the Turkish musqueteers: On which David withdrew to
a strong post on a mountain, where in a few days he died, in the year
1539. After this great victory Gradamet marched immediately to the
mountain where the treasure was deposited, which he assaulted and took,
gaining possession of the largest treasure that ever was known in the
world. On the death of David, those of the nobles who had continued to
adhere to him, elected his eldest son in his stead, who was a young man
under age; and that nothing might be wanting to assist the ruin of the
kingdom, already almost irrecoverably reduced by the Moors, another
party of the nobles appointed a different son of the late king to
succeed to the throne. In this hopeless condition of his affairs, the
unfortunate youth, having to contend at the same time against foreign
invasion and domestic division, withdrew for personal safety to the
mountain of the Jews.
In the interior of Abyssinia there is a very large and high mountain
which can only be ascended by one very difficult path, and on its summit
there is a large plain, having abundance of springs, with numerous
cattle, and even some cultivation. The inhabitants of this mountain
observe the law of Moses. Though I have carefully inquired, I could
never learn how this people came into Abyssinia, and wherefore they have
never descended from their mountain to mix with the other inhabitants of
the country. The young king received a friendly entertainment from these
Jews, who acknowledged him as their sovereign, and defended him against
the king of Zeyla, who was unable to force his way up the mountain, and
had to retire. About this time we arrived at Massua, which put the Moors
in great fear, and inspired new courage into the hearts of the
Abyssinians, insomuch that the young king left the mountain of the Jews
and took up his quarters with his adherents in other mountains towards
the sea coast and nearer to Massua, whence he wrote many pitiful and
imploring letters for assistance, to which favourable answers were
returned giving him hopes of succour. We proceeded on our expedition to
Suez; and being returned again to Massua, it was ordained to send an
auxiliary force of 500 men under a captain, which was accordingly done
and we set sail on our way back to India. Since that time, I have not
learnt any intelligence whatever respecting the affairs of
Ethiopia[282].
[Footnote 282: The circumstances and fate of this Portuguese expedition
into Abyssinia will be found in the next chapter of this work.--E.]
The Abyssinians are naturally ceremonious men, and full of points of
honour. Their only weapons are darts, in which they figure to themselves
the lance with which our Saviour was wounded, and the cross on which he
died, though some wear short swords. They are very expert horsemen, but
badly apparelled; and are much given to lying and theft. Among them
riches are not computed by money, but by the possession of cattle and
camels, yet gold is much valued. In their own country they are dastardly
cowards, but in other countries valiant; insomuch that in India they say
that a good _Lascarin_, or what we call a soldier, must be an
Abyssinian; and they are so much esteemed in Ballagayat, Cambaya,
Bengal, and other places, that they are always made captains and
principal officers in the army. Their clothing is vile and poor. They
wear linen shirts, and the great personages have a kind of upper garment
called _Beden_. The vulgar people are almost quite naked. They eat
_bollemus_ and raw flesh; or if held to the fire, it is so little done
that the blood runs from it. In the whole land there are no cities or
towns, so that they live in the field under tents and pavilions like the
Arabs[283]. They pride themselves on believing that the queen of _Sheba_
was of their country, alleging that she took shipping at _Massua_,
though others say at _Swakem_, carrying with her jewels of great value
when she went to Jerusalem to visit Solomon, making him great gifts, and
returned with child by him.
[Footnote 283: The word used here in the edition of Purchas is
_Alarbes_.--E.]
It is alleged in the history of Abyssinia, that when one of the Soldans
of _Babylon_ in Egypt made war many years ago upon their emperor, he
gathered a multitude of people and turned the course of the Nile, so
that it might not run into Egypt[284]. The Soldan, amazed at this vast
enterprize, which he believed would entirely ruin the land of Egypt,
sent ambassadors with great gifts, and made peace with the emperor,
giving a privilege to the Abyssinians to pass through his country
without paying tribute, when on their way to visit the holy sepulchre at
Jerusalem, and the shrine of St Catharine on Mount Sinai. Some learned
Moors whom I conversed with while in the Red Sea confirmed the truth of
this relation.
[Footnote 284: According to Bermudez, this attempt was begun by _Ale
Beale_, predecessor to _Onadinguel_ or _Atine-tingil_.--Astl.]
SECTION V.
_Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to Swakem_.
We set sail at sun-rising on the 19th of February from the bay which is
half a league beyond Massua and half a league from the land. This day
was very close and rainy, and numbering our fleet I found 64 rowing
vessels; that is 3 galliots, eight small gallies, and 35 foists[285]. By
night our north-west wind lulled, and it blew a little from the west. In
the second watch it came on to rain; and in the middle of the morning
watch we weighed anchor and rowed along shore till morning, during which
time it rained hard. By evening of the 20th we were as far as the
extreme point of the range of islands on the north side, about 14
leagues from Massua. The coast from Massua hither stretched N.N.W. and
S.S.E. for these 14 leagues, and in some of the islands which lay to
seaward we knew that there were cattle and water, with some few poor
dwellings. The distance from these islands to the African coast might be
about four leagues. The islands in this range having cattle and water
are _Harate_, _Dohull_, and _Damanill_, which are all low and surrounded
with shoals and flats. All the first watch of the night, having the wind
fair at east, we sailed N.N.W. At the beginning of the second watch we
came suddenly to certain very white spots, which threw out flames like
lightning. Wondering at this strange event, we took in our sails
believing we were upon some banks or shoals; but on casting the lead I
found 26 fathoms. As this great novelty to us made no impression on the
native pilots, and being in deep water, we made sail again. On the 21st
at day light, we saw off to seawards a low island of which the Moorish
pilot had been afraid in the night. At day light on the 22nd we again
set sail, and at noon my pilot took the altitude of the sun, and found
our latitude 18° 30' N. At this time we were abreast of a very long
point of sand projecting from the main-land. After doubling this point,
we found the sea very free, and sailed N.W. and by W. One hour after
noon we came to a haven called _Marate_. All the coast on our left hand
during this day stretched N.N.W. and S.S.E. the land by the sea shore
being very low with not even a hillock; but within the land the
mountains rise to such a height that they seem to reach the clouds.
_Marate_ is a very low desert island and without water, 66 leagues
beyond Massua, of a roundish figure, and a league and a half in circuit.
It is about three leagues from the main, and on the S.W. side which
fronts the Ethiopean coast it has a very good harbour, safe in all
winds, especially those from the eastern points; as on this side two
long points stretch out from the island east and west, one quarter N.W.
and S.E. between which the land straitens much on both sides, forming a
very great and hollow bosom or bay, in the mouth and front of which
there is a long and very low island, and some sands and shoals, so that
no sea can come in. This haven has two entries, one to the east and the
other to the west, both near the points of the island which form the
harbour. The channel on the _east_ stretches N. and S. one quarter N.W.
and S.E. having three fathoms water in the shallowest place, after which
it immediately deepens, and within the haven we have four and five
fathoms near the shore, with a mud bottom. During the night the wind was
from the east, but less than in the day, and we rode at anchor all
night.
[Footnote 285: The particular enumeration comes only to 46 vessels, so
that the number of 64 in the text seems an oversight or
transposition.--E.]
At sunrise on the 23d of February, we set sail from the island and port
of _Marate_, finding seven fathom water and a sandy bottom[286]. At
eleven o'clock we came to two small islands far to seawards, one called
_Darata_ and the other _Dolcofallar_[287], from whence to _Swakem_ is a
days sail. From noon we sailed N.W. by W. till even-song time, when we
entered the channel of _Swakem_, in which, after sailing a league N.W.
we had certain shoals a-head, on which account we altered our course to
W. one quarter N.W. and sometimes W. to keep free of these shoals. We
continued in this course about three leagues, till we saw a great island
a-head of us, when we immediately tacked towards the land, and came to
an anchor between certain great _shoals of stone_ or sunken rocks,
forming a good harbour named _Xabaque_[288], which in the Arabic means a
net. It might be an hour before sunset when we came to anchor. This day
my pilot took the sun at noon, and found our latitude _scarce_ 19°
N[289]. The shoals of Swakem are so many and so intermingled, that no
picture or information were sufficient to understand them, much less to
sail through among them; the islands, shoals, banks, rocks, and channels
are so numerous and intricate. At the entrance among these shoals, there
is to seaward a shoal under water on which the sea breaks very much, and
to landward a small island, these two ranging N.E. and S.W. a quarter
more E. and W. the distance between being three quarters of a league.
Immediately on entering, the channel seemed large and spacious, and the
farther we advanced so much more to seaward there appeared to us an
infinite number of very flat islands, shoals, sand-banks and rocks, that
they could not be reckoned. Towards the land side these were not so
numerous; but it is the foulest and most unnavigable channel that ever
was seen, in comparison with any other sea. What ought chiefly to be
attended to in this channel, is always to keep nearer to the shoals that
are to seawards, and as far as possible from those to landward. The
breadth of this channel in some places is about half a league, in others
a quarter, and in others less than a gun-shot. In the entry to this
channel we had six fathoms, and from thence to the port of _Shabak_
never less, and never more than 12. From the beginning of the shoals to
_Shabak_ may be about five leagues, and their whole length eight or
nine. We have then another channel, more secure for ships and great
vessels; and we may likewise pass these shoals leaving them all to
seaward, going very close to the main-land, which is the best and most
pleasant way.
[Footnote 286: Perhaps this refers to the _west_ channel of the harbour,
though not so expressed in the text.--E.]
[Footnote 287: Named Daratata and Dolkefallar in Astley.]
[Footnote 288: More properly Shabak.--Ast.]
[Footnote 289: Purchas in a side-note makes this the latitude of the
harbour of _Xabaque_; but it is obvious that they had sailed a long way
between noon, when the altitude was taken, and an hour before sunset,
when they entered the harbour.--E.]
On the 24th, at sunrise, we set sail from the port of _Shabak_, and
rowed by so narrow a channel that our fleet had to follow each other in
single line a-head, being only about a cross-bow shot over in the widest
parts. In this narrow channel we were never more than a cannon shot from
the main-land, and sometimes little more than a cross-bow shot; having
shoals, rocks and banks on every side of us, all under water, yet we had
always sufficient indications to avoid them; as wherever they lay, the
water over them appeared very red or very green, and where neither of
these colours appeared we were sure of the clearest channel, the water,
being there dark. Continuing by this channel among so many difficulties,
we came to anchor at half an hour past eleven at a little low round
island, in lat. 19° N. In this latitude Ptolomy places the mountain of
the _Satyrs_[290]. Of this mountain the native pilots had no knowledge;
but going about half a league into the land, I found the footsteps of so
many kind of beasts, and such great flocks of _pianets_[291] as was
wonderful. All these tracks came till they set their feet in the sea,
and they occupied, the greatest part of the field. I believe the fable
of the _Satyrs_ to have arisen from thence, and that they were said to
inhabit these hills and mountains. It is to be noted that in the channel
of four leagues from the harbour of _Shabak_ to this island, the water
is never less than two and a half fathoms nor deeper than eleven, and
also that the tide at this island does not ebb and flow above half a
yard. It begins to flow as soon as the moon begins to ascend towards the
horizon, in the same order as already mentioned respecting Socotora.
[Footnote 290: This mountain of the Satyrs may more properly be
generally referred to the high range of mountains on this part of the
coast, perhaps from abounding in the baboon called Simia Satyrus, or the
Mandrill.--E.]
[Footnote 291: I know not what to make of the _pianets_; but the
footsteps of beasts reaching to the edge of the water may probably refer
to amphibious animals, while the flocks of pianets may have been
water-fowl of some kind.--E.]
The 26th at sunrise we departed from the island, rowing along a reef of
rocks that ran between us and the land to which it was almost parallel,
all the sea between it and the land being full of shoals and banks; but
to seawards there were neither shoals nor banks nor any other
impediment. At nine o'clock we came to anchor at a small island
encompassed by many flats and shoals, where there was a good haven. This
island was a league and a half from that we left in the morning, and 5
leagues short of _Swakem_. The 27th at sunrise, we set sail from this
second island, and two hours within the night we came to anchor a league
and a half farther on in 28 fathoms water. The 28th we _bridled_ our
oars and set sail. At nine o'clock we anchored about two leagues from
the land in 23 fathoms, on soft sand, like ouze or mud. This morning we
found some shoals under water, but the sea always shewed itself very
green or red over them. Two hours after noon we set sail again, and
anchored at night in 37 fathoms on a sandy bottom, hard by an island a
league and a half short of Swakem. The coast runs N.N.W. and S.S.E.
having all along a shoal which extends near half a league into the sea.
This land differs in nothing from that formerly described. The 1st March
1541, departing from this anchorage, and having doubled a point of land
made by the shoal, we approached the land inwards by a channel, and came
to anchor in the haven of the city of _Swakem_.
_Swakem_ was called by the ancients the port of _Aspi_, as may be seen
in the _third_ table of Africa by Ptolemy. At this day it is one of the
richest cities in the East[292]. It is situated within the Arabian Gulf
or Red Sea, on the coast of _Ethiopia sub Egypto_, now called the land
and coast of the _Abexii_ or Abyssinians. Among famous places, this may
be reckoned equal or superior to them all in _four_ things. The _first_
is the goodness and safety of the haven. The _second_ in the facility
and good service for lading and unlading ships. The _third_ in its
traffic with very strange and remote people of various manners and
customs. The _fourth_ in the strength and situation of the city. As
touching the goodness and security of the port I shall first speak.
Nature hath so formed this port that no storm from the sea can enter it
in any direction. Within the haven the sea is so quiet, and runs so
insensibly, that scarcely can we perceive it to have any tide. The
ground is mud. The road in all places has five or six fathoms, and seven
in some places; and is so large that two hundred ships may ride
commodiously at anchor, besides rowing-vessels without number. The water
is so clear that you may plainly perceive the bottom; and where that is
not seen the depth is at least ten or twelve fathoms. The ships can be
laden or unladen all round the city, merely by laying a plank from them
into the warehouses of the merchants; while gallies fasten themselves to
stones at the doors of the houses, laying their prows over the quays as
so many bridges. Now touching the trade and navigation of this port
with many sorts of people, and with strange and remote countries, I know
not what city can compare with it except Lisbon: as this city trades
with all India, both on this side and beyond the Ganges; with _Cambaya_,
_Tanacerim_, _Pegu_, _Malacca_; and within the Straits with _Jiddah_,
_Cairo_, and _Alexandria_. From all Ethiopia and Abyssinia it procures
great quantities of gold and ivory. As to the strength and situation of
this city enough can hardly be said; since to come to it, the
inconveniences, difficulties, and dangers are so great, that it seems
almost impossible: as for fifteen leagues about, the shoals, flats,
islands, channels, rocks, banks, and sands, and surges of the sea, are
so many and intricate that they put the sailors in great fear and almost
in despair. The situation of the city is this: In the middle of a great
nook or bay, is a perfectly flat island almost level with the sea and
exactly round, being about a quarter, of a league in circuit, upon which
the city of _Swakem_ is built; not one foot of ground on the whole
island but is replenished with houses and inhabitants, so that the whole
island, is a city. On two sides this insular city comes within a
bow-shot of the main land, that is on the E.S.E. and S.W. sides, but all
the rest is farther from the land. The road, haven, or bay surrounds the
city on every side to the distance of a cross-bow shot, in all of which
space, ships may anchor in six or seven fathoms on a mud bottom. All
around this bay there is a great shoal; so that the deep water is from
the edge of the city all round to the distance of a bow-shot, and all
beyond is full of shoals. In this bay there are three other islands on
the land side to the north-west. The two which lie farthest in are
small, but that nearest to the channel is about as large as the city.
Between this island and the main sea, there is a large and very long
channel, having seven fathoms water, all along which a great navy might
safely ride at anchor, without any danger of annoyance from the city,
whence only their masts could be seen. When the moon appears in the
horizon it is full sea, and as the moon advances it ebbs till the moon
comes to the meridian, when it is dead low water; and thence it begins
again to flow till the moon sets, when it is again full sea. The entire
ebb and flow of the sea at this city does not exceed a quarter of a
yard. The most that it rises along the coast is a yard and a half, and
in some places less than three quarters of a yard. But when I made this
observation it was neap tide.
[Footnote 292: This is to be understood of 1541, when visited by De
Castro. Since the Turkish conquest, Mokha and other places have greater
trade.--_Purch_.]
SECTION VI.
_Continuation of the Voyage from Swakem to Comol_.
We remained in the haven of Swakem from the 1st to the 9th of March
1541, when an hour before sunset we weighed from before the city, and
anchored for the night at the mouth of the channel. We weighed again on
the 10th, and came again to anchor at night, when the dew was
wonderfully great. On the 11th it blew a storm from the north, so
violent that it raised great mountains of sand along the sea coast,
after which it dispersed them, and the air remained obscured by the sand
as if it had been a great mist or smoke. We remained at anchor all this
day, and on the 12th we left this channel two leagues beyond _Swakem_,
and being without the channel we made sail. About a league and a half
from the coast there were so many rocks, shoals, and flats, on which the
sea continually broke, that we had to take in our sails and row for
three hours, till we got beyond these shoals, after which we again made
sail. At evening we came to anchor within the bank by a very narrow
channel, a league beyond that we had been last in, and three leagues
from Swakem, but the channel within the entrance was large, with clean
ground, and perfectly secure in all winds.
The 13th we went out of this channel an hour before day, and about a
cannon-shot to seaward we saw a long range of shoals with broken water,
seeming to stretch in the same direction with the coast. At eleven
o'clock the wind turned to the N.N.W. and as our course was N.W. we were
unable to make way, and had to fasten our vessels to the rocks on these
shoals, where we lay about three hours. About two o'clock afternoon the
wind freshened at N.N.E. and we made sail N.W. But coming to the bank
landward, we took in our sails and rowed into a channel within the bank,
where we came to anchor. This channel is very narrow and winding, being
about seven leagues beyond Swakem, whence the coast to this place runs
N. and S. and then N. by W. and S. by E. I went ashore on the 15th to
observe the order and flowing of the tide, and found it was full sea
when the moon was two hours past the meridian, and was dead ebb two
hours after the moon set. I found likewise that the ebb and flow of the
tide at this place was 22 cubits[293]. The 16th we left this channel,
with the wind at north, and cast anchor half a league out at sea. The
17th we entered a very good harbour named _Dradate_ or _Tradate_, the
coast from Swakem here winding N. by W. and S. by E. distance 10
leagues. The land behind the shore is all very low in that space, but
three leagues back from the coast it rises into great and high
mountains. This harbour of _Tradate_, in lat. 19° 50' N. 10 leagues
beyond Swakem, is one of the best in the world. The entrance is about a
falcon-shot across, and grows narrower inwards, but has 20 fathoms water
in its whole length with a mud bottom; and a quarter of a league within
the land there is a famous watering-place at certain wells, where is the
best water and in greatest plenty of any place on all these coasts. The
19th we sailed at day-light, and advanced 3-1/2 leagues that day, having
many shoals to seaward of us, and the coast for these 3-1/2 leagues
trended N. and S. On the 20th at sunrise the wind blew from the N. and
the sea was rough, for which reason we had to seek shelter within the
shoal, entering by a very narrow and difficult channel. After we were
in, the wind came N.N.E. and we remained all day at anchor. The 21st we
left the shoal with fine weather, the wind being at W.N.W. and sailed N.
keeping about half a league from the land; and an hour after sunrise we
came to a long and fair point of land called by Ptolomy the _promontory
of Diogenes_. On the north side of this point is a large fine bay named
_Doroo_, and at the extremity of this long bare point there is a large
round tower like a pillar. At the entrance of this harbour or channel
there are six fathoms water, which diminishes gradually inwards to
three. The ground is hard clay, and the bay is very large with many
creeks and nooks within, and many islands; many of these creeks
penetrating deep into the main-land, so that in every place there may be
many vessels hidden without being observed from the other branches of
the harbour. A quarter of a league off to sea from the mouth of this
harbour there is a shoal which defends it completely from the admission
of any sea, as this shoal is above water, and has no passage except by
the entrance already mentioned, which trends E. by N. and W. by S. A
cannon-shot from this bay there is a great well, but the water is very
brackish.
[Footnote 293: Considering the very small rise and fall of the tide at
Swakem, the text in this place ought perhaps only to have been
_inches_.--E.]
On the 22d we left this harbour of Doroo at day light, proceeding by
means of our oars, and found the sea very full of rocks, so that
escaping from some we got foul of others, and at half past ten o'clock
we had to fasten our vessels to the rocks. Proceeding onwards, we got
towards evening in with the land, and having doubled a point we entered
a very large bay named _Fuxaa_, or _Fushaa_, three leagues and a half
beyond _Doroo_, the coast between stretching N. and E. with a tendency
towards N.W. and S.E. This bay of _Fushaa_ is remarkable by a very high
sharp peaked hill, in lat. 20 15' N. In the very mouth of the harbour
there are two very low points, lying N. by E. and S. by W. from each
other, distant a league and half. As no great sea can enter here it is a
very good harbour, having 10 and 12 fathoms water on a mud bottom,
diminishing inwards to five fathoms. Along the land within the bay on
the south side there are nine small islands in a row, and in other
places there are some scattered islets, all very low and encompassed by
shoals. The land at this bay is very dry and barren, and it has no
water.
On the 25th we continued along the coast, having many rocks to seawards
about a league off; and at ten o'clock we entered a very large harbour
named _Arekea_, four leagues beyond _Fushaa_, the coast between running
N. and S. with some tendence to N.W. and S.E. _Arekea_, the strongest
and most defensible harbour I have ever seen, is 22 leagues beyond
_Swakem_. In ancient times it was called _Dioscori_ according to Pliny.
In the middle of the entry to this port there is a considerable island,
about a cross-bow shot in length and breadth, having a bank or shoal
running from it on the south side to the main land, so shallow that
nothing can pass over it. But on the north side of this island the
channel is about a cross-bow shot in breadth and 15 fathoms deep,
running N.W. and S.E. and on both sides this channel is very shallow and
full of rocks, the fair way being in the middle. This channel is about a
gun-shot in length, after which the coasts on both sides recede and form
within a large fine and secure harbour, about a league long and half a
league broad, deep in the middle but full of shoals near the land, and
it hath no fresh water. At this place it was agreed to send back all the
ships to Massua, and to proceed with only sixteen small gallies or row
boats.
Arrangements being accordingly formed, we set sail from _Arekea_ on the
30th at noon, and came to an anchor in a port called _Salaka_ four
leagues beyond _Arekea_ and 96 from _Swakem_, the coast trending N. and
S. with a slight deviation to N.E. and S.W. The land next the sea has
many risings or hillocks, behind which there are high mountains. It must
be noted that all the land from Arekea onwards close behind the shore
puts on this uneven appearance, whereas before that it was all plain,
till in the inland it rises in both into high mountains. The 31st we
sailed from _Salaka_, and an hour before sunset we made fast to the
rocks of a shoal a league from the land and 17 leagues from _Salaka_,
being 43 leagues from Swakem. From the port of _Salaka_ the coast begins
to wind very much; and from _Raseldoaer_ or _Ras al Dwaer_, it runs very
low to the N.N.E. ending in a sandy point where there are 13 little
hillocks or knobs of stone, which the Moorish pilots said were graves.
From this _point of the Calmes_[294] about two leagues, the coast
runneth N.N.W. to a shoal which is 43 leagues from _Swakem_. This point
is the most noted in all these seas, as whoever sails from _Massua_,
_Swakem_, and other places for _Jiddah_, _Al Cossir_, and _Toro_, must
necessarily make this point. The sea for the last seventeen leagues is
of such a nature that no rules or experience can suffice for sailing it
in safety, so that the skilful as well as the unskilful must pass it at
all hazards, and save themselves as it were by chance, for it is so full
of numerous and great shoals, so interspersed everywhere with rocks, and
so many and continual banks, that it seems better fitted for being
travelled on foot than sailed even in small boats. In the space between
_Salaka_ and _Ras-al-Dwaer_, but nearer to the latter, there are three
islands forming a triangle, the largest of which is called _Magarzawn_,
about two leagues long and very high ground, but has no water. This
island bears N. and S. with _Ras-al-Dwaer_ distant three leagues. The
second island lies considerably out to sea, and is called _Al Mante_,
and is high land without water; the third island is all sand and quite
low, being four leagues from _Salaka_ towards _Ras-al-Dwaer_, but I did
not learn its name.
[Footnote 294: Meaning perhaps the sandy point near Ras-al-Dwaer. This
paragraph is very obscure, and seems to want something, omitted perhaps
by the abbreviator.--Astl.]
On the 2d of April 1541, casting loose from the before-mentioned shoal,
which is 43 leagues beyond _Swakem_, we rowed along the coast, and
entered a river called _Farate_, about four leagues from the shoal;
whence setting our sails we got into a fine haven a league from thence
called _Kilfit_. All this day we saw no rocks to landward, but there was
a shoal to seaward. _Farate_ is a large and fair river, the mouth of
which is in lat. 21°40' N. Its mouth is formed by two low points about a
gun-shot apart, from each of which a shoal stretches towards the middle,
where only there is any passage. The river runs from the west to the
east, having very low land on both sides, without either tree or shrub
or bush of any kind. At the entrance it is 30 fathoms deep, and from
thence diminishes to 18 fathoms. _Kilfit_ is a fine harbour and very
safe, as when once in, no wind whatever need be feared. There are at the
entry two very low points bearing N.W. 1/4 N. and S.E. 1/4 S. distant
near a quarter of a league. It is rather more than three leagues in
circuit, and every part of it is safe anchorage, having 12 fathoms water
throughout; the shore is however rocky. This harbour is rather more than
a league from the river of _Farate_, between which is a range of
mountains, one of which is higher than the others. We left _Kilfit_ on
the 3d, an hour before day, and rowed along the coast till an hour
before sunset, when we anchored in a haven called _Ras al Jidid_, or the
new cape, about nine leagues from _Kilfit_. This day we saw a few shoals
to seawards, but fewer than before. Two leagues from _Kilfit_ there is a
very good haven named _Moamaa_; and from the _point of the shrubs_ to
another very long sandy point, about two leagues distant, before the
port of _Ras-al-Jidid_, the coast runs N. and S. with a small deviation
to the N.W. and S.E. the distance being about three and a half
leagues[295]. _Ras-al-Jidid_[296] is a small but very pleasant haven, 57
leagues beyond Swakem, and so exactly circular that it resembles a great
cauldron. There are two points at its entrance bearing N. and S. and on
the inside the eastern winds only can do harm. All the ground is very
clean, having 18 fathoms at the mouth and 13 within; and half a league
inland there is a well of water, though not very plentiful, and
bitterish. This port is a large half league in circuit. It is a
singularity in all the rivers or harbours which I have seen on this
coast, that they have no bars or banks at their mouths, which are
generally deeper than within. On the land round this port, I found
certain trees which in their trunk and bark resembled cork-trees, but
very different in all other respects. Their leaves were very large,
wonderfully thick, and of a deep green, crossed with large veins. They
were then in flower, and their flowers in the bud resembled the flowers
of the mallow when in that state: But such as were opened were white,
and like the white cockle. On cutting a bough or leaf there run out a
great stream of milk, as from the dug of a goat. On all this coast I saw
no other trees, except a grove a little beyond Massua, in some marshy
ground near the sea. Besides these trees, there are some valleys inland
producing a few capers, the leaves of which are eaten by the Moors, _who
say they be appropriate to the joynts_. On the 4th of April, from
sunrise till eleven o'clock, the wind blew a storm from the N.W. after
which there was much and loud thunder, accompanied with hail, the stones
being the largest I ever saw. With the thunder the wind veered about to
every point of the compass, and at last it settled in the north. This
day I carried my instruments on shore, when I found the variation 1-1/4
degree north-east[297], and the latitude by many observations 22° N.
Though these observations were made on shore with great care, so that I
never stirred the instrument when once set till the end of my
observations, I am satisfied there must be some error; because the great
heat cracked the plate of ivory in the middle, so that there remained a
great cleft as thick as a _gold portague_. On the 6th, an hour before
day, we weighed from the port of _Ras-al-Jidid_, and advanced about
three and a half leagues. The 7th in the morning, the wind blew fresh at
N.W. and we rowed to the shore, where at eight o'clock we fastened our
barks to certain stones of a shoal or reef, lying before a long point
which hereafter I shall name _Starta_. We went in this space about three
leagues. About noon we made sail and proceeded in our voyage, but in no
small doubts, as we saw on both sides of our course a prodigious number
of shelves; we were therefore obliged to take in our sails and use our
oars, by means of which we came about sunset to a good haven named
_Comol_, in which we anchored.
[Footnote 295: This paragraph is likewise obscurely worded, and is
perhaps left imperfect by the abbreviator.--Astl.]
[Footnote 296: In some subsequent passages this harbour is called
Igidid, probably to distinguish it from the point of Ras-al-Jidid.--Astl.]
[Footnote 297: It is therefore probable that in all the bearings set
down in this voyage, when applied to practice, either for the uses of
geography or navigation, this allowance of 1-1/4 too much to the east
ought to be deducted.--E.]
From a point two leagues beyond the harbour of _Igidid_, or
_Ras-al-Jidid_, to another very long and flat point may be about four
leagues, these two points bearing N.W. and S.E. between which there is a
large bay; within which towards the long point at the N.W. is a deep
haven so close on all sides that it is safe from every wind. This point
is an island; from which circumstance and its latitude it seems
certainly the island named _Starta_ by Ptolomy. From thence to a great
point of land over the harbour of _Comol_ the distance may be five
leagues; these two points bearing N.W. by W. and S.E. by E. and between
them is a large fair bay. From the port of _Igidid_ till half a league
short of the harbour of _Comol_, the land close to the shore is all
raised in small hills very close together, behind which, about a league
farther inland, are very high mountains rising into many high and sharp
peaks; and as we come nearer to _Comol_ these hills approach the sea,
and in coming within half a league of _Comol_ they are close to the
shore. Comol is eleven leagues beyond _Igidid_, and 68 from Swakem, and
is in lat. 22° 30' N. This port is in the second bay, very near the face
of the point which juts out from the coast on the north-west side of
this second bay. Though not large, the port of _Comol_ is very secure,
as towards the seaward it has certain reefs or shoals above water which
effectually defend it from all winds. The land around it is very plain
and pleasant, and is inhabited by many _Badwis_[298]. The north-west
point which ends the bay and covers this port is very long and fair,
being all low and level, being what was named by Ptolomy the promontory
of _Prionoto_ in his _third_ table of Africa, since the great mountains
which range along the whole of this coast end here.
[Footnote 298: Named _Badois_ in the edition of Purchas, but certainly
the _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_, signifying the _People of the Desert_, being
the name by which the Arabs who dwell in tents are distinguished from
those who inhabit towns.--Astl.].
SECTION VII.
_Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to Toro or Al
Tor._
Three hours after midnight of the 7th April 1541[299], we left the
harbour of _Comol_, using our oars for a small way, and then hoisting
sail we proceeded along the coast; but an hour before day-light some of
our barks struck upon certain rocks and shoals, on which we again struck
sails and took to our oars till day-light. At day-light, being then the
8th, we came to a spacious bay, of which to the north and north-west we
could see no termination, neither any cape or head-land in that
direction. We accordingly sailed forwards in that open sea or bay, but
which had so many shoals on each side that it was wonderful we could
make _any profit of a large wind;_ for, _now going roamour, and now upon
a tack_, sometimes in the way and sometimes out of it, there was no way
for us to take certain and quiet[300]. About sunset we came to a very
great shelf or reef, and fastening our barks to its rocks we remained
there for the night. The morning of the 9th being clear, we set sail
from this shelf, and took harbour within a great shelf called
_Shaab-al-Yadayn_[301]. After coming to anchor, we noticed an island to
seaward, called _Zemorjete_. This port and shelf trend N.E. by E. and
S.W. by W. From the _cape of the mountains_[302], to another cape beyond
it on which there are a quantity of shrubs or furzes; the coast runs
N.E. by N. and S.W. by S. the distance between these capes being about
three and a half or four leagues. From this last point the coast of the
great bay or nook winds inwards to the west, and afterwards turns out
again, making a great circuit with many windings, and ends in a great
and notable point called _Ras-al-Nashef_, or the dry cape, called by
Ptolomy the promontory _Pentadactilus_ in his _third_ table of Africa.
The island _Zemorjete_ is about eight leagues E. from this cape; and
from that island, according to the Moorish pilots, the two shores of the
gulf are first seen at one time, but that of Arabia is a great deal
farther off than the African coast. This island, which is very high and
barren, is named _Agathon_ by Ptolomy. It has another very small island
close to it, which is not mentioned in Ptolomy. Now respecting the shelf
_Shaab-al-Yadayn_, it is to be noted that it is a great shelf far to
seaward of the northern end of the great bay, all of it above water,
like two extended arms with their hands wide open, whence its Arabic
name which signifies _shelf of the hands_. The port of this shelf is to
landward, as on that side it winds very much, so as to shut up the haven
from all winds from the sea. This haven and cape _Ras-al-Nashef_ bear
from each other E.S.E. and W.S.W. distant about four leagues.
[Footnote 299: In our mode of counting time, three in the morning of the
8th.--E.]
[Footnote 300: This nautical language is so different from that of the
present day as to be almost unintelligible. They appear to have sailed
in a winding channel, in which the wind was sometimes scant, sometimes
large and sometimes contrary; so that occasionally they had to tack or
turn to windward. The strange word _roamour_, which has occurred once
before, may be conjectured to mean that operation in beating to
windward, in which the vessel sails contrary to the direction of her
voyage, called in ordinary nautical language the short leg of the
tack.--E.]
[Footnote 301: Signifying in Arabic the shelf of the two hands.--Astl.]
[Footnote 302: Probably that just before named _Prionoto_ from Ptolomy,
and called cape of the mountains, because the Abyssinian mountains there
end.--E.]
At sunrise on the 10th we set sail to the N.N.E. the wind being fresh
and the sea appearing clear and navigable. When about half a league from
the point we saw, as every one thought, a ship under sail, but on
drawing nearer it was a white rock in the sea, which we were told
deceives all navigators as it did us. After this we stood N. by E. By
nine o'clock we reached an island named _Connaka_, and passed between it
and the main-land of Africa. This island is small and barren, about half
a league in circuit, and is about a league and a half from the main. It
resembles a vast crocodile with its legs stretched out, and is a noted
land-mark among navigators. _Connaka_ and _Zamorjete_ bear from each
other N.W. by W. and S.E. by E. distant about six small leagues. About
half an hour past ten, we reached a very long point of sand stretching
far out to sea, called _Ras-al-nef_, which signifies in Arabic the point
or cape of the nose. There is no nigh land whatever about this cape, but
a vast plain field without tree or any green thing, and in the very face
of the point stands a great temple without any other buildings, and on
each side of it is a very clear sandy coast in manner of a bay. This
cape of _Ras-al-nef_ is famous among navigators, as all their trouble
and danger ends on reaching it, when they consider themselves at home
and secure. We continued our course from this cape along the coast with
the wind at S.E. At noon my pilot took the altitude, and found our
latitude 24° 10' N. at which time we were beyond _Ras-al-nef_ about
three leagues, whence the latitude of that cape is 24° N. From this it
appears that the ancient city of _Berenice_ was built upon this cape
_Ras-al-nef_ as Ptolomy places it on this coast under the tropic of
_Cancer_, making the greatest declination of the sun at this place
almost 23° 50'. Likewise Pliny says that at Berenice the sun at noon in
the summer solstice gives no shadow to the _gnomon_, by which that city
appears to have stood under the tropic.[303]
[Footnote 303: It may be presumed that the position given by Ptolomy is
merely accidental, resulting from computed distances; and Pliny only
speaks from the authority of Ptolomy. In all probability _Al Kossir_, to
be afterwards mentioned, is the _Berenice_ of the ancients.--Astl.]
Half an hour before sunset, we came to an island called _Shwarit_, but
passing onwards a quarter of a league we came to some shelves of sand
and others of rock, and anchored between them in a good harbour called
_Sial_. These shelves and this port are 103 leagues beyond _Swakem_. On
these shelves we saw a much greater quantity of sea-fowl than had been
seen in any part of the Red Sea. From _Ras-al-Nashef_ to the island of
_Shwarit_ may be between 16 and 17 leagues. After passing Cape
_Ras-al-Nashef_, or the N.W. point of the great bay, the coast winds
very much, running into the land, and pushing out again a very long
point of land called _Ras-al-nef_, which two points bear from each other
N.E. and S.W. almost 1/4 more N. and S. distant about six leagues large.
From _Ras-al-nef_ forwards, the coast winds directly to the N.W. till we
come to _Swarit_, the distance being between 10 and 11 leagues. In this
distance the sea is only in three places foul with shoals; _first_ to
seaward of the island of _Connaka_, where there is a large fair shoal
rising above water in a great ridge of large rocks; and running a long
way toward the land; the _second_ place is at the island of _Shwarit_,
as both to the east and west of this island great shoals and flats
stretch towards the main-land, so as apparently to shut up the sea
entirely between that island and the main; the _third_ is at this
harbour of _Sial_ where we anchored, where the sea is studded thick with
innumerable shoals and flats, so that no part remains free. The island
of Shwarit is a gun-shot in length and nearly as much in breadth, all
low land, with a great green bush in the middle, and opposite to its
east side there is a great rock like an island. _Shwarit_ is little more
than half a league from the main-land.
From _Swakem_ all the way to _Ras-al-nef_, the countries are all
inhabited by _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_, who follow the law of Mahomet, and
from _Ras-al-nef_, upwards to _Suez_ and the end of this sea, the coast
all belongs to Egypt, the inhabitants of which dwell between the coast
of the Red Sea and the river Nile. Cosmographers in general call the
inhabitants of both these regions _Ethiopians_. Ptolomy calls them
Egyptian Arabs: Pomponius Mela and other cosmographers name them in
general Arabs; but we ought to follow Ptolomy, as he was the prince of
cosmographers. These Egyptian Arabs, who inhabit the whole country from
the mountains to the sea, are commonly called _Bedwis_ or _Bedouins_, of
whose customs and manner of life we shall treat in another place.
We took in our sails on the 11th of April, and proceeded on our way by
rowing. At nine o'clock we entered a great bay called _Gadenauhi_[304],
about 4 leagues from _Sial_, the coast between trending N.W. and S.E.
rather more to the N. and S. The land over the sea, which for some
way had the appearance of a wall or trench, becomes now very mountainous
and _doubled_, shewing so many mountains and so close that it was
wonderful. The port or bay of _Gadenauhi_ is 107 leagues beyond
_Swakem_, in lat. 24° 40' N. It was low water _one hour after high
noon_[305], and full sea when the moon rose above the horizon; and as
the moon ascended it began to ebb, till the moon was an hour past the
meridian, when it began to flow, and was full sea an hour after the moon
set. By night the wind was N.W. Two or three hours after midnight we
departed from _Gadenauhi_ prosecuting our voyage. In passing between the
shoal which comes from the N.W. point of the bay and the island of
_Bahuto_, we stuck fast upon the shoal, and were much troubled,
believing ourselves in a net or cul-de-sac; but we had no hurt or
danger, and presently got into the right channel and rowed along shore,
against the wind at N.W. till day. The 12th we rowed along shore, and
came an hour after sunrise into a haven called _Xarmeelquiman_ or
_Skarm-al-Kiman_, meaning in the Arabic a cleft or opening in the
mountains. This is a small but excellent harbour, 1-1/2 league beyond
_Gadenauhi_, and 108 leagues beyond _Swakem_, very much like the port of
_Igidid_.
[Footnote 304: Perhaps _Wad-annawi_.--Astl.]
[Footnote 305: This strange expression, as connected with the tide which
is dependent on the moon, may possibly mean when the moon was in
opposition to the north; or mid-way between her setting and rising.--]
The 12th of April we set sail along shore, the wind being fresher, and
more large, at E.S.E. About noon it blew very hard with such impetuous
gusts that it drove the sands of the coast very high, raising them up
to the heavens in vast whirls like great smokes. About evening when the
barks draw together, the wind was entirely calm to some, while others a
little behind or before, or more towards the land or the sea, had it
still so violent that they could not carry sail, the distance between
those becalmed and those having the wind very fresh, being often no more
than a stones throw. Presently after, the wind would assail those before
becalmed, while those that went very swift were left in a calm. Being
all close together, this seemed as if done in sport. Some of these gales
came from the E. and E.N.E. so hot and scorching that they seemed like
flames of fire. The sand raised by these winds went sometimes one way
and sometimes another; and we could sometimes see one cloud or pillar of
sand driven in three or four different directions before it fell down.
These singular changes would not have been wonderful among hills; but
were very singular where we were at such a distance from the coast. When
these winds assailed us in this manner we were at a port named _Shaona_,
or _Shawna_; and going on in this manner, sometimes hoisting and at
other times striking our sails, sometimes laughing at what we saw, and
other times in dread, we went on till near sunset, when we entered a
port named _Gualibo_,[306] signifying in Arabic the port of trouble,
having advanced this day and part of the former night about 13 leagues.
[Footnote 306: Perhaps _Kalabon_.--Astl.]
From _Gadenauhi_ to a port named _Shakara_ which is encompassed by a
very red hill, the coast trends N.W. by N. and S.E. by S. the distance
about 10 leagues; and from this red hill to a point about a league
beyond _Gualibo_, the coast runs N.N.W. and S.S.E. distance about 6
leagues. In these 16 leagues, the coast is very clear, only that a
league beyond the Red Hill there is a shoal half a large league from the
land. In these 16 leagues there are many excellent ports, more numerous
than I have ever seen in so short a space. At one of these named
_Shawna_, which is very large, the Moors and native inhabitants say
there formerly stood a famous city of the gentiles, which I believe to
have been that named _Nechesia_ by Ptolomy in his third book of Africa.
Along the sea there runs a long range of great hills very close together
and doubling on each other, and far inland behind these great mountains
are seen to rise above them. In this range there are two mountains
larger than the rest, or even than any on the whole coast, one of which
is black as though it had been burnt, and the other is yellow, and
between them are great heaps of sand. From the black mountain inwards I
saw an open field in which were many large and tall trees with spreading
tops, being the first I had seen on the coast that seemed planted by
man; for those a little beyond Massua are of the kind pertaining to
marshes on the borders of the sea or of rivers; as those at the port of
_Sharm-al-Kiman_ and at the harbour of _Igidid_ are wild and pitiful,
naked and dry, without boughs or fruit. These two mountains are about
two leagues short of the port of _Sharm-al-Kiman_. _Gualibo_, which is
122 leagues beyond Swakem, is very like the port of _Sharm-al-Kiman_;
except that the one is environed by many mountains, while the land round
the other is an extensive plain. The entry to this port is between
certain rocks or shoals on which the sea breaks with much force, but the
entry is deep and large. After sunrise on the 13th we left the port of
_Gualibo_, and as the wind was strong at N.W. making a heavy sea, we
rowed along shore, and at ten in the morning went into a port named
_Tuna_, a league and half beyond _Gualibo_. _Tuna_ is a small foul
haven, beyond Swakem 123 leagues and a half, in lat. 25° 30' N. The
entrance is between rocks, and within it is so much encumbered with
shoals and rocks that it is a small and sorry harbour; but round the
point forming the north side of this harbour, there is a good haven and
road-stead against the wind at N.W. the land round it being barren sand.
To the N.W. of this there are three sharp mountains of rock, as if to
indicate the situation of the harbour. One hour before sunset we
fastened ourselves to a shoal a league beyond _Tuna_. This coast, from a
league beyond _Gualibo_, to another point a league and a half beyond
this shoal, trends N.N.W. and S.S.E distance four leagues.
The 14th April we rowed along shore, the sea running very high so as to
distress the rowers; but beating up against wind and sea till past noon,
we came into a fine bay, in the bottom of which we came to anchor in an
excellent haven. This day and night we went about 5 leagues, and were
now about 129 leagues beyond Swakem. For these five leagues the coast
extends N.W. and S.E. the land within the coast being in some places low
and plain, while it is mountainous in others. By day-light on the 15th
we were a league short of _Al Kossir_, which we reached an hour and
half after sunrise, and cast anchor in the harbour. During the past
night and the short part of this day we had advanced about seven
leagues, the coast extending N.N.W. and S.S.E. According to Pliny, in
the sixth book of his Natural History, and Ptolomy in his third book of
Africa, this place of _Al Kossir_ was anciently named _Phioteras_[307].
All the land from hence to _Arsinoe_, at the northern extremity of the
Red Sea, was anciently called _Enco_. This place is about 15 or 16 days
journey from the nearest part of the Nile, directly west. This is the
only port on all this coast to which provisions are brought from the
land of Egypt, now called _Riffa_; and from this port of _Kossir_ all
the towns on the coast of the Red Sea are provided. In old times, the
town of _Kossir_ was built two leagues farther up the coast; but being
found incommodious, especially as the harbour at that place was too
small, it was removed to this place. To this day the ruins of old
_Kossir_ are still visible, and there I believe was _Philoteras_. New
_Kossir_ by observations twice verified is in lat. 26°15' N. being 136
leagues beyond _Swakem_. The port is a large bay quite open to the
eastern winds, which on this coast blow with great force. Right over
against the town there are some small shoals on which the sea breaks,
between which and the shore is the anchorage for frigates and ships
coming here for a loading. The town is very small and perhaps in the
most miserable and barren spot in the world. The houses are more like
hovels for cattle, some built of stone and clay, and others of sod,
having no roofs except a few matts which defend the inhabitants from the
sun, and from rain if any happen now and then to fall as it were by
chance, as in this place it so seldom rains as to be looked upon as a
wonder. In the whole neighbouring country on the coast, fields,
mountains, or hills, there groweth no kind of herb, grass, tree, or
bush; and nothing is to be seen but black scorched mountains and a
number of bare hillocks, which environ the whole place from sea to sea,
like an amphitheatre of barrenness and sterility, most melancholy to
behold. Any flat ground there is, is a mere dry barren sand mixed with
gravel. The port even is the worst I have seen on all this coast, and
has no fish, though all the other ports and channels through which we
came have abundance and variety. It has no kind of cattle; and the
people are supplied from three wells near the town, the water of which
differs very little from that of the sea.
[Footnote 307: In Purchas, Al Kossir is named Alcocer. Don John thinks
this place to be the _Philoteras_ of Ptolomy; but Dr Pocock places it
2°40' more to the north, making Kossir _Berenice_, which is highly
probable, as it is still the port of _Kept_, anciently Coptos, or of
_Kus_ near it, both on the Nile, as well as the nearest port to the Nile
on all that coast, which _Berenice_ was. Dr Pocock supposes old Kossir
to have been _Myos Hormos_: but we rather believe it to have been
Berenice.--Ast.]
The most experienced of the Moors had never heard of the name of
Egypt[308], but call the whole land from _Al Kossir_ to Alexandria by
the name of _Riffa_[309], which abounds in all kinds of victuals and
provisions more than any other part of the world, together with great
abundance of cattle, horses, and camels, there not being a single foot
of waste land in the whole country. According to the information I
received; their language and customs are entirely Arabic. The land, as I
was told, is entirely plain, on which it never rains except for a
wonder; but God hath provided a remedy by ordaining that the Nile should
twice a year[310] overflow its natural bounds to water the fields. They
said likewise that the Nile from opposite to _Al Kossir_, and far above
that towards the bounds of Abyssinia, was navigable all the way to
Alexandria; but having many islands and rocks, either it was necessary
to have good pilots or to sail only by day. They told me likewise that
the natives inhabited this barren spot of _Al Kossir_, as being the
nearest harbour on the coast of the Red Sea to the Nile, whence
provisions were transported; and that the inhabitants were satisfied
with slight matts instead of roofs to their houses because not troubled
with rain, and the matts were a sufficient protection from the sun: but
made their walls of stone to defend themselves against the malignity and
rapaciousness of the _Badwis_, a perverse people, void of all goodness,
who often suddenly assaulted the place in hope of plunder, and
frequently pillaged the caravans coming across from the Nile with
provisions and other commodities.
[Footnote 308: No wonder, as _Messr_ is the name by which Egypt is known
to the Arabs.--E.]
[Footnote 309: More properly _Al Rif_, which name more particularly
belongs to part of Lower Egypt.--Ast.]
[Footnote 310: This is erroneous, as the Nile only overflows once
yearly.--E.]
The 18th of April we fastened ourselves to a shoal about four leagues
past _Kossir_, and set sail from thence at noon. The 19th, about half
an hour past eight o'clock, while proceeding with fine weather, we were
suddenly taken aback by a fierce gust at N.N.W. which obliged us to take
shelter in an island called _Suffange-al-bahar_[311] or
_Saffanj-al-bahr_, losing 4 or 5 leagues of way that we had already
advanced. The name given to this island means in the Arabic a
_sea-sponge_. It is 13 leagues beyond _Al Kossir_, in lat. 27° N. being
in length about two leagues by about a quarter in breadth, all of sand
without trees or water. Its harbour is good in all weathers; but upon
the main land the number of bays, ports, and harbours about this place
are wonderful. The best channel here is between the island, and the
main, along the coast of the continent, as on the side next the island
there are some shoals. Likewise in the northern entry to this port there
are other shoals which need not be feared in coming in by day, and in
the southern entrance there is a large rock in the very middle. The 20th
at sunset we were about six leagues beyond this island of
Safanj-al-bahr. From which island to a sandy, point about 1-1/2 league
beyond, the coast trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. and from this point forwards
to the end of the six leagues, the coast winds inwards to landwards
forming a large bay, within which are many islands, ports, creeks, bays,
and notable harbours. The 21st by day we were fast to the shore of an
island called Sheduam, and the wind being calm, we rowed along the coast
of the island, which, opposite to Arabia or the east side, is high and
craggy, all of hard rock, three leagues long and two broad. This island
is 20 leagues beyond _Al Kossir_, having no water nor any trees. It is
between the two coasts of Arabia and Egypt, being five leagues from
either. Beyond it to the north-west are three small low islands with
shoals among them. An hour after sunset, we were upon the north cape or
point of this island, whence we crossed towards the Arabian coast[312],
and having no wind we took to our oars. Within a little it began to blow
fair from the S.E. and we set sail steering N.W. At eleven next morning,
we were upon the coast of the Stony Arabia, and soon sailed along its
shore, entering two hours before sunset into the port _Toro_ or _Al
Tor_, which may be seen front the island of Sheduam, distant 12 leagues,
bearing N. by W. and S. by E.
[Footnote 311: _Safanj-al-Bahr_. In Arabic _Safanj, Sofinj_ and
_Isfanj_, all signify _Sponge_, which is obviously derived from the
Arabic word.--Ast.]
[Footnote 312: Probably meaning that part of Arabia between the Gulf of
Suez and the Bahr-akkaba, called the promontory of Tor, of which Cape
Mahomed forms the S.W. extremity,--E.]
_Toro_ or _Al Tor_ was of old called _Elana_, as may be seen in the
writings of Ptolomy, Strabo, and other ancient writers, although our
observation of the latitude differs materially from theirs. But they
shew that _Elana_ was situated in the most inward part of a very great
gulf, called _Sinus Elaniticus_[313], from the name of this place
_Elana_, and in lat. 29°15' N. Now we know that _Toro_ is in lat. 28°10'
N.[314] and lies upon a very long and straight coast. The cause of this
great difference, if these places be the same, may have proceeded from
erroneous information given to Ptolomy and the other ancient
cosmographers. But that ancient _Elana_ and modern _Toro_ are the same,
appears from this, that from thence to Suez both on the Arabian and
Egyptian coasts of the Elanitic Gulf, not only is there no memorial or
remains of any other ancient town, and the barrenness of the country,
want of water, and rough craggy mountains, make it evident that in no
other place could there be any habitation. Hence, considering that
Ptolomy places Elana on the coast of _Arabia Petrea_, near adjoining to
mount Sinai, and makes no mention of any town between it and the _City
of Heroes_ on the upmost extremity of the Elanitic Gulf where the sea
ends; and as on this shore of Arabia there is neither town, village, nor
habitation, coming so near the position assigned to _Elana_ as _Toro_,
and as it is impossible to inhabit between _Toro_ and _Suez_, it seems
just to conclude that _Toro_ and _Elana_ are the same place. The port of
_Toro_ seems likewise that mentioned in holy writ under the name of
_Ailan_, where Solomon, king of Israel, caused the ships to be built
which sailed to _Tarsis_ and _Ophir_ to bring gold and silver for the
temple of Jerusalem: for taking away the second letter from _Ailan_, the
ancient names are almost the same. Nor is it reasonable that it should
be in any other place, as the timber for the navy of Solomon was brought
from Lebanon and Antelibanus; and to avoid expences they would
necessarily carry it to the nearest port, especially as the Jews then
possessed the region of Idumea, and that part of the coast of Arabia
Petrea which is between Toro and Suez. Strabo holds that _Elana_ and
_Ailan_ are the same city; and when treating of this city in another
place, he says, that from the port of _Gaza_ it is 1260 furlongs to the
city of Ailan, which is situated on the _inwardest_ part of the Arabic
Gulf[315]; "and there are two, one towards Gaza and Arabia, called the
Sinus Elaniticus, from the city Elana which stands upon it; the other on
the Egyptian side towards the _City of Heroes_ and the way from
_Pelusium_ to this gulf is very small." This is what I would pick out
from ancient authors.
[Footnote 313: Don Juan entirely mistakes this point of antiquity, in
consequence of not having learnt that there was another and eastern gulf
at the head of the Red Sea; the _Bahr-akkaba_ or real _Sinus
Elaniticus_, on which is the town of _Ayla_, assuredly the ancient
_Elana_ or _Aylan_.--E.]
[Footnote 314: If this observation be exact, the great promontory or
peninsula between the gulfs at the head of the Red Sea must be extended
too far south in the map constructed by Dr Pocock.--Ast.]
[Footnote 315: Had Don Juan de Castro been acquainted with the eastern
gulf at the head of the Red Sea, called the _Bahr-akkaba_, he would have
more readily chosen _Ayla_ for the seat of _Ailan_, and the dock-yard of
the navy of Solomon, being at the _inwardest_ part of the Red Sea, and
the port nearest to Gaza. Besides, the portion of the text marked with
inverted commas, seems a quotation by Don Juan from Strabo, which
distinctly indicates the eastern or Elanitic Gulf, and points to _Ayla_
as the seat of Elana and _Ailan_, and distinctly marks the other or
western gulf, now that of Suez.--E.]
"As this is a point of great moment in geography, it deserves to be
examined[316]. It is observable that Don Juan admits that both Ptolemy
and Strabo make the Red Sea terminate to the north in two large gulfs,
one towards Egypt and the other towards Arabia, at the end of which
latter they place _Elana_. Yet here he rejects the authority of both
geographers, alleging that both were mistaken, because Tor is situated
on a very long and straight coast. He likewise cites Ptolomy as making
the latitude of Elana 29°15' N.[317] yet accounts the difference between
that position and the altitude found at Al Tor, 20°10', as of no
significance here, though in former instances he had held the tables of
Ptolomy as infallible. It is still stranger that Don Juan should after
all admit of a gulf of _Elana_, as will be seen presently, and yet place
it at a great distance, and at the opposite side of the sea from that on
which Elana stands. However this may be, it is certain that Don Juan,
and not the ancients, has been misinformed on this matter; for not only
the _Arab_ geographers give a particular account of this eastern gulf,
as will appear from the description of the Red Sea by _Abulfeda_, but
its existence has been proved, by two English travellers, Dr Shaw and Dr
Pocock. The errors which Don Juan has here fallen into, has been owing
to not having examined the coast on the side of Arabia; for until the
fleet came to the island of Sheduam, it had sailed entirely along the
African shore; and then, leaving the north part of that island, it
passed over to the coast of Arabia[318] for the first time, where it may
be presumed that they fell in with the land some way to the north of the
S.W. point of the great peninsula between the two gulfs. This cape in
the maps by De L'Isle and Dr Pocock is called _Cape Mahomet_. Still
however as the island of Sheduam seems to lie nearer the eastern gulf;
its north end being at least eighteen or twenty miles to the southward
of Cape Mahomet, it is surprising that Don Juan and the whole fleet
should overlook that gulf, which indeed was done before by the Venetian
who sailed along the Arabian shore in the fleet of Solyman Pacha. What
Don Juan says about the identity of _Elana_ and _Ailan_ or _Aylan_ we
shall not contend about, as the authority of Strabo, and the similarity
of names are strong proofs. But we shall presently see that the Arabs
place _Aylan_ at the head of a great gulf; and the distance he cites
from Strabo, 1260 stadia from Gaza to Aylan, supposing it to be exact,
is a proof that _Aylan_ cannot be the same with _Toro_. We shall only
observe farther, that the positive denial by Don Juan of there being any
such gulf as the _Elanitic_ on the east or side of Arabia, may have been
the reason why it was not laid down in the maps of _Sanson_, or by any
geographer before _De L'Isle_."--Ast. I. 124. a.
[Footnote 316: This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is a
dissertation by the editor of Astleys Collection, too important to be
omitted, and too long for a note.--E.]
[Footnote 317: The latitude of Ayla in modern maps is about 29°10' N.
having a very near coincidence.--E.]
[Footnote 318: Properly speaking only to the Arabian coast of the Gulf
of Suez, not at all to the Arabian coast of the Red Sea.--E.]
The city of _Toro_ or _Al Tor_ is built on the sea-side along an
extensive and fair strand or beach, and about a cannon-shot before
coming to it we saw twelve palm-trees close together very near the sea;
and from these a plain field extends to the foot of some high hills.
These hills are part of a chain which extends from the straits of Ormuz
or Persian Gulf, and which extend hither along the coast very high above
the sea as far as Toro, where they leave the coast, "and with a great
and sudden violence return from thence to the main towards the
north-east, as angry and wearied by so long neighbourhood of the
waters." _Arabia Petrea_ is divided by three mountains from _Arabia
Felix,_ and on the highest tops of them some Christians lead holy and
quiet lives. A little way beyond Toro, on the borders of the sea, a
mountain begins to rise by little and little; and thrusting out a large
high cape or promontory, seems to those in the town like three great and
mighty separate mountains. This town of Tor is small but well situated,
all its inhabitants being Christians who speak Arabic. It has a
monastery of friars of the order of _Monserrat_, in which is the oracle
or image of _Santa Catalina_ of Mount Sinai or St Catharine. These
friars are all Greeks. The harbour of Toro is not large, but very
secure, having opposite to the shore a long stony bank, between which
and the shore is the harbour. At this place both the coasts of the gulf
are only about three leagues distant.
Being desirous to learn some particulars concerning this country, I made
myself acquainted with the friars, from whom I had the following
information. They told me that Mount Sinai was _thirteen_ small days
journey into the land, or about 18 leagues[319]. The mountain is very
high, the country around being plain and open, having on its borders a
great town inhabited by Christians, into which no Mahometan can enter
except he who gathers the rents and duties belonging to the Turks. On
the top of the mountain is a monastery having many friars, where the
body of the blessed Virgin St Catharine lay buried. According to Anthony
bishop of Florence, the body of this Holy Virgin was carried away by the
angels from the city of Alexandria and buried on Mount Sinai. They told
me farther that about four months before our arrival this most blessed
and holy body was carried from the mountain with great pomp, on a
triumphal chariot all gilt, to the city of Cairo, where the Christians
of that city, which are the bulk of the inhabitants, came out to receive
it in solemn procession, and set it with great honour in a monastery.
The cause of this strange removal was the many insults which the
monastery on Mount Sinai suffered from the Arabs, from whom the friars
and pilgrims had often to redeem themselves with money; of which the
Christians of Cairo complained to the Turkish governor, and received
permission to bring the blessed and holy body to their city, which was
done accordingly, in spite of a strenuous opposition from the friars of
Mount Sinai. I am somewhat doubtful of the truth of this
transportation, suspecting that the friars may have trumped up this
story lest we might have taken the holy body from them, as they expected
us with an army of 10,000 men. Yet they affirmed it for truth,
expressing great sorrow for the removal. These friars told me likewise
that several hermits lead a solitary and holy life in these mountains
over against the town; and that all through the Stony Arabia, there are
many towns of Christians. I asked if they knew where the Jews had passed
the Red Sea; but they knew of no certain place, only that it must have
been somewhere between _Toro_ and _Suez_. They said likewise, that on
the Arabian coast of the Gulf, two or three leagues short of Suez, was
the fountain which Moses caused to spring from the rock by striking it
with his rod, being still called by the Arabs the fountain of Moses, the
water of which is purer and more pleasant than any other. They said that
from _Toro_ to _Cairo_ by land was seven ordinary days journey, in which
the best and most direct way was through Suez: But that since the
Turkish gallies came to Suez they had changed the road, going two
leagues round to avoid Suez, after which they turned to the west.
[Footnote 319: Surely this passage should be only _three_ short days
journey.--E.]
I afterwards conversed with a very honest, learned and curious
Mahometan, whom I asked if he could tell where the Jews crossed the Red
Sea; on which he told me that both in tradition and in some old writings
it was said that the Jews, fleeing from the Egyptians, arrived on the
coast of Egypt directly opposite to _Toro_, where Moses prayed to God
for deliverance, and struck the sea twelve times with his rod, on which
it opened in twelve several paths, by which the Jews passed over to the
other side to where _Toro_ now stands; after which the Egyptians
entering into these paths were all destroyed to the number of about
600,000 men. That from _Toro_ Moses led the Israelites to Mount Sinai,
where Moses spake many times with God. I approved much of this opinion;
for if the passage had been at Suez, as some insist, the Egyptians had
no occasion to have entered into the sea for persecuting the Jews, as
they could have gone round the bay and got before them, more especially
as they were horsemen and the Jews all on foot. For though all these
things came about by a miracle, we see always on like occasions there is
a shew and manner of reason. I asked of this Moor if it were true that
the Christians of Cairo had carried away the body of St Catharine from
Mount Sinai; but he said he had never heard of it, neither did he
believe the story; and that only four months before he had been in
Cairo, which city they call _Mecara_[320], where he heard of no such
thing. He thought likewise that the Christians about Mount Sinai would
never have permitted such a thing, as they all considered that woman as
a saint, and held her body in great reverence. He told me also that two
or three leagues before coming to _Suez_ there is a fountain which was
given to the Jews at the intercession of Moses, whom they call _Muzau_,
the water of which surpasses all others in goodness. On inquiring what
kind of a place was the town of _Suez_, he said he had never been there,
as no person could enter that town except those appointed by the
governor of Cairo for taking care of the gallies, nor come nearer than
two leagues under pain of death.
[Footnote 320: Mecara, perhaps by mistake for Meçara or Mezara, which is
very near Mesr as it is called by the Turks. Cairo is an Italian
corruption of Kahera or al Kahira--Astl.]
SECTION VIII.
_Continuation of the Voyage from Taro or al Tor to Suez._
We set sail the day after our arrival at Toro, being the 23d of April
1541, and on the 24th we were in the lat. of 27° 17' N. At this place,
which is 20 leagues beyond Toro and 52 leagues from _al Kossir_, the
land of Egypt, or that coast of the Red Sea which continueth all the way
from Abyssinia, comes out into the sea with a very long and low point,
which winds a great way inwards to the land and more crooked than any
other I have seen. After forming a large fine bay, it juts out into a
large high cape or point, which is three short leagues from _Suez_, at
the other extremity of this bay, and from that first promontory to
_Suez_ the land bears N.W. by N. and S.E. by S. The shore of this bay is
very high and rough, and at the same time entirely parched and barren.
The whole of this large bay, except very near the shore, is so deep that
we had no ground with fifty fathom, and the bottom is a soft sand lake
ouze. This bay I hold to have been undoubtedly the _Sinus Elaniticus_ of
the ancients, though Strabo and Ptolemy, being both deceived in regard
to its situation, placed it on the coast of Stony Arabia at _Toro_.
This I mentioned before, when describing _Toro_, that Strabo says the
Arabian Gulf ends in two bays, one called _Elaniticus_ on the Arabian
side, and the other on the Egyptian side where stands the _City of
Heroes_[321]. Ptolemy evidently fixes the _elanitic sinus_ on the coast
of Arabia, where Toro now stands; which is very wonderful, considering
that Ptolemy Was born in Alexandria, where he wrote his Cosmography and
resided all his life, and which city is so very near these places.
[Footnote 321: No description can be more explicit: but Don John
unfortunately knew not of the eastern _sinus_, and found himself
constrained to find both _sinuses_ in one gulf.--E.]
The 26th of April we set sail, and at eleven o'clock we lowered our
sails, rowing along shore, where we cast anchor. Two hours before sunset
we weighed again with the wind at north and rowed along shore; and
before the sun set we anchored behind a point of land on the Arabian
shore, which sheltered us effectually from the north wind, having
advanced only a league and a half this day. This point is three _small_
leagues short of _Suez_, and is directly east of the N.W. point of the
Great Gulf, distance about a league. From this point, about half a
league inland, is the fountain of Moses already mentioned. As soon as we
had cast anchor we went on shore, whence we saw the end of this sea,
which we had hitherto thought without end, and could plainly see the
masts of the Turkish ships. All this gave us much satisfaction, yet
mixed with much anxiety. As the wind blew hard all night from the north,
we remained at anchor behind the point till day.
On the morning of the 27th, the wind blowing hard at N.N.W. we remained
at anchor till ten, when we departed from the point and made for Suez
with our oars. When about a league from the end of the sea, I went
before with two _catures_ to examine the situation of Suez and to look
out for a proper landing-place. We got close up to Suez about three
o'clock in the afternoon, where we saw many troops of horse in the
field, and two great bands of foot-soldiers in the town, who made many
shots at us from a blockhouse. The Turkish navy at this place consisted
of forty-one large gallies, and nine great ships. Having completed the
examination, and returned to our fleet, we all went to the point of land
to the west of the bay, and came to anchor near the shore in five
fathoms water, in an excellent harbour, the bottom a fine soft sand.
It is certain that in ancient times Suez was called the _City of
Heroes_, for it differs in nothing as to latitude situation and bearings
from what is said in Ptolomy, Table III. of Africa. More especially as
Suez is seated on the uttermost coast of the nook or bay where the sea
of Mecca ends, on which the City of Heroes was situated, as Strabo
writes in his XVII book thus: "The city of _Heroes_, or of _Cleopatra_,
by some called _Arsinoe_, is in the uttermost bounds of the _Sinus
Arabicus_, which is towards Egypt.". Pliny, in the VI. book of his
Natural History, seems to call the port of Suez _Danao_, on account of
the trench or canal opened between the Nile and the Red Sea. The
latitude of Suez is 29° 45' N. being the nearest town and port of the
Red Sea to the great city of Cairo, called anciently _Babylon_ of Egypt.
From Suez to the _Levant Sea_ or Mediterranean, at that mouth of one of
the seven branches of the Nile which is called _Pelusium_, is about 40
leagues by land, which space is called the _isthmus_, or narrow neck of
land between the two seas. On this subject Strabo writes in his XVII.
book, "The isthmus between Pelusium and the extreme point of the Arabian
Gulf where stands the _City of Heroes_, is 900 stadia." This is the port
of the Red Sea to which Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, after the victory
obtained by Augustus over Antony, commanded ships to be carried by land
from the Nile, that they might flee to the Indians.
Sesostris King of Egypt and Darius King of Persia undertook at different
periods to dig a canal between the Nile and the Red Sea, on purpose to
open a navigable communication between the Mediterranean and the Indian
ocean; but as neither of them completed the work, Ptolomy made a trench
100 feet broad and 30 feet deep, which being nearly finished, he
discontinued lest the sea-water from the Arabian Gulf might render the
water of the Nile salt and unfit for use. Others say that, on taking the
level, the architects and masters of the work found that the Sea of
Arabia was _three cubits_ higher than the land of Egypt, whence it was
feared that all the country would be inundated and destroyed. The
ancient authors on this subject are Diodorus Siculus, Pliny, Pomponius
Mela, Strabo, and many other cosmographers[322].
[Footnote 322: This communication was actually opened about A.D. 685,
by _Amru_, who conquered Egypt for _Moawiah_, the first _Ommiyan
Khalifah_ of Damascus. It was called _al Khalij al Amir al Momenein_, or
the canal of the commander of the faithful, the title of the Caliphs. It
was shut up about 140 years afterwards by _Abu Jafar al Mansur_.--Astl.]
Although the town of Suez had a great name of old, it is small enough at
this time, and I believe had been utterly ruined and abandoned if the
Turkish navy had not been stationed here. In the front of the land which
faces the south where this sea ends there is the mouth of a small creek
or arm of the sea entering a short way into the land, which extends
towards the west till stopped by a hillock, the only one that rises in
these parts: Between which creek and the bay or ending of the sea is a
very long and narrow tongue or spit of sand, on which the gallies and
ships of the Turks lie aground; and on which the ancient and warlike
City of the Heroes is seated[323]. There still remains a small castle,
without which are two high ancient towers, the remains of the City of
Heroes which stood here in old times. But on the point of land where the
creek enters there is a great and mighty bulwark of modern structure,
which defends the entry of the creek, and scours the coast behind the
sterns of the gallies if any one should attempt to land in that place.
Besides this, there runs between the gallies and the strand, an
entrenchment like a ridge or long hill, making the place very strong and
defensible. Having considered this place attentively, it seemed to me
impossible to land in any part except behind the little mountain on the
west at the head of the creek, as we should be there free from the
Turkish artillery, and likewise the possession of this hillock might
contribute to our success against the enemy. But it is necessary to
consider that all along this strand the water is shoaly for the breadth
of a bow-shot, and the ground a soft sticking clay or sinking sand, as I
perceived by examining the ground from the foist or cature, which would
be very prejudicial to the men in landing.
[Footnote 323: This description does not agree with the map or relation
of Dr Pocock; which makes the sea terminate in two bays, divided by the
tongue of land on which Suez stands. That to the N.W. is very wide at
the mouth, and is properly the termination of the western gulf of the
Red Sea. The other on the N.E. is narrow at the entrance; and is divided
by another tongue of land into two parts.--Astl.]
In regard to the particulars which I learnt concerning Suez, as told me
by some of the men I met with, especially the Moor formerly mentioned
whom I conversed with at Toro, I was informed that at the fountain of
Moses, formerly mentioned as three leagues from Suez towards _Toro_,
there had been a great city in old times, of which they say dome
buildings or ruins are still to be seen; but they could not say what had
been its name. They told me also that the remains of the canal attempted
to be made in old times from the Nile at the city of Cairo to Suez were
still to be seen, though much defaced and filled by length of time, and
that those who travel from Suez to Cairo have necessarily to pass these
remains. Some alleged that this trench was not intended for navigation
between the Nile and the Red sea, but merely to bring water from the
Nile for the supply of Suez. They told me that the whole country from
Suez to Cairo was a sandy plain, quite barren and without water, being
three days journey going at leisure, or about 15 leagues. That in Suez
and the country round it seldom rained, but when it did at any time it
was very heavy; and that the north-wind blew at Suez the whole year with
great force.
From _Toro_ to _Suez_ it is 28 leagues, without any island bank or shoal
in the whole way that can impede the navigation. Departing from Toro by
the middle of the channel, the ran for the first 16 leagues is N.W. by
N. from S.E. by S. in all of which space the two coasts are about an
equal distance from each other, or about three leagues asunder. At the
end of these 16 or 17 leagues, the coasts begin to close very much, so
that the opposite shores are only one league distant, which narrowness
continues for two leagues; after which the Egyptian coast withdraws very
much towards the west, making the large fine bay formerly mentioned. The
mid channel from the end of the before mentioned 16 or 17 leagues, till
we come to the N.W. point of this bay trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. the
distance being 8 leagues. In this place the lands again approach very
much, as the Arabian shore thrusts out a very long low point, and the
Egyptian coast sends out a very large and high point at the end of the
bay on the N.W. side, these points being only a little more than one
league asunder. From these points to Suez and the end of this sea, the
coasts wind inwards on each side, making another bay somewhat more than
two leagues and a half long and one league and a half broad, where this
sea, so celebrated in holy scripture and by profane authors, has its
end. The middle of this bay extends N. and S. with some deflection to
W. and E. respectively, distance two leagues and a half. On the coast
between Toro and Suez, on the Arabian side, a hill rises about a
gun-shot above Toro very near the sea, which is all bespotted with red
streaks from side to side, giving it a curious appearance. This hill
continues along the coast for 15 or 16 leagues, but the red streaks do
not continue more than six leagues beyond Toro. At the end of the 15 or
16 leagues this ridge rises into a great and high knoll, after which the
ridge gradually recedes from the sea, and ends about a league short of
Suez. Between the high knoll and Suez along the sea there is a very low
plain, in some places a league in breadth, and in others nearer Suez a
league and half. Beside this hill towards Toro I saw great heaps of
sand, reaching in some places to the top of the hill, yet were there no
sands between the hill and the sea: "Likewise by the clefts and breaches
many broken sands were driven," whence may be understood how violent the
cross winds blow here, as they snatch up and drive the sand from out of
the sea and lift it to the tops of the hills. These cross winds, as I
noticed by the lying of the sands, were from the W. and the W.N.W.
On the other or Egyptian side of this gulf, between Toro and Suez, there
run certain great and very high hills or mountains appearing over the
sea coast; which about 17 leagues above Toro open in the middle as low
as the plain field, after which they rise as high as before, and
continue along the shore to within a league of Suez, where they entirely
cease. I found the ebb and flow of the sea between Toro and Suez quite
conformable with what has been already said respecting other parts of
the coast, and neither higher nor lower: Whence appears the falsehood of
some writers, who pretend that no path was opened through this sea for
the Israelites by miracle; but merely that the sea ebbed so much in this
place that they waited the ebb and passed over dry. I observed that
there were only two places in which it could have been possible for
Sesostris and Ptolomy kings of Egypt, to have dug canals from the Nile
to the Red-Sea: One of these by the breach of the mountains on the
Egyptian coast 17 leagues above Toro, and 11 short of Suez; and the
other by the end of the nook or bay on which Suez stands; as at this
place the hills on both sides end, and all the land remains quite plain
and low, without hillocks or any other impediment. This second appears
to me to be much more convenient for so great a work than the other,
because the land is very low, the distance shorter, and there is a haven
at Suez. All the rest of the coast is lined by great and high mountains
of hard rock. Hence Suez must be the place to which Cleopatra commanded
the ships to be brought across the isthmus, a thing of such great labour
that shortness was of most material importance: Here likewise for the
same reason must have been the trench or canal from the Nile to the Red
Sea; more especially as all the coast from Toro upwards is waste, and
without any port till we come to Suez.
During all the time which we spent between Toro and Suez, the heaven was
constantly overcast with thick black clouds, which seemed contrary to
the usual nature of Egypt; as all concur in saying that it never rains
in that country, and that the heavens are never obscured by clouds or
vapours: But perhaps the sea raises these clouds at this place, and
farther inland the sky might be clear; as we often see in Portugal that
we have clear pleasant weather at Lisbon, while at Cintra only four
leagues distant, there are great clouds mists and rain. The sea between
Toro and Suez is subject to sudden and violent tempests; as when the
wind blows from the north, which is the prevailing wind here, although
not very great, the sea is wonderfully raised, the waves being
everywhere so coupled together and broken that they are very dangerous.
This is not occasioned by shallow water, as this channel is very deep,
only that on the Egyptian side it is somewhat shoaly close to the shore.
"About this place I saw certain _sea foams_ otherwise called _evil
waters_, the largest I had ever seen, being as large as a target, of a
whitish dun colour. These do not pass lower than Toro; but below that
there are infinite small ones, which like the other are bred in and go
about the sea[324]." While between Toro and Suez, though the days were
insufferably hot, the nights were colder than any I ever met with.
[Footnote 324: This passage respecting _sea foams_ or _evil waters_ is
altogether unintelligible, unless perhaps some obscure allusion to
_water-spouts_ maybe supposed.--E.]
SECTION IX.
_Return Voyage from Suez to Massua._
In the morning of the 28th of April 1541 we departed from before Suez on
our return to Massua[325]. At sunset we were one league short of a sharp
red peak on the coast, 20 leagues from Suez. At night we took in our
sails and continued along shore under our foresails only, the wind
blowing hard at N.N.W. Two hours within the night, we came to anchor
near the shore in 3 fathoms, the heavens being very dark and covered by
many thick black clouds. The 29th we weighed in the morning, and came
into the port of Toro at nine o'clock, but soon weighed again, and came
to anchor a league farther on, in a haven called _Solymans watering
place_, where we took in water, digging pits in the sand a stones throw
from the sea, where we got abundance of brackish water. Leaving this
place in the morning of the 30th, we anchored at 10 in the morning at
the first of the three islands, which are two leagues N.W. of the island
of _Sheduam_. I went on shore here with my pilot, when we took the suns
altitude a little less than 80°; and as the declination that day was
17°36' the latitude of this island is 27°40' N. At sunset on the 1st of
May we set sail, and by even-song time we came to an island, two leagues
long, which thrusts out a point very close to the main land, between
which and the island is a singularly good harbour for all weathers, fit
for all the ships in the world. The 2d at sunset we came to anchor in
the port of _Goelma_[326], which is safe from N. and N.W. winds, but
only fit for small vessels. A short space within the land is the dry bed
of a brook, having water during the floods of winter descending from the
mountains. Digging a little way we found fresh water. There is a well
here also, but not abundant in water. This port, the name of which
signifies in Arabic _the port of water_, is N.N.W. of _al Kessir_,
distant 4 leagues.
[Footnote 325: The fleet seems only to have been before Suez from 3
o'clock on the afternoon of the 27th of April till the morning of next
day the 28th, or rather Don Juan only went forwards to examine the
possibility of landing. Yet De Faria says, II. 23. "That after many
brave attempts made by several to view and sound the harbour, Don
Stefano landed with his men, and being repulsed, chiefly by means of an
ambush of 2000 horse, was obliged to retire." The silence of Don John
respecting any military operations, and the shortness of time, leaves
hardly room to suppose that any were attempted.--E.]
[Footnote 326: Rather Kallama or Kalla'lma,--Astl.]
The 4th of May we rowed along shore, and came to anchor near sunset, in
a small but excellent harbour named _Azallaihe_, two leagues S.E. beyond
_Shakara_ between that place and the _black hillock_. We lay at anchor
all night, the wind at N.N.W. _Bohalel Shame_ is a deep, safe, and
capacious port, in which many ships may ride at anchor. It was named
from one Bohalel, a rich chief of the _Badwis_ who dwelt in the inland
country, and used to sell cattle to the ships frequenting this port.
_Shame_ signifies land or country; so that _Bohalel Shame_ signifies the
Land of Bohalel[327]. At this place we found an honourable tomb within a
house like a chapel, in which hung a silk flag or standard, with many
arrows or darts round the grave, and the walls were hung round with many
bulls[328]. On an upright slab or table at the head of the grave there
was a long inscription or epitaph, and about the house there were many
sweet-scented waters and other perfumes. From the Moors and Arabs I was
informed that an Arabian of high rank of the lineage of Mahomet was here
buried; and that the _Sharifs_ of Jiddah and other great prelates gave
indulgences and pardons to all who visited his sepulchre: But the
Portuguese sacked the house and afterwards burnt it, so that no vestige
was left. On the shore of this harbour we saw many footsteps of tigers
and goats, as if they had come here in search of water.
[Footnote 327: Rather perhaps _Bohalel Shomeh_, meaning the lot or
portion of Bohalel.--Astl.]
[Footnote 328: Perhaps _Bells_.--E.]
Having often occasion to mention the _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_ while
voyaging along the coasts of their country, it may be proper to give
some account of that people. These _Badwis_ are properly the
_Troglodites ophiofagi_, of whom Ptolemy, Pomponius Mela, and other
ancient writers make mention. These _Badwis_ or _Troglodites_ live on
the mountains and sea-coasts from _Melinda_ and _Magadoxa_ to Cape
_Guardafu_, and thence all along the coasts of the Red Sea on both
sides, and along the outer coast of Arabia through the whole coast of
the Persian Gulf; all of which land they may be more properly said to
occupy than to inhabit. In Good Arabic, _Badwi_ signifies one who lives
only by cattle[329]. Those who dwell along the Red Sea from _Zeyla_ to
_Swakem_, and thence to _al Kossir_, are continually at war with the
_Nubii_ or _Nubians_; while those from _Kossir_ to _Suez_ perpetually
molest the Egyptians. On the eastern coast of the Red Sea the _Badwis_
have incessant contests with the Arabians. They are wild men, among whom
there is no king or great lord, but they live in tribes or factions,
allowing of no towns in their country, neither have they any fixed
habitations, but live a vagabond life, wandering from place to place
with their cattle. They abhor all laws and ordinances, neither will they
admit of their differences being judged of by any permanent customs or
traditions, but rather that their sheiks or chiefs shall determine
according to their pleasure. They dwell in caves and holes, but most of
them in tents or huts. In colour they are very black, and their language
is Arabic. They worship Mahomet, but are very bad Mahometans, being
addicted beyond all other people on earth to thievery and rapine. They
eat raw flesh, and milk is their usual drink. Their habits are vile and
filthy; but they run with wonderful swiftness. They fight afoot or on
horseback, darts being their chief weapons, and are almost continually
at war with their neighbours.
[Footnote 329: _Badwi_, or more properly _Badawi_, signifies a dweller
in the field or in the desert; corruptly called by us Bedouin.--Astl.]
By day-light of the 10th May we weighed anchor from the port of
_Igidid_[330], and an hour before sunset we fastened our barks to a
shoal about four leagues south of _Farate_. In this shoal there is an
excellent harbour, lying almost E.S.E. and W.N.W. but very crooked and
winding, so large that we could not see to the other end. The 22d of
May[331], by day-break, we were a league short of the grove which stands
four leagues north of _Massua_, having the wind from the land. At nine
o'clock it began to blow fair from the N.N.E. and we entered the port of
Massua at noon, where we were joyfully received by the fleet and army.
From the 22d of May, when we entered Massua, the winds were always from
the easterly points, either E. or S.E. or E.S.E. often with great
storms. On the last day of June we had so violent a gale from S.E. that
the galleons drifted and were in great danger of grounding. This storm
was attended by heavy rain and fearful thunders, and a thunderbolt
struck the mast of one of our galleons, which furrowed it in its whole
length. On the 2d of July we had another great storm from the east which
lasted most of the day, and drove many of our vessels from their
anchors. From thence to the 7th of July we had other storms, but small
in comparison. On the 8th and 9th we had two desperate gales from the
land.
[Footnote 330: Either Don Juan or his abbreviator has omitted part of
the Journal at this place, from the port of _Azallaihe_ to that of
_Igidid_--E.]
[Footnote 331: Here again a considerable portion of the Journal is
emitted.--E.]
SECTION X.
_Return of the Expedition from Massua to India_.
Having remained 48 days at Massua, we set sail from thence on our return
to India on the 9th of July 1541, one hour before sunrise, and by
day-break we were two or three leagues short of the north point of
_Dallak_, and among some flat islands that have some woods, which
islands are scattered in the sea to the north of Dallak. We sailed
through a channel between two of these islands, having a fair wind
almost N.W. our course being N.E. by N. After doubling a shoal we came
to anchor, and at two in the afternoon we sailed again with a fair wind
at N.N.E. coasting the island of Dallak. An hour before sunset we came
to a very flat sandy island, called _Dorat Melkuna_, from which on all
sides extended great shoals. When the sun set we were a league short of
the island of _Shamoa_, between which and the west side of Dallak,
opposite the Abyssinian coast, is the most frequented channel for such
as sail to Massua. All the coast of Dallak which we sailed along this
day trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. and is very low. The 18th of July by day
break we saw the mouth of the straits[332], about three leagues distant,
"and we saw all the fleet _lye at hull_, and presently we set sail
altogether[333]."
[Footnote 332: A large portion of the Journal is again omitted at this
place, either by Don Juan or his abbreviator, Purchas.--E.]
[Footnote 333: Perhaps in coming in sight of the Strait, the ship of Don
Juan was so much in advance as barely to see the hulls of the rest; and
lay to till the rest came up.--E.]
Before leaving the Gulf of Arabia or of Mecca, it may be proper to
consider the reason why the ancients called this Gulf the _Red Sea_, and
to give my own opinion founded on what I actually saw, whether it differ
in colour from the great ocean. In the _sixth_ book of his Natural
History, Pliny quotes several opinions as the origin of the name
_Erythros_ given to this sea by the ancients[334]. The first is, that it
took its name from _Erythra_, a king who once reigned on its borders,
whence came _Erythros_ which signifies _red_ in the Greek. Another
opinion was that the reflexion of the sun-beams gave a red colour to
this sea. Some hold that the red colour proceeds from the sand and
ground along the sea coast, and others that the water was red itself. Of
these opinions every writer chose that he liked best. The Portuguese who
formerly navigated this sea affirmed that it was spotted or streaked
with red, arising as they alleged from the following circumstances. They
say that the coast of Arabia is naturally very red, and as there are
many great storms in this country, which raise great clouds of dust
towards the skies, which are driven by the wind into the sea, and the
dust being _red_ tinges the water of that colour, whence it got the name
of the Red Sea.
[Footnote 334: By Dr. Hyde, in his notes on _Peritsol_, and Dr.
Cumberland, in his remarks on Sanchoniatho, and by other writers,
_Erythros_ or _Red_ is supposed to be a translation of _Edom_, the name
of _Esau_; whence it is conjectured that this sea, as well as the
country of _Idumea_, took their denominations from _Edom_. But this does
not seem probable for two reasons: _First_, because the Jews do not call
it the _Red Sea_ but _Tam Suf_, or the _Sea of Weeds_; and, _second_,
the ancients included all the ocean between the coasts of Arabia and
India under the name of the _Erythrean_ or _Red Sea_, of which the
_Persian_ and the _Arabian Gulfs_ were reckoned branches.--Ast. I. 129.
c.]
From leaving _Socotora_, till I had coasted the whole of this sea all
the way to _Suez_, I continually and carefully observed this sea; and
the colour and appearance of its shores, the result of which I shall now
state. First then, it is altogether false that the colour of this sea is
red, as it does not differ in any respect from the colour of other seas.
As to the dust driven by the winds from the land to the sea staining the
water; we saw many storms raise great clouds of dust and drive them to
the sea, but the colour of its water was never changed by these. Those
who have said that the land on the coast is red, have not well observed
the coats and strands: for generally on both, sides the land by the sea
is brown and very dark, as if scorched. In some places it appears black
and in others white, and the sands are of these colours. In three places
only there are certain parts of the mountains having veins or streaks of
a red colour; and at these places the Portuguese had never been before
the present voyage. These three places are all far beyond _Swakem_
towards Suez, and the three hills having these red streaks or veins are
all of very hard rock, and all the land round about that we could see
are of the ordinary colour and appearance. Now, although substantially
the water of this sea has no difference in colour from that of other
seas, yet in many places its waves by accident seem very red, from the
following cause. From _Swakem_ to _Kossir_, which is 136 leagues, the
sea is thickly beset with shoals and shelves or reefs, composed of
_coral stone_, which grows like clustered trees spreading its branches
on all sides as is done by real _coral_, to which this stone bears so
strong resemblance that it deceives many who are not very skilful
respecting the growth and nature of coral.
This _coral stone_ is of two sorts, one of which is a very pure white,
and the other very _red_. In some places this _coral stone_ is covered
by great quantities of green ouze or sleech, and in other places it is
free from this growth. In some places this ouze or sleech is very bright
green, and in others of an orange-tawny colour. From _Swakem_ upwards,
the water of this sea is so exceedingly clear, that in many places the
bottom may be distinctly seen at the depth of 20 fathoms. Hence,
where-ever these shoals and shelves are, the water over them is of three
several colours, according to the colour of these rocks or shelves, red,
green, or white, proceeding from the colour of the ground below, as I
have many times experienced. Thus when the ground of the shoals is sand,
the sea over it appears _white_; where the coral-stone is covered with
_green_ ouze or sleech, the water above is greener even than the weeds;
but where the shoals are of _red_ coral, or coral-stone covered by _red_
weeds, all the sea over them appears very _red_. And, as this _red_
colour comprehends larger spaces of the sea than either the _green_ or
the _white_, because the stone of the shoals is mostly of _red coral_, I
am convinced that on this account it has got the name of the _Red Sea_,
and not the green sea or the white sea, though these latter colours are
likewise to be seen in perfection.
The means I used for ascertaining this secret of nature were these. I
oftentimes fastened my bark upon shoals where the sea appeared red, and
commanded divers to bring me up stones from the bottom. Mostly it was so
shallow over these shoals, that the bark touched; and in other places
the mariners could wade for half a league with the water only breast
high. On these occasions most of the stones brought up were of red
coral, and others were covered by orange-tawny weeds. Whether the sea
appeared _green_, I found the stones at the bottom were white coral
covered with green weeds; and where the sea was white I found a very
white sand. I have conversed often with the Moorish pilots, and with
persons curious in antiquities, who dwelt on this sea, who assured me
that it was never stained red by the dust brought from the land by the
winds: I do not, however reprove the opinion of former Portuguese
navigators; but I affirm, that having gone through this sea oftener than
they, and having seen its whole extent, while they only saw small
portions, I never saw any such thing. Every person with whom I conversed
wondered much at our calling it the Red Sea, as they knew no other name
for it than the sea of Mecca[335]. On the 9th of August 1541, we entered
the port of _Anchediva_, where we remained till the 21st of that month,
when we went in foists or barks and entered the port of Goa, whence we
set out on this expedition on the 31st of December 1540, almost eight
months before.
[Footnote 335: This might have been the case among the pilots at this
time; but among Arabic geographers it is likewise called the Sea of
Hejaz, the Sea of Yaman, and the Sea of Kolzum.--Astl.]
_Table of Latitudes observed in the Journal of Don Juan[336]._
Deg. Min.
Socotora, 12 40
Bab-al-Mondub[A] 12 15
Sarbo port,[B] 15 76[337]
Shaback, scarcely 19 0
_A nameless island _, 19 0
Tradate, harbour 19 50
Fushaa, bay 20 15
Farate, river 21 40
Ras-al-Jidid, port[B] 22 0
Comol, port 22 30
Ras-al-Nef, Cape 24 0
Swairt island 24 10
Gaudenauchi, port 24 40
Tuna, haven 25 30
Kossir[A] 26 15
Safanj-al-bahr, island 27 0
Island, 2 leagues N.W. from Sheduan 27 40
Toro, town 28 10
Anchorage, 20 leagues farther 29 17
Suez 29 45
[Footnote 336: In this Table [A] denotes _two_ observations having been
made at the place; [B] indicates more observations than two; and all the
rest only one. All of course north.--E.]
[Footnote 337: In the enumeration of latitudes in Astleys Collection
this is set down as 15 deg. 17 min. but in the text of Purchas it is
stated as here.--E.]
SECTION XI.
_Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf,
or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda_[338].
The following description of the Red Sea was written by _Ismael
Abulfeda_ prince of _Hamah_ in Syria, the ancient _Epiphania_, who died
in the 733d year of the _Hejirah_ or Mahometan era, corresponding with
the year 1332 of the Christian computation, after having lived sixty-one
years, twenty two of which he was sovereign of that principality.
Greaves has mistaken both the length of his reign, which he makes only
three years, and the time of his death[339]. Abulfeda was much addicted
to the study of geography and history, and wrote books on both of these
subjects, which are in great estimation in the East. His geography
written in 721, A.D. 1321, consists of tables of the latitudes and
longitudes of places, in imitation of Ptolemy, with descriptions, under
the title of _Takwin al Boldan_. No fewer than five or six translations
have been made of this work, but by some accident or other none of these
have ever been published. The only parts of this work that have been
printed are the tables of _Send_ and _Hend_, or India, published in the
French collection of Voyages and Travels by Thevenot; and those of
_Khowarazm_ or _Karazm, Mawara'l-nahar_, or Great Bukharia, and Arabia.
The two former were published in 1650, with a Latin translation by Dr
Greaves; and all the three by Hudson, in the third volume of the _Lesser
Greek Geographers_, in 1712; from which latter work this description of
the Red Sea is extracted, on purpose to illustrate the two preceding
journals, and to shew that there really is such a gulf on the coast of
Arabia as that mentioned by the ancients, that geographers may not be
misled by the mistake of Don Juan de Castro. In this edition, the words
inserted between parenthesis are added on purpose to accommodate the
names to the English orthography, or to make the description more
strictly conformable to the Arabic. The situations or geographical
positions are here thrown out of the text, to avoid embarrassment, and
formed into a table at the end. We cannot however warrant any of them,
as those which may have been settled by actual observation are not
distinguished from such as may not have had that advantage; which indeed
is the general fault of oriental tables of latitude and longitude. The
latitude of _Al Kossir_ comes pretty near that formed by Don Juan de
Castro; but that of _Al Kolzum_ must err above one degree, while that of
Swakem is more than two degrees erroneous.--Ast.
[Footnote 338: Astley, I. 130. We have adopted this article from Astleys
Collection, that nothing useful or curious may be omitted. In the
present time, when the trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope is about to be
thrown open, it might be highly useful to publish a series of Charts of
all the coasts and islands of the great Eastern Ocean; and among others,
a Chart of the Red Sea, with a dissertation on its geography and
navigation, might be made of singular interest and utility.--E.]
[Footnote 339: See Gagnier's preface to the life of Mahomet by
Abu'lfeda; and the preface of Shulten to that of Saladin--Astl. I. 130.
d.]
The author begins his description of the sea of _Kolzum_ or of _Yaman_
at _Al Kolzum_[340], a small city at the north end of this sea; which
from thence runs south, inclining a little towards the east, as far as
_al Kasir_ (_al Kossir_) the port of _Kus_[341]. Hence it continues its
course south, bending somewhat westward to about _Aidab_ (Aydhab[342].)
The coast passes afterwards directly south to _Sawakan_ (Swakem), a
small city in the land of the blacks, (or _al Sudan_). Proceeding thence
south, it encompasses the island of _Dahlak_, which is not far from the
western shore. Afterwards advancing in the same direction, it washes the
shores of _al Habash_ (_Ethiopia_ or _Abyssinia_), as far as the cape or
mountain of _al Mandab_ (or _al Mondub_), at the mouth of the _Bahr al
Kolzum_ or Red Sea, which here terminates; the _Bahr al Hind_, or Indian
Sea flowing into it at this place. The cape or mountain of _al Mandub_
and the desert of _Aden_ approach very near, being separated only by so
narrow a strait that two persons on the opposite sides may see each
other across. These Straits are named _Bab al Mandab_. By some
travellers the author was informed that these Straits lie _on this side_
of Aden to the north-west, a day and nights sail. The mountains of _al
Mandab_ are in the country of the negroes, and may be seen from the
mountains of _Aden_, though at a great distance. Thus much for the
western side of this sea. Let us now pass over to the eastern coast.
[Footnote 340: Or _al Kolzom_, which signifies _the swallowing up_.
Here, according to Albufeda in his description of _Mesr_ or Egypt,
Pharaoh was drowned, and the town and the sea took this name from that
event. _Kolzum_ is doubtless the ancient _Clysma_, as indicated both by
the similarity of names, and the agreement of situation. It was in the
road of the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca, but is now destroyed. Dr
Pocock places Clysma on his map about 15 min. south from Suez.--Ast. I.
131. b.]
[Footnote 341: _Kus_ is a town near the Nile, a little way south of
_Kept_, the ancient _Koptos_; which shews that Kossir must be the
ancient Berenice, as formerly observed in a note on the Journal of de
Castro.--Astl. I. 131. c.]
[Footnote 342: In this name of _Aydhab_, the _dh_ is pronounced with a
kind of lisp, like the English _th_ in the words _the_, _then_, &c.
About 1150, in the time of _al Edrisi_, this was a famous port, and
carried on a great trade. Both the king of _Bejah_ or _Bajah_, a port of
Nubia, and the Soldan of Egypt, had officers here to receive the
customs, which were divided between these sovereigns. There was a
regular ferry here to _Jiddah_, the port of Mecca, which lies opposite,
the passage occupying a day and a night, through a sea full of shoals
and rocks. In his description of Egypt, Abulfeda says Aydhab belonged to
Egypt, and was frequented by the merchants of Yaman, and by the pilgrims
from Egypt to Mecca.--Astl. I. 131. d.]
The coast of _Bahr al Kolzum_ runs northward from _Aden_[343], and
proceeds thence round the coast of _al Yaman_ (or Arabia Felix), till it
comes to the borders thereof. Thence it runs north to _Joddah_. From
_Joddah_ it declines a little to the west, as far as _Jahafah_, a
station of the people of _Mesr_ (Egypt), when on pilgrimage to Mecca.
Thence advancing north, with a small inclination towards the west, it
washes the coast of _Yanbaak_ (_Yamboa_). Here it turns off
north-westwards, and having passed _Madyan_ it comes to _Aylah_. Thence
descending southwards it comes to the mountain _al Tur_[344], which
thrusting forwards separates two arms of the sea. Thence returning to
the north, it passes on to _al Kolzum_, where the description began,
which is situated to the west of _Aylah_, and almost in the same
latitude.
[Footnote 343: From Aden the coast leading to the Straits of Bab al
Mandab runs almost due west, with a slight northern inclination, about
115 statute miles, or 1 deg. 45 min. of longitude to Cape _Arah_, which
with Cape _al Mandab_ from the two sides of the Straits of Mecca or Bab
al Mandab, having the island of Prin interposed, considerably nearer to
the Arabian than the African shore.--E.]
[Footnote 344: A mountain so called near Sinai, which likewise goes by
that name.--Ast. I. 151. h.--This mountain of _al Tur_ forms the
separation between the Gulf of _Suez_ and that of Akkaba, its western
extremity forming Cape Mahomed.--E.]
_Al Kolzum_ and _Aylah_ are situated on two arms or gulfs of the sea,
between which the land interposes, running to the South; which land is
the mountain _al Tur_ almost in the same longitude with _Aylah_, which
stands at the northern extremity of the eastern bay, while _al Kolzum_
is at the northern extremity of the western gulf, so that _Aylah_ is
more to the east, and mount _al Tur_ more to the south than _al Kolzum_.
_Aylah_ is situated on the inmost part of the promontory which extends
into the sea. Between _al Tur_ and the coast of _Mesr_ (Egypt), that
arm of the sea or gulf extends on which _al Kolzum_ stands. In like
manner that arm of the sea on which _Aylah_ is situated extends between
_al Tur_ and _Hejaz_. From this mountain of _al Tur_ the distance to
either of the opposite coasts is small by sea, but longer about by the
desert of _Fakiyah_, as those who travel by land from _al Tur_ to _Mesr_
are under the necessity of going round by _al Kolzum_, and those who go
by land from _al Tur_ to _Hejaz_ must go round by way of Aylah. _Al Tur_
joins the continent on the north, but its other three sides are washed
by the sea. The sea of _al Kolzum_, after passing some way to the
south-east from _al Tur_ begins to widen on either side, till it becomes
_seventy_[345] miles broad. This wider part is called _Barkah al
Gorondal_.
[Footnote 345: These are to be understood as Arabian miles, 56-2/3 to
the degree, or each equal to 1-1/4 English miles according to Norwoods
measure, 69-1/2 to the degree.--Astl. I. 132. b.
This would only give 80 English miles for the breadth of the Red Sea;
whereas, immediately below the junction of the two northern guffs, it is
104 miles broad, and its greatest breadth for a long way is 208
miles.--E.]
_Table of Situations, from Abulfeda_[346].
Lat.
deg. min. deg. min
Kolzum, 28 20 N. 54 15 E.
-------by some 56 30
Al Kossir, 26 0 59 0
Aydhab 21 0 58 0
Swakem, 17 0 58 0
Aden, 11 0 66 0
Borders of Yaman, 19 0 67 0
Jiddah, 21 0 66 0
Jahafah, 22 0 65 0
Yamboa, 26 0 64 0
Aylah, 29 0 55 0
---- 28 50 56 40
[Footnote 346: The longitude is reckoned by _Abulfeda_ from the most
western shores on the Atlantic Ocean, at the _pillars of Hercules_;
supposed to be 10 deg. E. of the _Fuzair al Khaladat_, or the Fortunate
Islands.--Ast. I. 134.
These latitudes and longitudes are so exceedingly erroneous as to defy
all useful criticism, and are therefore left as in the collection of
Astley without any commentary; indeed the whole of this extract from
Abulfeda is of no manner of use, except as a curiosity.--E.]
POSTSCRIPT.-_Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don
Christopher de Gama[347]._
While the Portuguese fleet was at Massua, between the 22d of May and
9th of July 1541, a considerable detachment of soldiers was landed at
Arkiko on the coast of Abyssinia under the command of Don Christopher de
Gama, brother to the governor-general, for the assistance of the
Christian sovereign of the Abyssinians against Grada Hamed king of Adel
or Zeyla, an Arab sovereignty at the north-eastern point of Africa,
without the Red Sea, and to the south of Abyssinia. In the journal of
Don Juan de Castro; this force is stated at 500 men, while in the
following notices from De Faria, 400 men are said to have formed the
whole number of auxiliaries furnished by the Portuguese[348]. This
account of the first interference of the Portuguese in the affairs of
Abyssinia by De Faria, is rather meagre and unsatisfactory, and the
names of places are often so disguised by faulty orthography as to be
scarcely intelligible. In a future division of our work more ample
accounts will be given both of this Portuguese expedition, and of other
matters respecting Abyssinia.--E.
[Footnote 347: From the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 24.]
[Footnote 348: In an account of this expedition of the Portuguese into
Abyssinia, by the Catholic Patriarch, Juan Bermudez, who accompanied
them, this difference of the number of men is partly accounted for.
According to Bermudez, the force was 400 men, among whom were many
gentlemen and persons of note, who carried servants along with them,
which increased the number considerably.--E.]
* * * * *
Some time before the expedition of De Gama into the Red Sea, Grada Hamed
the Mahometan king of Adel or Zeyla, the country called _Trogloditis_ by
some geographers, submitted himself to the supremacy of the Turkish
empire in order to obtain some assistance of men, and throwing off his
allegiance to the Christian emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia,
immediately invaded that country with a numerous and powerful army. On
this occasion he took advantage offered by the sovereign of Abyssinia,
to whom he owed allegiance, being in extreme youth, and made such
progress in the country that the emperor _Atanad Sagad_, otherwise named
_Claudius_, was obliged to retire into the kingdom or province of Gojam,
while his mother, _Saban_ or _Elizabeth_, who administered the
government in his minority, took refuge with the _Baharnagash_ in the
rugged mountains of _Dama_, a place naturally impregnable, which rising
to a prodigious height from a large plain, has a plain on its summit
about a league in diameter, on which is an indifferent town with
sufficient cattle and other provisions for its scanty population. On one
side of this mountain there is a road of difficult ascent to near the
top; but at the last part of the ascent people have to be drawn up and
let down on planks by means of ropes.
While in this helpless condition, the queen got notice that Don Stefano
de Gama was in the Red Sea, and sent the Baharnagash to him, desiring
his assistance against the tyrant, who had overrun the country,
destroyed many ancient churches, and carried off numbers of priests and
monks into slavery. The embassador was favourably listened to; and it
was resolved by the governor-general, in a council of his officers, to
grant the assistance required. Accordingly Don Christopher de Gama,
brother to the governor-general, was named to the command on this
occasion, who was landed with 400 men and eight field-pieces, with many
firelocks and abundance of ammunition. He was accompanied by Don Juan
Bermudez, Patriarch of Ethiopia, whose presence was much desired by the
Abyssinian emperor, on purpose to introduce the ceremonies of the Roman
church.
Don Christopher de Gama and his men set out on their march from Arkiko
under the guidance of the Baharnagash for the interior of Abyssinia, and
the men endured incredible fatigue from the excessive heat, though they
rested by day and marched only in the night. A whole week was spent in
passing over a rugged mountain, whence they descended into a very
pleasant flat country, watered by many rivulets, through which they
marched for two days to the city of _Barua_, the metropolis or residence
of the Baharnagash. Though much damaged in the late invasion, yet this
place had several sightly buildings, divided by a large river, with
goodly villages and country houses in the environs. The Portuguese were
received at the gates by a procession of several monks singing a litany,
one of whom made a speech to welcome them, extoling their generosity in
coming to the aid of their distressed country: After which the
Portuguese visited the church and encamped.
Don Christopher sent immediate notice of his arrival to the Emperor, who
was at a great distance, and to the queen mother who was near, upon the
mountain of Dama already mentioned. The Baharnagash was sent to conduct
her from the mountain, having along with him two companies of the
Portuguese as an escort, and brought her to Barua attended by a great
retinue of women and servants. On her arrival, the Portuguese troops
received her under arms, and the cannon were fired off to do her honour.
The queen was seated on a mule, whose trappings reached to the ground,
and she was hidden from view by curtains fixed to the saddle. She was
clothed in white, having a short black cloak or mantle with gold fringes
on her shoulders. From her white head dress a flowing white veil fell
down that concealed her face. The Baharnagash led her mule by the
bridle, having his arms bare in token of respect, while his shoulders
were covered by a tigers skin; and on each side of her walked a nobleman
in similar attire. She opened the curtains that surrounded her that she
might see the Portuguese troops; and on Don Christopher going up to pay
his compliments, she lifted her veil that he might see her. The
reception on both sides was courteous. Don Christopher went afterwards
to visit her and consult with her, when it was resolved by the advice of
the Abyssinians to winter at that place, and to wait an answer from the
Emperor. The answer came accordingly, expressing his joy for the arrival
of the Portuguese succours, and desiring Don Christopher to march in the
beginning of summer.
The Portuguese accordingly marched at the time appointed, and in the
following order. Some light horse led the van, to explore the road: Then
followed the artillery and baggage: After which came the queen and her
attendants, with a guard of fifty Portuguese musqueteers: Don
Christopher brought up the rear with the remainder of the Portuguese
troops; and the Baharnagash with his officers secured the flanks. In
eight days, the army came to the mountain of _Gané_ of most difficult
ascent, on the top of which was a city, and on the highest cliff a
chapel, near which was a house hung round with three hundred embalmed
bodies sewed up in hides. These external coverings were much rent with
age, and discovered the bodies within still white and uncorrupted. Some
supposed these were the _Roman_ conquerors of the country; while others,
and among them the patriarch, supposed them to have been martyrs.
Encouraged by the presence of the Portuguese auxiliaries, many of the
natives resorted to the queen. Don Christopher marched on to the
mountain of Canete, well watered and having abundance of cattle, which,
almost impregnable by nature was still farther strengthened by
artificial fortifications. The emperors of Abyssinia used formerly to be
crowned at this place, which was now held for the tyrant by a thousand
men, who used often to come down from the mountain and ravage the open
country.
Contrary to the advice of the queen and her councillors, Don Christopher
determined to commence his military operations by assaulting this den of
thieves. For this purpose he divided his force into three bodies, one of
which he led in person, and courageously endeavoured to force his way by
the three several passes which led to the summit. But after the most
valiant efforts, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack,
in consequence of great numbers of large stones being rolled down upon
them by the enemy. After hearing mass on Candlemas day, the 2d of
February 1542, the Portuguese returned to the attack, playing their
cannon against the enemy; and though they lost some men by the great
stones rolled down among them from the mountain, they at length made
their way to the first gates which they broke open, and forced their way
to the second gates with great slaughter of the enemy, and the loss of
three Portuguese. The enemy within the second and third gates, seeing
only a few men of the vanguard, opened their gates, on which the
Portuguese rushed in and maintained a hot contest with the enemy till
Don Christopher came up with the main body, and pressed the enemy so
hard that many of them threw themselves headlong from the rocks. Many
women and children were made prisoners, and much plunder was taken. The
queen and her retinue went up to the mountain, expressing great
admiration of the Portuguese prowess, as the fortress had always been
deemed impregnable by the Ethiopians. The patriarch purified a mosque,
which he dedicated to the blessed virgin, and in which mass was
celebrated to the great joy both of the Portuguese and Abyssinians.
Placing a garrison of Abyssinians in this place under a native officer,
the army marched on into the country of a rebel named _Jarse_, who now
submitted to the queen and brought his men to her service, thinking
nothing could withstand men who had conquered nature, so highly did they
esteem the conquest of the mountain _Canete_. The king of Zeyla came on
now with his army, covering the plains and mountains with his numbers,
and exulting in the hopes of an easy victory over so small a number of
men. Don Christopher encamped in good order near a mountain in full
sight of the enemy. Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in skirmishing,
with nearly equal loss on both sides, but the Portuguese had so far the
advantage as to compel the enemy to retreat to their camp. Don
Christopher found it necessary to remove his camp, being in want of some
necessaries, particularly water; and on the king of Zeyla observing the
Portuguese in motion from his position on the high grounds, he came down
and surrounded the Portuguese in the plain, who marched in good order,
keeping off the enemy by continual discharges of their artillery and
small arms. The enemy still pressing on, Don Christopher ordered Emanuel
de Cuna to face about with his company, which he did so effectually,
that he obliged a body of Turks to retire after losing many of their
men. The Turks rallied and renewed their attack, in which they
distressed De Cuna considerably, so that Don Christopher was obliged to
come in person to his relief, and fought with so much resolution that he
was for a considerable time unconscious of being wounded in the leg. At
this time the king of Zeyla came on in person, thinking to put a
favourable end to the action, but it turned to his own loss, as many of
his men were cut off by the Portuguese cannon. Don Christopher was in
great danger of being slain, yet continued the action with great
resolution, till at length the tyrant was struck down by a shot which
pierced his thigh. His men immediately furled their colours and fled,
carrying him off whom they believed slain though he was still alive.
This victory cost the Portuguese eleven men, two of whom were of note.
After the battle, the queen herself attended Don Christopher and all the
wounded men with the utmost alacrity and attention.
After the respite of a week, the Portuguese army marched towards the
enemy, who came to meet them, the king of Zeyla being carried in an open
chair or litter. This battle was resolutely contested on both sides. A
Turkish captain, thinking to recover the honour which had been lost in
the former action, made a charge with the men he commanded into the
very middle of the Portuguese, and was entirely cut off with all his
followers. Don Christopher on horseback, led his men with such fury into
the heat of the action, that at length he compelled the enemy to turn
their backs and seek safety in flight. The king of Zeyla had infallibly
been taken in the pursuit, had there been a sufficient body of horse to
pursue and follow up the victory. In this battle the Portuguese lost
eight men. After the victory, the allied army of the Portuguese and
Abyssinians, on marching down to a pleasant river found it possessed by
the enemy, who immediately fled with their king. At this time the king
of Zeyla sent an embassy to the Pacha of Zabit acquainting him with the
distress to which he was reduced, and prevailed upon him by a large
subsidy to send him a reinforcement of almost 1000 Turkish musqueteers.
Don Christopher wintered in the city of _Ofar_, waiting the arrival of
the Abyssinian emperor. While there a Jew proposed to him, if he were in
want of horses and mules, to shew him a mountain at no great distance,
inhabited by Jews, where he might find a large supply of both. On that
mountain the king of Zeyla had a garrison of 400 men. Having inquired
into the truth of this information, and found that it was to be depended
upon, Don Christopher marched thither with two companies of Portuguese
and some Abyssinians, and came to the foot of the mountain which is
twelve leagues in compass. Some Moors who guarded the passes were slain
in the ascent, and on the top the Moorish commander met him with all his
men, but Don Christopher running at him with his lance thrust him
through the body. The shot of the Portuguese soon constrained the Moors
to make a precipitate flight, after losing a great number of men, and
the mountain was completely reduced. Great numbers of horses and mules
were found in this place, which was inhabited by about 800 Jews in six
or seven villages, who were reduced to obedience. According to
tradition, these Jews, and many others who are dispersed over Ethiopia
and Nubia, are descended from some part of the dispersion of the ten
tribes. The Jew who acted as guide to the Portuguese on this occasion,
was so astonished at their valour that he was converted and baptised,
and by common consent was appointed governor of this mountain. Before
this it had the name of _Caloa_, but was ever afterwards known by the
name of _the Jews mountain_.
On the second day after the return of Don Christopher to the army, the
king of Zeyla began to shew himself more bold than usual, trusting to
the great reinforcement of Turkish musqueteers he had procured from
Zabid. The youth and inexperience of Don Christopher allowed his valour
to transport him far beyond the bounds of prudence. He ought to have
retired to some strong position on the mountains, till joined by the
emperor with the military power of Abyssinia, as it was impossible for
him to contend against such great superiority, now that the king of
Zeyla had so strong a body of musqueteers: But he never permitted
himself to consider of these circumstances, till too late. On the 29th
of August, the Turks made an attack upon the camp, and were repulsed, on
which occasion Don Christopher was wounded in the leg and lost four men.
In that part of the entrenchments defended by Emanuel de Cuna, the Turks
were likewise repelled, with the loss of three men on the side of the
Portuguese. In another part Francisco de Abreu was killed while fighting
like a lion, and his brother Humphrey going to fetch off his body was
slain and fell beside that he went to rescue. On this Don Christopher
came up to relieve his men and performed wonders, till his arm was
broken by a musquet-ball and he was carried off by a brave soldier. He
was scarcely dressed when news was brought that the enemy had entered
the entrenchments, and had slain Fonseca and Vello, two of his officers,
on which he ordered himself to be carried to the place of danger. As the
enemy were now decidedly victorious, some of the Portuguese abandoned
their ranks and fled, as did the queen and the patriarch, both being
mounted on fleet mares, each taking a different way, he from fear not
knowing where he went, but she from choice as being well acquainted with
the country. Don Christopher sent immediately to bring back the queen,
as her flight was entirely ruinous, occasioning the disbanding of all
the Abyssinian troops. But at length, seeing that all was lost, he
grasped in despair a sword in his left hand, saying, _Let who will
follow me to die like heroes in the midst of the enemy_. He was carried
however from the field by mere force, with only fourteen men,
accompanied by the queen and Baharnagash, seeking some place of safety.
The night being excessively dark they lost their way and separated, the
queen and Baharnagash being fortunate enough to get up a mountain as
they were better acquainted with the country; but Don Christopher
wandering with some companions, fell into the hands of the enemy, who
carried him to the tyrant who was quite elated with his prize. The
victors used their good fortune with the utmost barbarity, cruelly
cutting down every one who fell in their way, which occasioned one to
set a quantity of powder on fire that was in one of the tents belonging
to the queen, by which all who were in or near it were blown up.
The king of Zeyla was quite elated by the capture of Don Christopher,
whom he caused to be brought into his presence, and questioned him as to
what he would have done with him, if defeated and made prisoner. "I
would have cut off your head," answered Don Christopher, "and dividing
your body into quarters, would have exposed them as a terror and warning
to other tyrants." The king caused him to be buffeted with the buskins
of his slaves; his body to be immersed in melted wax, and his beard
interwoven with waxed threads, which were set on fire, and in this
manner he was led through the army as a spectacle. Being brought back,
the king cut off his head with his own hand, and caused the body to be
quartered and exposed on poles. Where the head fell, it is said that
there gushed out a spring of water which cured many diseases. On the
same hour, a tree was torn out by the roots in the garden of a certain
convent of monks, though the air was at the time perfectly calm.
Afterwards, at the same hour, the emperor of Abyssinia having vanquished
the tyrant and caused his head to be struck off, the tree which was then
dry replanted itself in the former place, and became covered with
leaves.
Most of the Portuguese who were taken on occasion of this defeat,
perished in slavery. Alfonso Chaldeira followed the queen with thirty
men. Emanuel de Cuna with forty got away to the Baharnagash and was well
received. Sixty more followed the Patriarch Bermudez, making in all 130
men. Ninety of these went to the emperor, who was then near at hand, and
very much lamented the slaughter among that valiant body of auxiliaries,
and the loss of their brave commander. De Cuna with his forty men were
too far off to join the Abyssinian emperor at this time. The emperor
marched soon afterwards against the king of Zeyla, accompanied by ninety
of the Portuguese who had joined him after the former defeat, to whom he
gave the vanguard of his army, in consideration of the high opinion he
had of their valour. At the foot of the mountain of _Oenadias_ in the
province of _Ambea_, they met a body of 700 horse and 2000 foot going to
join the king of Zeyla. Fifty Portuguese horse went immediately to
attack them, and Antonio Cardoso who was foremost killed the commander
of the enemy at the first thrust of his lance. The rest of the
Portuguese followed this brave example, and slew many of the enemy, and
being seconded by the Abyssinians, first under the Baharnagash and
afterwards by the king in person, eight hundred of the enemy were slain
and the rest put to flight, when they went rather to terrify the tyrant
with an account of their defeat, than to reinforce him by their
remaining numbers.
The king of Zeyla was only at the distance of a league with his army in
order of battle, consisting of two bodies of foot of three thousand men
in each, while he was himself stationed in the front at the head of five
hundred horse. The emperor of Abyssinia met him with a similar number,
and in the same order. The ninety Portuguese, being the forlorn hope,
made a furious charge on the advanced five hundred of the enemy, of whom
they slew many, with the loss of two only on their own side. The emperor
in person behaved with the utmost bravery, and at length the horse of
the enemy being defeated fled to the wings of their infantry. The king
of Zeyla acted with the utmost resolution, even shewing his son to the
army, a boy of only ten years old, to stir up his men to fight valiantly
against the Christians. The battle was renewed, and continued for long
in doubt, the emperor being even in great danger of suffering a defeat;
but at length a Portuguese shot the king of Zeyla in the belly by which
he died, but his horse carried him dangling about the field, as he was
tied to the saddle, and his army took to flight. Only a few Turks stood
firm, determined rather to die honourably than seek safety in flight,
and made great slaughter among the Abyssinians: But Juan Fernandez, page
to the unfortunate Don Christopher, slew the Turkish commander with his
lance. In fine, few of the enemy escaped by flight. The head of the king
of Zeyla was cut off, and his son made prisoner. Being highly sensible
of the great merit of the Portuguese to whom he chiefly owed this and
the former victories over his enemies, the emperor conferred great
favours upon them. De Cuna returned to Goa with only fifty men; and the
other survivors of the Portuguese remained in Abyssinia, where they
intermarried with women of that country, and where their progeny still
remains.
CHAPTER IV.
CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURN
OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1341, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGAL
UNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581.
In our remaining account of the early Transactions of the Portuguese in
India, taken chiefly from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, we have not
deemed it necessary or proper to confine ourselves rigidly to the
arrangement of that author, nor to give his entire narrative, which
often contains a number of trifling incidents confusedly related. We
have therefore selected such incidents only from that work as appeared
important or curious: And, as has been already done in the two
immediately preceding chapters, containing the Voyages of Solyman Pacha,
and Don Stefano de Gama, we propose in the sequel to make such additions
from other authentic and original sources, as may appear proper and
consistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will be found
distinctly referred to their respective authors as we proceed.--E.
SECTION I.
_Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama,
subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea._
During the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the Red Sea, some
circumstances are related by De Faria which are not noticed in the
Journal of Don Juan de Castro, who either thought proper to confine his
narrative to nautical affairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omitted
such as were military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found most
of the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had received notice
of the expedition. The chief island was Massua, and the principal city
Swakem, in about 19° of north latitude[349], which was well built and
rich. The sheikh or king had withdrawn a league into the interior, and
endeavoured to amuse De Gama with proposals of peace and amity, that he
might save his insular city from being destroyed. The greatest injury
occasioned by this delay was that it prevented De Gama from destroying
the ships at Suez, the main object of his expedition, as so much time
was gained that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and the
Turks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De Gama marched
into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don
Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter, making a
considerable booty. Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered;
on which occasion many of the private men got to the value of five or
six thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt to the ground.
[Footnote 349: Lat. 19° 40'.]
Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under the command of
Lionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his expedition to Suez with 250 men
in 16 catures or barks. At Al-Kossir, in lat. 25° N.[350] that place was
destroyed. Crossing over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemy
were taken. The Turks first opposed their landing; but some of them
being slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in which nothing of
value was found; but De Gama refrained from burning the city from
reverence to St Catharine, as there was a monastery at that place
dedicated to her, which he visited at the instance of the friars. Being
to his great glory the first European commander who took that city, he
knighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in great
esteem, which was even envied afterwards by the emperor Charles V. The
friars of this monastery of St Catharines at Toro are of the Greek
church, and of the order of St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28°
N.[351] and is thought by learned cosmographers to be the ancient
_Elana_.
[Footnote 350: Lat. 26° 15'.]
[Footnote 351: Lat. 28° 15'.]
Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to sound and
examine the harbour, all of which failed, De Gama resolved in person and
in open day to view the Turkish gallies. He accordingly landed with his
soldiers; but the enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000
Turkish horse broke out from an ambush; and, though some of the enemy
were slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama and his men were forced to
retire, much grieved in being unable to accomplish the great object of
the expedition.
On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that owing to the
severity of _Emanual de Gama_[352] a mutiny had taken place, and that 80
men had run away with a ship, designing to go into Ethiopia. They were
met however by a captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most of
them slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were found
hanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel de Gama, for having
concealed the design of the other 80 who deserted. At their execution,
these men cited De Gama to answer before _the great tribunal_, and
within a month De Gama died raving mad.
[Footnote 352: In preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned as
commanding the fleet; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to have
commanded the ship that mutinied.--E.]
About July 1541, while on its return from Massua to India, the fleet
commanded by the governor Don Stefano de Gama encountered so severe a
storm that one of the galliots sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all the
other vessels dispersed. During the continuance of this dreadful
tempest, many religious vows were made by the people; but that made by
one of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He vowed, if he
survived the tempest, that he would marry Donna Isabel de Sa, daughter
to Don Garcia de Sa afterwards governor of India, which lady was one of
the most celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama arrived at
Goa; and as the ships from Portugal did not arrive at the expected time,
and the public treasure was much exhausted by the late charges, he
loaded the goods provided for the home voyage in four galleons, and
dispatched them, for Lisbon.
About this time _Nizamoxa_[353] wished to gain possession of the forts
of _Sangaza_ and _Carnala_, held by two subjects of Cambaya, on the
frontiers of that kingdom, which were formidable from their strength and
situation; and took them by assault in the absence of their commanders,
who applied to Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen to
assist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portuguese.
Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and a party of native
troops, accompanied by the two proprietors, each of whom had 200 men.
The fort of Carnala was taken by assault, and the garrison of Sangaza
abandoned it on the approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored both
commanders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons with
both for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately 5000 men who ruined
both districts, and the owners in despair resigned their titles to the
Portuguese, and withdrew to Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies to
the two forts, meaning to defend them. Nizamoxa sent an additional force
of 6000, men, of which 1000 were musqueteers and 800 well equipped
horse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to which they gave two
assaults in one day, and were repulsed with great slaughter. Menezes
went immediately to relieve the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whom
were horse, together with several _naigs_ and 2000 Indians. After a
sharp encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the enemy
fled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the fort strewed with
arms and ammunition. In this engagement the enemy lost 500 men and the
Portuguese 20. During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigious
strength, named _Trancoso_, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a large
veil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his breast,
receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies weapons, and
continued to use this strange shield to the end of the battle.
[Footnote 353: In Portuguese _x_ has the power of _sh_ in English
orthography; hence the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, and
may be the same prince called in other places of De Faria _Nazamaluco or
Nizam al Mulk.--E.]
The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this time to be in _Chual_,
visiting the northern forts; and considering that the maintenance of
Sangaza and Carnala cost more than they produced, and besides that
Nizamoxa was in alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to that
prince for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to the
great regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet arrived from
Portugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who was sent to succeed Don
Stephano de Gama in the government. This fleet had the honour to bring
out to India the famous _St Francisco Xaviar_, one of the first fathers
of the society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. He
was the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of _Apostolic Legate_ of
all Asia, and was very successful in converting the infidels: But we
shall afterwards have occasion to enlarge upon his great virtues and
wonderful actions.
On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent notice
to Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the night, which induced De
Gama to return an answer unworthy of them both. Martin Alfonso found
nothing to lay to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired who
instigated him to seek for offences; for Alfonso was a gentleman of much
honour, and could never have thought of any such thing of himself. But,
though he ought now to have checked himself, finding nothing against De
Gama, he became the more inveterate; as it is natural for men when they
are in the wrong to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice by
refusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which so disgusted
him that he never waited upon Alfonso after resigning to him the sword
of command.
Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was received with much
honour by the court, and with favour by the king; but refusing a wife
offered by his majesty, he was disgraced, on which he went to reside at
Venice. The Emperor Charles V. persuaded him to return to Portugal,
assuring him of the kings favour; but he found none; for princes are
more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in rewarding
much done for their service. On assuming the government of India, Don
Stefano made an inventory of all he was worth, being 200,000 crowns; and
when he left the government his fortune was found 40,000 crowns
diminished. He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with a
thick beard and black hair, and a ruddy completion. On his tomb was
inscribed at his own desire, _He who made knights on Mount Sinai ended
here_.