CHAPTER V.

AND WHAT DO THE APOSTOLICAL CANONS SAY?

1.

Such, then, is the testimony borne in various ways by Origen, Eusebius,

and Cyril, by Aerius, Jovinian, and Vigilantius, to the immemorial

reception among Christians of those doctrines and practices which the

private judgment of this age considers to be unscriptural. I have been

going about from one page to another of the records of those early

times, prying and extravagating beyond the beaten paths of orthodoxy,

for the chance of detecting some sort of testimony in favour of our

opponents. With this object I have fallen upon the writers aforesaid;

and, since they have been more or less accused of heterodoxy, I thought

there was at least a chance of their subserving the cause of

Protestantism, which the Catholic Fathers certainly do not subserve; but

they, though differing from each other most materially, and some of them

differing from the Church, do not any one of them approximate to the

tone or language of the movement of 1517. Every additional instance of

this kind does but go indirectly to corroborate the testimony of the

Catholic Church.

It is natural and becoming in all of us to make a brave struggle for

life; but I do not think it will avail the Protestant who attempts it in

the medium of ecclesiastical history. He will find himself in an element

in which he cannot breathe. The problem before him is to draw a line

between the periods of purity and alleged corruption, such, as to have

all the Apostles on one side, and all the Fathers on the other; which

may insinuate and meander through the dove-tailings and inosculations of

historical facts, and cut clean between St. John and St Ignatius, St.

Paul and St. Clement; to take up a position within the shelter of the

book of Acts, yet safe from the range of all other extant documents

besides, And at any rate, whether he succeeds or not, so much he must

grant, that if such a system of doctrine as he would now introduce ever

existed in early times, it has been clean swept away as if by a deluge,

suddenly, silently, and without memorial; by a deluge coming in a night,

and utterly soaking, rotting, heaving up, and hurrying off every vestige

of what it found in the Church, before cock-crowing; so that "when they

rose in the morning" her true seed "were all dead corpses"--nay, dead

and buried--and without grave-stone. "The waters went over them; there

was not one of them left; they sunk like lead in the mighty waters."

Strange antitype, indeed, to the early fortunes of Israel!--then the

enemy was drowned, and "Israel saw them dead upon the sea-shore." But

now, it would seem, water proceeded as a flood "out of the serpent's

mouth," and covered all the witnesses, so that not even their dead

bodies "lay in the streets of the great city." Let him take which of his

doctrines he will,--his peculiar view of self-righteousness, of

formality, of superstition; his notion of faith, or of spirituality in

religious worship; his denial of the virtue of the sacraments, or of the

ministerial commission, or of the visible Church; or his doctrine of the

divine efficacy of the Scriptures as the one appointed instrument of

religious teaching; and let him consider how far Antiquity, as it has

come down to us, will countenance him in it. No; he must allow that the

alleged deluge has done its work; yes, and has in turn disappeared

itself; it has been swallowed up in the earth, mercilessly as itself was

merciless.

2.

Representations such as these have been met by saying that the extant

records of Primitive Christianity are scanty, and that, _for what we

know_, what is not extant, had it survived, would have told a different

tale. But the hypothesis that history _might_ contain facts which it

does _not_ contain, is no positive evidence for the truth of those

facts; and this is the present question; what is the _positive_ evidence

that the Church ever believed or taught a Gospel substantially different

from that which her extant documents contain? All the evidence that is

extant, be it much or be it little, is on our side: Protestants have

none. Is none better than some? Scarcity of records--granting for

argument's sake there is scarcity--may be taken to account for

Protestants having no evidence; it will not account for our having some,

for our having all that is to be had; it cannot become a positive

evidence in their behalf. That records are few, does not show that they

are of none account.

Accordingly, Protestants had better let alone facts; they are wisest

when they maintain that the Apostolic system of the Church was certainly

lost;--lost, when they know not, how they know not, without assignable

instruments, but by a great revolution lost--of _that_ there can be no

doubt; and then challenge us to prove it was not so. "Prove," they seem

to say, "if you can, that the real and very truth is not so entirely hid

in primitive history as to leave not a particle of evidence betraying

it. This is the very thing which misleads you, that all the arguments

are in your favour. Is it not possible that an error has got the place

of the truth, and has destroyed all the evidence but what witnesses on

its side? Is it not possible that all the Churches should everywhere

have given up and stifled the scheme of doctrine they received from the

Apostles, and have substituted another for it? Of course it is; it is

plain to common sense it may be so. Well, we say, what _may be_, _is_;

this is our great principle: we say that the Apostles considered

episcopacy an indifferent matter, though Ignatius says it is essential.

We say that the table is not an altar, though Ignatius says it is. We

say there is no priest's office under the Gospel, though Clement affirms

it. We say that baptism is not an enlightening, though Justin takes it

for granted. We say that heresy is scarcely a misfortune, though

Ignatius accounts it a deadly sin; and all this, because it is our

right, and our duty, to interpret Scripture in our own way. We uphold

the pure unmutilated Scripture; the Bible, and the Bible only, is the

religion of Protestants; the Bible and our own sense of the Bible. We

claim a sort of parliamentary privilege to interpret laws in our own

way, and not to suffer an appeal to any court beyond ourselves. We know,

and we view it with consternation, that all Antiquity runs counter to

our interpretation; and therefore, alas, the Church was corrupt from

_very_ early times indeed. But mind, we hold all this in a truly

Catholic spirit, not in bigotry. We allow in others the right of private

judgment, and confess that we, as others, are fallible men. We confess

facts are against us; we do but claim the liberty of theorizing in spite

of them. Far be it from us to say that we are certainly right; we only

say that the whole early Church was certainly wrong. We do not impose

our belief on any one; we only say that those who take the contrary

side are Papists, firebrands, persecutors, madmen, zealots, bigots, and

an insult to the nineteenth century."

To such an argument, I am aware, it avails little to oppose historical

evidence, of whatever kind. It sets out by protesting against all

evidence, however early and consistent, as the testimony of fallible

men; yet at least, the imagination is affected by an array of facts; and

I am not unwilling to appeal to the imagination of those who refuse to

let me address their reason. With this view I have been inquiring into

certain early works, which, or the authors of which, were held in

suspicion, or even condemned by the ruling authorities of the day, to

see if any vestige of an hypothetical Protestantism could be discovered

in them; and, since they make no sign, I will now interrogate a very

different class of witnesses. The consent of Fathers is one kind of

testimony to Apostolical Truth; the protest of heretics is another; now

I will come, thirdly, to received usage. To give an instance of the last

mentioned argument, I shall appeal to the Apostolical Canons, though a

reference to them will involve me in an inquiry, interesting indeed to

the student, but somewhat dry to the general reader.

3.

These Canons, well known to Antiquity, were at one time supposed to be,

strictly speaking, Apostolical, and published before A.D. 50. On the

other hand, it has been contended that they are later than A.D. 450, and

the work of some heretics. Our own divines take a middle course,

considering them as published before A.D. 325, having been digested by

Catholic authorities in the course of the two preceding centuries, or at

the end of the second, and received and used in most parts of

Christendom. This judgment has since been acquiesced in by the

theological world, so far as this--to suppose the matter and the

enactments of the Canons to be of the highest antiquity, even though the

edition which we possess was not published so early as Bishop Beveridge,

for instance, supposes. At the same time it is acknowledged by all

parties, that they, as well as some other early documents, have suffered

from interpolation, and perhaps by an heretical hand.

They are in number eighty-five,[372] of which the first fifty are

considered of superior authority to the remaining thirty-five. What has

been conjectured to be their origin will explain the distinction. It was

the custom of the early Church, as is well known, to settle in Council

such points in her discipline, ordinances, and worship, as the Apostles

had not prescribed in Scripture, as the occasion arose, after the

pattern of their own proceedings in the fifteenth chapter of the Acts;

and this, as far as might be, after their unwritten directions, or after

their practice, or at least, after their mind, or as it is called in

Scripture, their "minding" or "spirit." Thus she decided upon the

question of Easter, upon that of heretical baptism, and the like. And,

after that same precedent in the Acts, she recorded her decisions in

formal decrees, and "delivered them for to keep" through the cities in

which her members were found. The Canons in question are supposed to be

some of these decrees, of which, first and nearest to the Apostles'

times, or in the time of their immediate successors, were published

fifty; and in the following age, thirty-five more, which had been

enacted in the interval. They claim, then, to be, first, the recorded

judgment of great portions of the Ante-Nicene Church, chiefly in the

eastern provinces, upon certain matters in dispute, and to be of

authority so far as that Church may be considered a representative of

the mind of the Apostles; next, they profess to embody in themselves

positive decisions and injunctions of the Apostles, though without

clearly discriminating how much is thus directly Apostolical, and how

much not. I will here attempt to state some of the considerations which

show both their antiquity and their authority, and will afterwards use

them for the purpose which has led me to mention them.

4.

1. In the first place, it would seem quite certain that, as, on the one

hand, Councils were held in the primitive Church, so, on the other,

those Councils enacted certain Canons. When, then, a Collection presents

itself professing to consist of the Ante-Nicene Canons, there is nothing

at all to startle us; it only professes to set before us that which we

know anyhow must have existed. We may conjecture, if we please, that the

fact that there were Canons may have suggested and encouraged a

counterfeit. Certainly; but though the fact that there were Canons will

account for a counterfeit, it will not account for those original Canons

being lost; on the contrary, what is known to have once existed as a

rule of conduct, is likely to continue in existence, except under

particular circumstances. Which of the two this existing Collection is,

the genuine or the counterfeit, must depend on other considerations; but

if these considerations be in favour of its genuineness, then this

antecedent probability will be an important confirmation.

Canons, I say, must have existed, whether these be the real ones or no;

and the circumstance that there were real ones existing must have tended

to make it difficult to substitute others. It would be no easy thing in

our own Church to pass off another set of Articles for the Thirty-nine,

and to obliterate the genuine. Canons are public property, and have to

be acted upon by large bodies. Accordingly, as might be expected, the

Nicene Council, when enacting Canons of its own, refers to certain

Canons as already existing, and speaks of them in that familiar and

indirect way which would be natural under the circumstances, just as we

speak of our Rubrics or Articles. The Fathers of that Council mention

certain descriptions of persons whom "_the Canon_ admits into holy

orders;" they determine that a certain rule shall be in force,

"according to the Canon which says so and so;" they speak of a

transgression of the Canon, and proceed to explain and enforce it. Nor

is the Nicene the only Council which recognizes the existence of certain

Canons, or rules, by which the Church was at that time bound. The

Councils of Antioch, Gangra, Constantinople, and Carthage, in the same

century, do so likewise; so do individual Fathers, Alexander,

Athanasius, Basil, Julius, and others.

Now here we have lighted upon an important circumstance, whatever

becomes of the particular Collection of Canons before us. It seems that

at the Nicene Council, only two centuries and a quarter after St. John's

death, about the distance of time at which we live from the Hampton

Court Conference, all Christendom confessed that from time immemorial it

had been guided by certain ecclesiastical rules, which it considered of

authority, which it did not ascribe to any particular persons or synods

(a sign of great antiquity), and which writers of the day assigned to

the Apostles. I suppose we know pretty well, at this day, what the

customs of our Church have been since James the First's time, or since

the Reformation; and if respectable writers at present were to state

some of them,--for instance, that it is and has been the rule of our

Church that the king should name the bishops, that Convocation should

not sit without his leave, or that Easter should be kept according to

the Roman rule,--we should think foreigners very unreasonable who

doubted their word. Now, in the case before us, we find the Church

Catholic, the first time it had ever met together since the Apostles'

days, speaking as a matter of course of the rules to which it had ever

been accustomed to defer.

If we knew no more than this, and did not know what the rules were; or

if, knowing what they were, we yet decided, as we well might, that the

particular rules are not of continual obligation; still, the very

circumstance that there _were_ rules from time immemorial would be a

great fact in the history of Christianity. But we do know, from the

works of the Fathers, the _subjects_ of these Canons, and that to the

number of thirty or forty of them; so that we might form a code, as far

as it goes, of primitive discipline, quite independent of the particular

Collection which is under discussion. However, it is remarkable that all

of these thirty or forty are found in this Collection, being altogether

nearly half the whole number, so that the only question is, whether the

rest are of that value which we know belongs to a great proportion of

them. It is worth noticing, that _no_ Ecclesiastical Canon is mentioned

in the historical documents of the primitive era which is not found in

this Collection, for it shows that, whoever compiled it, the work was

done with considerable care. The opponents to its genuineness bring,

indeed, several exceptions, as they wish to consider them; but these

admit of so satisfactory an explanation as to illustrate the proverb,

that _exceptio probat regulam_.

Before going on to consider the whole Collection, let us see in what

terms the ancient writers speak of those particular Canons to which they

actually refer.

(1.) Athanasius speaks as follows:--"Canons and forms," he says, when

describing the extraordinary violences of the Arians, "were not given to

the Churches in this day, but were _handed down_ from our fathers well

and securely. Nor, again, has the faith had its beginning in this day,

but has passed on even to us from the Lord through His disciples. Rouse

yourselves, then, my brethren, to prevent that from perishing unawares

in the present day _which has been observed in the Churches from ancient

times down to us_, and ourselves from incurring a responsibility in what

has been intrusted to us."--_Ep. Encycl._ 1. It is remarkable, in this

extract, that St. Athanasius accurately distinguishes between the Faith

which came from Christ, and the Canons received from the Fathers of old

time: which is just the distinction which our divines are accustomed to

make.

(2) Again: the Arians, by simoniacal dealings with the civil power, had

placed Gregory in the see of Alexandria. Athanasius observes upon

this:--"Such conduct is both _a violation of the Ecclesiastical Canons_,

and forces the heathen to blaspheme, as if appointments were made, not

by Divine ordinance, but by merchandise and secular influence."--_Ibid._

2.

(3) Arsenius, bishop of Hypsela, who had been involved in the

Meletian[373] schism, and had acted in a hostile way towards Athanasius,

at length reconciled himself to the Church. In his letter to Athanasius

he promises "to be obedient to _the Ecclesiastical Canon_, according to

ancient usage, and never to put forth any regulation, whether about

bishops or any other public ecclesiastical matter, without the sanction

of his metropolitan, but to _submit to all the established

Canons_."--_Apol. contr. Arian._ 69.

(4) In like manner, St. Basil, after speaking of certain crimes for

which a deacon should be reduced to lay communion, proceeds, "_for it is

an ancient Canon_, that they who lose their degree should be subjected

to this kind of punishment only."--_Ep._ 188. Again: "_The Canon_

altogether excludes from the ministry those who have been twice

married."

(5) When Arius and his abettors were excommunicated by Alexander of

Alexandria, they betook themselves to Palestine, and were re-admitted

into the Church by the bishops of that country. On this, Alexander

observes as follows:--"A very heavy imputation, doubtless, lies upon

such of my brethren as have ventured on this act, in that it is _a

violation of the Apostolical Canon_."--_Theod. Hist._ i. 4.

(6) When Eusebius declined being translated from the see of Cæsarea to

Antioch, Constantine complimented him on his "observance of the

commandments of God, _the Apostolical Canon_, and the rule of the

Church,"--_Vit. Constant._ iii. 61,--which last seems to mean the

regulation passed at Nicæa.

(7) In like manner, Julius, bishop of Rome, speaks of a violation of

"_the Apostles' Canons_;" and a Council held at Constantinople, A.D.

394, which was attended by Gregory Nyssen, Amphilochius, and Flavian, of

a determination of "_the Apostolical Canons_."

It will be observed that in some of these instances the Canons are

spoken of in the plural, when the particular infraction which occasions

their mention relates only to one of them. This shows they were

collected into a code, if, indeed, that need be proved; for, in truth,

that various Canons should exist, and be in force, and yet not be put

together, is just as unlikely as that no collection should be made of

the statutes passed in a session of Parliament.

With this historical information about the existence, authority, and

subject-matter of certain Canons in the Church from time immemorial, we

should come to many anti-Protestant conclusions, even if the particular

code we possess turned out to have no intrinsic authority. And now let

us see how the matter stands on this point as regards this code of

eighty-five Canons.

5.

2. If this Collection existed _as_ a Collection in the time of the above

writers and Councils, then, considering they allude to nearly half its

Canons, and that no Canons are anywhere producible which are not in it,

and that they do seem to allude to a Collection, and that no other

Collection is producible, we certainly could not avoid the conclusion

that they referred to _it_, and that, therefore, in quoting parts of it

they sanction the whole. If no book is to be accounted genuine except

such parts of it as happen to be expressly cited by other writers,--if

it may not be regarded as a whole, and what is actually cited made to

bear up and carry with it what is not cited,--no ancient book extant can

be proved to be genuine. We believe Virgil's Æneid to be Virgil's,

because we know he wrote an Æneid, and because particular passages which

we find in it, and in no other book, are contained, under the name of

Virgil, in subsequent writers or in criticisms, or in accounts of it. We

do not divide it into rhapsodies, _because_ it only exists in fragments

in the testimony of later literature. For the same reason, if the

Canons before us can be shown to have existed as one book in

Athanasius's time, it is natural to conceive that they are the very book

to which he and others refer. All depends on this. If the Collection was

made after his time, of course he referred to some other; but if it

existed in his time, it is more natural to suppose that there was one

Collection than two distinct ones, so similar, especially since history

is silent about there being two.

However, I conceive it is not worth while to insist upon so early a

formation of the existing Collection. Whether it existed in Athanasius's

time, or was formed afterwards, and formed by friend or foe, heretic or

Catholic, seems to me immaterial, as I shall by-and-by show. First,

however, I will state, as candidly as I can, the arguments for and

against its antiquity _as_ a Collection.

Now there can be no doubt that the early Canons were formed into one

body; moreover, certain early writers speak of them under the name of

"the Apostles' Canons," and "Apostolical Canons." So far I have already

said. Now, certain collectors of Canons, of A.D. (more or less) 550, and

they no common authorities, also speak of "the Apostolical Canons," and

incorporate them into their own larger collections; and these which they

speak of are the very body of Canons which we now possess under the

name. We know it, for the digest of these collectors is preserved. No

reason can be assigned why they should not be speaking of the _same_

Collection which Gregory Nyssen and Amphilochius speak of, who lived a

century and a half before them; no reason, again, why Nyssen and

Amphilochius should not mean the same as Athanasius and Julius, who

lived fifty to seventy years earlier than themselves. The writers of

A.D. 550 might be just as certain that they and St. Athanasius quoted

the same work, as we, at this day, that our copy of it is the same as

Beveridge's, Pearson's, or Ussher's.

The authorities at the specified date (A.D. 550) are three--Dionysius

Exiguus, John of Antioch, patriarch of Constantinople, and the Emperor

Justinian. The learning of Justinian is well known, not to mention that

he speaks the opinion of the ecclesiastical lawyers of his age. As to

John of Antioch and Dionysius, since their names are not so familiar to

most of us, it may be advisable to say thus much--that John had been a

lawyer, and was well versed both in civil and ecclesiastical

matters,--hence he has the title of Scholasticus; while Dionysius is the

framer of the Christian era, as we still reckon it. They both made

Collections of the Canons of the Church, the latter in Latin, and they

both include the Apostolical Canons, as we have them, in their editions;

with this difference, however (which does not at present concern us),

that Dionysius published but the first fifty, while John of Antioch

enumerates the whole eighty-five.

Such is the main argument for the existence of our Collection at the end

of the third century; viz., that, whereas _a_ Collection of Apostolic

Canons is acknowledged at that date, _this_ Collection is acknowledged

by competent authorities to be that Apostolic record at the end of the

fifth. However, when we inspect the language which Dionysius uses

concerning them, in his prefatory epistle, we shall find something which

requires explanation. His words are these, addressed to Stephen, bishop

of Salona:--"We have, in the first place, translated from the Greek what

are called the Canons of the Apostles; _which, as we wish to apprise

your holiness, have not gained an easy credit from very many persons_.

At the same time, some of the decrees of the [Roman] pontiffs, at a

later date, seem to be taken from these very Canons." Here Dionysius

must only mean, that they were not received as Apostolic; for that they

were received, or at least nearly half of them, is, as I have said, an

historical fact, whatever becomes of the Collection as a Collection. He

must mean that a claim had been advanced that they were to be received

as part of the apostolic _depositum_; and he must be denying that they

had more than _ecclesiastical_ authority. The distinction between divine

and ecclesiastical injunctions requires little explanation: the latter

are imposed by the Church for the sake of decency and order, as a matter

of expedience, safety, propriety, or piety. Such is the rule among

ourselves, that dissenting teachers conforming must remain silent three

years before they can be ordained; or that a certain form of prayer

should be prescribed for universal use in public service. On the other

hand, the appointment of the Sacraments is apostolic and divine. So,

again, that no one can be a bishop unless consecrated by a bishop, is

apostolic; that three bishops are necessary in consecration, is

ecclesiastical; and, though ordinarily an imperative rule, yet, under

circumstances, admits of dispensation. Or again, it has, for instance,

in this day been debated whether the sanctification of the Lord's-day is

a divine or an ecclesiastical appointment. Dionysius, then, in the above

extract, means nothing more than to deny that the Apostles enacted these

Canons; or, again, that they enacted them _as_ Apostles; and he goes on

to say that the Popes had acknowledged the _ecclesiastical_ authority of

some of them by embodying them in their decrees. At the same time, his

language certainly seems to show as much as this, and it is confirmed by

that of other writers, that the Latin Church, though using them

separately as authority, did not receive them as a Collection with the

implicit deference which they met with in the East; indeed, the last

thirty-five, though two of them were cited at Nicæa, and one at

Constantinople, A.D. 394, seem to have been in inferior account. The

Canons of the General Councils took their place, and the Decrees of the

Popes.

6.

This, then, seems to be the state of the case as regards the Collection

or Edition of Canons, whether fifty or eighty-five, which is under

consideration. Speaking, not of the Canons themselves, but of this

particular edition of them, I thus conclude about it--that, whether it

was made at the end of the third century, or later, there is no

sufficient proof that it was strictly of authority; but that it is not

very material that it should be proved to be of authority, nay, or even

to have been made in early times. Give us the Canons themselves, and we

shall be able to prove the point for which I am adducing them, even

though they were not at first formed into a collection. They are, one by

one, witnesses to us of a state of things.

Indeed, it must be confessed, that probability is against this

Collection having ever been regarded as an authority by the ancient

Church. It was an _anonymous_ Collection; and, as being anonymous,

seemed to have no claim upon Christians. They would consider that a

collection or body of Canons could only be imposed by a _Council_; and

since the Council could not be produced which imposed this in

particular, they had no reason to admit it. They might have been in the

practice of acting upon this Canon, and that, and the third, and so on

to the eighty-fifth, from time immemorial, and that as Canons, not as

mere customs, and might confess the obligation of each: and yet might

say, "We never looked upon them as a _code_," which should be something

complete and limited to itself. The true sanction of each was the

immemorial observance of each, not its place in the Collection, which

implied a competent framer. Moreover, in proportion as General Councils

were held, and enacted Canons, so did the vague title of mere usage,

without definite sanction, become less influential, and the ancient

Canons fell into disregard. And what made this still more natural was

the circumstance that the Nicene Council did re-enact a considerable

number of those which it found existing. It substituted then a definite

authority, which, in after ages, would be much more intelligible than

what would have by that time become a mere matter of obscure antiquity.

Nor did it tend to restore their authority, when their advocates,

feeling the difficulty of their case, referred the Collection to the

Apostles themselves: first, because this assertion could not be

maintained; next, because, if it could, it would have seemingly deprived

the Church of the privilege of making Canons. It would have made those

usages divine which had ever been accounted only ecclesiastical. It

would have raised the question whether, under such circumstances, the

Church had more right to add to the code of really Apostolic Canons than

to Scripture; discipline, as well as doctrine, would have been given by

direct revelation, and have been included in the fundamentals of

religion.

If, however, all this be so, it follows that we are not at liberty to

argue, from one part of this Collection having been received, that

therefore every other was also; as if it were one authoritative work. No

number of individual Canons being proved to be of the first age will

tend to prove that the remainder are of the same. It is true; and I do

not think it worth while to contest the point. For argument-sake I will

grant that the bond, which ties them into one, is not of the most

trustworthy and authoritative description, and will proceed to show that

even those Canons which are not formally quoted by early writers ought

to be received as the rules of the Ante-Nicene Church, independently of

their being found in one compilation.

7.

3. I have already said that nearly half of the Canons, as they stand in

the Collection, are quoted as Canons by early writers, and thus placed

beyond all question, as remains of the Ante-Nicene period: the following

arguments may be offered in behalf of the rest:--

(1) They are otherwise known to express _usages_ or _opinions_ of the

Ante-Nicene centuries. The simple question is, whether they had been

reflected on, recognized, converted into principles, enacted, obeyed;

whether they were the unconscious and unanimous result of the one

Christian spirit[374] in every place, or were formal determinations from

authority claiming obedience. This being the case, there is very little

worth disputing about; for (whether we regard them as being religious

practices or as religious antiquities) if uniform custom was in favour

of them, it does not matter whether they were enacted or not. If they

were not, their universal observance is a still greater evidence of

their extreme antiquity, which, in that case, can be hardly short of the

Apostolic age; and we shall refer to them in the existing Collection,

merely for the sake of convenience, as being brought together in a short

compass.

Nay, a still more serious conclusion will follow, from supposing them

not to be enactments--much more serious than any I am disposed to draw.

If it be maintained that these observances, though such, did not arise

from injunctions on the part of the Church, then, it might be argued,

the Church has no power over them. As not having imposed, she cannot

abrogate, suspend, or modify them. They must be referred to a higher

source, even to the inspired Apostles; and their authority is not

ecclesiastical, but divine. We are almost forced, then, to consider them

as enactments, even when they are not recognized by ancient writers as

such, lest we should increase the authority of some of them more than

seems consistent with their subject-matter.

Again, if such Canons as are not appealed to by ancient writers are

nevertheless allowed to have been really enacted, on the ground of our

finding historically that usage corresponds to them; it may so be that

others, about which the usage is not so clearly known, are real Canons

also. There is a _chance_ of their being genuine; for why, in drawing

the line, should we decide by the mere accident of the usage admitting

or not admitting of clear historical proof?

(2) Again, all these Canons, or at least the first fifty, are composed

in uniform style; there is no reason, as far as the internal evidence

goes, why one should be more primitive than another, and many, we know,

were certainly in force as Canons from the earliest times.

(3) This argument becomes much more cogent when we consider _what_ that

style is. It carries with it evident marks of primitive simplicity, some

of which I shall instance. The first remark which would be made on

reading them relates to their brevity, the breadth of the rules which

they lay down, and their plain and unartificial mode of stating them. An

instance of this, among others which might be taken, is supplied by a

comparison of the 7th of them with one of a number of Canons passed at

Antioch by a Council held A. D. 341, and apparently using the

Apostolical Canons as a basis for its own. The following, read with the

words in brackets, agrees, with but slight exceptions, with the

Antiochene Canon, and, without them, with the Apostolical:--

"All who come [to church] and hear the [holy] Scriptures read, but do

not remain to prayer [with the people,] and [refuse] the holy communion

[of the Eucharist, these] must be put out of the Church, as disorderly,

[until, by confession, and by showing fruits of penitence, and by

entreaty, they are able to gain forgiveness."]

(4) Now this contrast, if pursued, will serve to illustrate the

antiquity of the Apostolical Canons in several ways, besides the

evidence deducible from the simplicity of their structure. Thus the word

"metropolitan" is introduced into the thirty-fifth Canon of Antioch; no

such word occurs in the Apostolical Canon from which it is apparently

formed. There it is simply said, "the principal bishop;" or, literally,

the primus. This accords with the historical fact, that the word

metropolitan was not introduced till the fourth century. The same remark

might be made on the word "province," which occurs in the Canon of

Antioch, not in the other. This contrast is strikingly brought out in

two other Canons, which correspond in the two Collections. Both treat of

the possessions of the Church; but the Apostolical Canon says simply,

"the interests of the Church," "the goods of the Church;" but the

Antiochene, composed after Christianity had been acknowledged by the

civil power, speaks of "the revenue of the Church," and "the produce of

the land."

Again, when attempts have been made to show that certain words are

contained in the Canons before us which were not in use in the

Ante-Nicene times, they have in every case failed in the result, which

surely may be considered as a positive evidence in favour of their

genuineness. For instance, the word "clergy," for the ministerial body,

which is found in the Apostolical Canons, is also used by Origen,

Tertullian, and Cyprian. The word "reader," for an inferior order in the

clergy, is used by Cornelius, bishop of Rome; nay, by Justin Martyr.

"Altar," which is used in the Canons, is the only word used for the

Lord's table by St. Cyprian, and, before him, by Tertullian and

Ignatius. "Sacrifice" and "oblation," for the consecrated elements,

found in the Canons, are also found in Clement of Rome, Justin Irenæus,

and Tertullian.

This negative evidence of genuineness extends to other points, and

surely is of no inconsiderable weight. We know how difficult it is so to

word a forgery as to avoid all detection from incongruities of time,

place, and the like. A forgery, indeed, it is hardly possible to suppose

this Collection to be, both because great part of it is known to be

genuine, and because no assignable object would be answered by it; but

let us imagine the compiler hastily took up with erroneous traditions,

or recent enactments, and joined them to the rest. Is it possible to

conceive, under such circumstances, that there would be no anachronisms

or other means of detection? And if there are none such, and much more

if the compiler, who lived perhaps as early as the fourth century, found

none such (supposing we may assume him willing and qualified to judge of

them), nay, if Dionysius Exiguus found none such, what reasons have we

for denying that they are the produce of those early times to which they

claim to belong? Yet so it is; neither rite, nor heresy, nor observance,

nor phrase, is found in them which is foreign to the Ante-Nicene

period. Indeed, the only reason one or two persons have thrown suspicion

on them has been an unwillingness on their part to admit episcopacy,

which the Canons assert; a necessity which led the same parties to deny

the genuineness of St. Ignatius' epistles.[375]

(5) I will make one more remark:--First, these Canons come to us, not

from Rome, but from the East, and were in a great measure neglected, or

at least superseded in the Church, after Constantine's day, especially

in the West, where Rome had sway; these do not embody what are called

"Romish corruptions." Next, there is ground for suspecting that the

Collection or Edition which we have was made by heretics, probably

Arians, though they have not meddled with the main contents of them.

Thus, while the neglect of them in later times separates them from

Romanism, the assent of the Arians is a second witness, in addition to

their recognition by the first centuries, in evidence of their

Apostolical origin. Those first centuries observe them; contemporary

heretics respect them; only later and corrupt times pass them by. May

they not be taken as a fair portrait, as far as they go, of the

doctrines and customs of Primitive Christianity?

8.

I do wish out-and-out Protestants would seriously lay to heart where

they stand when they would write a history of Christianity. Are there

any traces of Luther before Luther? Is there anything to show that what

they call the religion of the Bible was ever professed by any persons,

Christians, Jews, or heathen? Again, are there any traces in history of

a process of change in Christian belief and practice, so serious, or so

violent, as to answer to the notion of a great corruption or perversion

of the Primitive Religion? Was there ever a time, what was the time,

when Christianity was not that which Protestants protest against, as if

formal, unspiritual, self-righteous, superstitious, and unevangelic? If

that time cannot be pointed out, is not "the Religion of Protestants" a

matter, not of past historical fact, but of modern private judgment?

Have they anything to say in defence of their idea of the Christianity

of the first centuries, except that that view of it is necessary to

their being Protestants. "Christians," they seem to say, "_must_ have

been in those early times different from what the record of those times

shows them to have been, and they must, as time went on, have fallen

from that faith and that worship which they had at first, though history

is quite silent on the subject, _or else_ Protestantism, which is the

apple of our eye, is not true. We are driven to hypothetical facts, or

else we cannot reconcile with each other phenomena so discordant as

those which are presented by ancient times and our own. We claim to

substitute _à priori_ reasoning for historical investigation, by the

right of self-defence and the duty of self-preservation."

I have urged this point in various ways, and now I am showing the light

which the Canons of the Apostles throw upon it. There is no reasonable

doubt that they represent to us, on the whole, and as far as they go,

the outward face of Christianity in the first centuries;--now will the

Protestant venture to say that he recognizes in it any likeness of his

own Religion? First, let him consider what is conveyed in the very idea

of Ecclesiastical Canons? This: that Christians could not worship

according to their fancy, but must think and pray by rule, by a set of

rules issuing from a body of men, the Bishops, over whom the laity had

no power whatever. If any men at any time have been priest-ridden, such

was the condition of those early Christians. And then again, what

becomes of the Protestant's watchword, "the Bible, the whole Bible, and

nothing but the Bible," if a set of Canons might lawfully be placed upon

their shoulders, as if a second rule of faith, to the utter exclusion of

all free-and-easy religion? and what room was there for private

judgment, if they had to obey the bidding of certain fallible men? and

what is to be done with the great principle, "Unity, not Uniformity," if

Canons are to be recognized, which command uniformity as well as unity?

So much at first sight; but when we go on to examine what these Canons

actually contain, their incompatibility with the fundamental principles

of Protestantism becomes still more patent. I will set down some

instances in proof of this. Thus, we gather from the Canons the

following facts about Primitive Christianity:--viz., that,

1. There was a hierarchy of ordained ministers, consisting of the three

orders of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.

2. Their names were entered on a formal roll or catalogue.

3. There were inferior orders, such as readers and chanters.

4. Those who had entered into the sacred orders might not afterwards

marry.

5. There were local dioceses, each ruled by a Bishop.

6. To him and him only was committed the care of souls in his diocese.

7. Each Bishop confined himself to his own diocese.

8. No secular influence was allowed to interfere with the appointment of

Bishops.

9. The Bishops formed one legislative body, and met in Council twice a

year, for the consideration of dogmatic questions and points in

controversy.

10. One of them had the precedence over the rest, and took the lead;

and, as the priests and people in each diocese obeyed their Bishop, so

in more general matters the Bishops deferred to their Primus.

11. Easter and Pentecost were great feasts, and certain other days

feasts also. There was a Lent Fast; also a Fast on Easter Eve; and on

Wednesdays and Fridays.

12. The state of celibacy was recognized.

13. Places of worship were holy.

14. There was in their churches an altar, and an altar service.

15. There was a sacrifice in their worship, of which the materials were

bread and wine.

16. There were oblations also of fruits of the earth, in connection with

the sacrifice.

17. There were gold and silver vessels in the rite, and these were

consecrated.

18. There were sacred lamps, fed with olive oil, and incense during the

holy rite.

19. Baptism was administered in the name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.

20. Excommunication was inflicted on Christians who disgraced their

profession.

21. No one might pray, even in private, with excommunicated persons,

except at the cost of being excommunicated himself.

22. No one might pray with heretics, or enter their churches, or

acknowledge their baptism, or priesthood.

9.

These rules furnish us with large portions, and the more important, of

the outline of the religion of their times; and are not only definitive

in themselves, but give us the means of completing those parts of it

which are not found in them. Considered, then, as a living body, the

primitive Christian community was distinguished by its high sacerdotal,

ceremonial, mystical character. Which among modern religious bodies was

it like? Was it like the Wesleyans? was it like the Society of Friends?

was it like the Scotch Kirk? was it like any Protestant denomination at

all? Fancy any model Protestant of this day in a state of things so

different from his own! With his religious societies for the Church,

with his committees, boards, and platforms instead of Bishops, his

_Record_ and _Patriot_ newspapers instead of Councils, his concerts for

prayer instead of anathemas on heresy and schism, his spoutings at

public meetings for exorcisms, his fourths of October for festivals of

the Martyrs, his glorious memories for commemorations of the dead, his

niggard vestry allowances for gold and silver vessels, his gas and

stoves for wax and oil, his denunciations of self-righteousness for

fasting and celibacy, and his exercise of private judgment for

submission to authority--would he have a chance of finding himself at

home in a Christianity such as this? is it his own Christianity?

* * * * *

I end, then, as I began:--If Protestantism is another name for

Christianity, then the Martyrs and Bishops of the early Church, the men

who taught the nations, the men who converted the Roman Empire, had

themselves to be taught, themselves to be converted. Shall we side with

the first age of Christianity, or with the last?

FOOTNOTES:

[372] This account is for the most part taken from Bishops Beveridge and

Pearson.

[373] The Egyptian Meletius, from which this schism has its name, must

not be confounded with Meletius of Antioch.

[374] The [Greek: ekklêsiastikon phronêma].

[375] Vid. the parallel case of the Ignatian Epistles in the Author's

Essays, vol. i, p. 266.

NOTE ON P. 366.

Lately the relics of St. Ambrose have been discovered in his Church at

Milan, as were the relics of St. Gervasius and St. Protasius several

years since. On this subject I received a month since a letter from a

friend, who passed through Milan, and saw the sacred remains. I will

quote a portion of his letter to me:--

"_Sept. 17, 1872._

"I am amazed at the favour which was shown me yesterday at the

Church of St. Ambrogio. I was accidentally allowed to be present at

a private exposition of the relics of St. Ambrose and the Saints

Gervasius and Protasius. I have seen complete every bone in St.

Ambrose's body. There were present a great many of the clergy,

three _medici_, and Father Secchi, who was there on account of his

great knowledge of the Catacombs, to testify to the age, etc., of

the remains. It was not quite in chance, for I wanted to go to

Milan, solely to venerate St. Ambrose once more, and to thank him

for all the blessings I have had as a Catholic and a Priest, since

the day that I said Mass over his body. The churches were shut when

I arrived; so I got up early next morning and went off to the

Ambrosian. I knelt down before the high altar, and thought of all

that had happened since you and I were there, twenty-six years ago.

As I was kneeling, a cleric came out; so I asked him to let me into

the _scurolo_, which was boarded up all round for repairs. He took

me there, but he said: 'St. Ambrose is not here; he is above; do

you wish to see him?' He took me round through the corretti into a

large room, where, on a large table, surrounded by ecclesiastics

and medical men, were three skeletons. The two were of immense

size, and very much alike, and bore the marks of a violent death;

their age was determined to be about twenty-six years. When I

entered the room, Father Secchi was examining the marks of

martyrdom on them. Their throats had been cut with great violence,

and the neck vertebræ were injured on the inside. The _pomum

Adami_ had been broken, or was not there; I forget which. This bone

was quite perfect in St. Ambrose; his body was wholly uninjured;

the lower jaw (which was broken in one of the two martyrs) was

wholly uninjured in him, beautifully formed, and every tooth, but

one molar in the lower jaw, quite perfect and white and regular.

His face had been long, thin, and oval, with a high arched

forehead. His bones were nearly white; those of the other two were

very dark. His fingers long and very delicate; his bones were a

marked contrast to those of the two martyrs.

"The finding, I was told, was thus:--In the ninth century the

Bishop of Milan translated the relics of St. Ambrose, which till

then had laid side by side with the martyrs in one great stone

coffin of two compartments, St. Gervase being, according to the

account, nearest to St. Ambrose. He removed St. Ambrose from this

coffin into the great porphyry urn which we both saw in the

_scurolo_; leaving the martyrs where they were. In 1864 the

martyrs' coffin was opened, and one compartment was found empty,

except a single bone, the right-ankle bone, which lay by itself in

that empty compartment. This was sent to the Pope as all that

remained of St. Ambrose; in the other compartment were the two

skeletons complete. St. Ambrose's urn was not opened till the other

day, when it was removed from its place for the alterations. The

bones were found perfect all but the ankle bone. They then sent for

it to Rome, and the President of the Seminary showed me how it

fitted exactly in its place, having been separated from it for nine

centuries.

"The Government seems very desirous to make a handsome restoration

of the whole chapel, and the new shrine will be completed by May

next."

Thus far my friend's letter.

I have not been able in such historical works as are at my command to

find notice of Archbishop Angelbert's transferring St. Ambrose's body

from the large coffin of the martyrs to the porphyry urn which has been

traditionally pointed out as the receptacle of the Saint, and in which

he was recently found. That the body, however, recently disinterred

actually was once in the coffin of the martyrs is evidenced by its

right-ankle bone being found there. Another curious confirmation arises

from my friend's remark about the missing tooth, when compared with the

following passage from Ughelli, Ital. Sacr. t. iv. col. 82:--

"Archbishop Angelbert was most devout to the Church of St. Ambrose, and

erected a golden altar in it, at the cost of 30,000 gold pieces. The

occasion of this gift is told us by Galvaneus, among others, in his

Catalogue, when he is speaking of Angelbert. His words are

these:--'Angelbert was Archbishop for thirty-five years, from A.D. 826,

and out of devotion he extracted a tooth from the mouth of St. Ambrose,

and placed it in his [episcopal] ring. One day the tooth fell out from

the ring; and, on the Archbishop causing a thorough search to be made

for it, an old woman appeared to him, saying, "You will find the tooth

in the place from which you took it." On hearing this, the Archbishop

betook himself to the body of St. Ambrose, and found it in the mouth of

the blessed Ambrose. Then, to make it impossible for anything in future

[or anything else, de cætero] to be taken from his body, he hid it under

ground, and caused to be made the golden altar of St. Ambrose, etc.

Castellionæus in his Antiquities of Milan (apud Burman. Antiqu. Ital. t.

3, part 1. col. 487) tells us that the Archbishop lost his relic "as he

was going in his pontifical vestments to the Church of St. Lawrence on

Palm Sunday. He found he had lost it in the way thither, for, on taking

off his gloves, he saw it was gone."

It would seem from my friend's letter that either the Archbishop took

away the tooth a second time, or the miracle of its restoration did not

take place.

It should be added that the place in which Angelbert hid the sacred

relics was so well known, that in the twelfth century Cardinal Bernard,

Bishop of Parma, was allowed to see and venerate them,--Vid. Puricelli's

Ambros. Basil. Descriptio. c. 58 and c. 352, ap. Burman. Thesaur.

Antiqu. Ital. t. 4, part 1.

That St. Ambrose was buried in his own church, called even from the time

of his death the "Ambrosian," and the church where he had placed the

bones of the two martyrs, Gervasius and Protasius, by the side of whom

he proposed to have his own body placed, is plain from his own words and

those of Paulinus his Secretary.

* * * * *

For the controversy on the subject vid. Castellion. _ubi supra._

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Novels by M. E. Francis (Mrs. Francis Blundell).

DORSET DEAR: Idylls of Country Life. Crown 8vo. 6s.

LYCHGATE HALL: a Romance. Crown 8vo. 6s.

CHRISTIAN THAL: a Story of Musical Life. Cr. 8vo. 6s.

THE MANOR FARM. With Frontispiece by Claude C. du Pré Cooper. Crown 8vo.

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FIANDER'S WIDOW. Crown 8vo. 6s.

YEOMAN FLEETWOOD. Crown 8vo. 3s. _net_.

Works by the Very Rev. Canon Sheehan, D.D.

THE QUEEN'S FILLET. A Novel of the French Revolution. Crown 8vo. 6s.

LISHEEN; or, The Test of the Spirits. A Novel. Cr. 8vo. 6s.

LUKE DELMEGE. A Novel. Crown 8vo. 6s.

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THE BLINDNESS OF DR. GRAY; or, the Final Law: a Novel of Clerical Life.

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"LOST ANGEL OF A RUINED PARADISE": a Drama of Modern Life. Crown 8vo.

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PARERGA: being a Companion Volume to "Under the Cedars and the Stars".

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EARLY ESSAYS AND LECTURES. Crown 8vo. 6s. _net_.

* * * * *

Cardinal Newman's Works.

1. SERMONS.

PAROCHIAL AND PLAIN SERMONS. Eight vols. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. each.

SELECTION, ADAPTED TO THE SEASONS OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL YEAR, from the

"Parochial and Plain Sermons". Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CONTENTS:--_Advent_: Self-denial the Test of Religious

Earnestness--Divine Calls--The Ventures of Faith--Watching.

_Christmas Day_: Religious Joy. _New Year's Sunday_: The Lapse of

Time--_Epiphany_: Remembrance of Past Mercies--Equanimity--The

Immortality of the Soul--Christian Manhood--Sincerity and

Hypocrisy--Christian Sympathy. _Septuagesima_: Present Blessings.

_Sexagesima_: Endurance, the Christian's Portion. _Quinquagesima_:

Love, the One Thing Needful. _Lent_: The Individuality of the

Soul--Life, the Season of Repentance--Bodily Suffering--Tears of

Christ at the Grave of Lazarus--Christ's Privations, a Meditation

for Christians--The Cross of Christ the Measure of the World. _Good

Friday_: The Crucifixion. _Easter Day_: Keeping Fast and Festival.

_Easter Tide_: Witnesses of the Resurrection--A Particular

Providence as revealed in the Gospel--Christ Manifested in

Remembrance--The Invisible World--Waiting for Christ. _Ascension_:

Warfare the Condition of Victory. _Sunday after Ascension_: Rising

with Christ. _Whitsun Day_: The Weapons of Saints. _Trinity

Sunday_: The Mysteriousness of Our Present Being. _Sundays after

Trinity_: Holiness Necessary for Future Blessedness--The Religious

Use of Excited Feelings--The Self-wise Inquirer--Scripture a Record

of Human Sorrow--The Danger of Riches--Obedience without Love, as

instanced in the Character of Balaam--Moral Consequences of Single

Sins--The Greatness and Littleness of Human Life--Moral Effects of

Communion with God--The Thought of God the Stay of the Soul--The

Power of the Will--The Gospel Palaces--Religion a Weariness to the

Natural Man--The World our Enemy--The Praise of Men--Religion

Pleasant to the Religious--Mental Prayer--Curiosity a Temptation to

Sin--Miracles no Remedy for Unbelief--Jeremiah, a Lesson for the

Disappointed--The Shepherd of our Souls--Doing Glory to God in

Pursuits of the World.

FIFTEEN SERMONS PREACHED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, between 1826

and 1843. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CONTENTS.--The Philosophical Temper, first enjoined by the

Gospel--The Influence of Natural and Revealed Religion

respectively--Evangelical Sanctity the Perfection of Natural

Virtue--The Usurpations of Reason--Personal Influence, the Means of

Propagating the Truth--On Justice as a Principle of Divine

Governance--Contest between Faith and Sight--Human Responsibility,

as independent of Circumstances--Wilfulness, the Sin of Saul--Faith

and Reason, contrasted as Habits of Mind--The Nature of Faith in

Relation to Reason--Love, the Safeguard of Faith against

Superstition--Implicit and Explicit Reason--Wisdom, as contrasted

with Faith and with Bigotry--The Theory of Developments in

Religious Doctrine.

SERMONS BEARING UPON SUBJECTS OF THE DAY. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CONTENTS.--The Work of the Christian--Saintliness not Forfeited by

the Penitent--Our Lord's Last Supper and His First--Dangers to the

Penitent--The Three Offices of Christ--Faith and Experience--Faith

unto the World--The Church and the World--Indulgence in Religious

Privileges--Connection between Personal and Public

Improvement--Christian Nobleness--Joshua a Type of Christ and His

Followers--Elisha a Type of Christ and His Followers--The Christian

Church a Continuation of the Jewish--The Principles of Continuity

between the Jewish and Christian Churches--The Christian Church an

Imperial Power--Sanctity the Token of the Christian

Empire--Condition of the Members of the Christian Empire--The

Apostolic Christian--Wisdom and Innocence--Invisible Presence of

Christ--Outward and Inward Notes of the Church--Grounds for

Steadfastness in our Religious Profession--Elijah the Prophet of

the Latter Days--Feasting in Captivity--The Parting of Friends.

DISCOURSES TO MIXED CONGREGATIONS. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CONTENTS.--The Salvation of the Hearer the Motive of the

Preacher--Neglect of Divine Calls and Warnings--Men not Angels--The

Priests of the Gospel--Purity and Love--Saintliness the Standard of

Christian Principle--God's Will the End of Life--Perseverance in

Grace--Nature and Grace--Illuminating Grace--Faith and Private

Judgment--Faith and Doubt--Prospects of the Catholic

Missioner--Mysteries of Nature and of Grace--The Mystery of Divine

Condescension--The Infinitude of Divine Attributes--Mental

Sufferings of our Lord in His Passion--The Glories of Mary for the

Sake of Her Son--On the Fitness of the Glories of Mary.

SERMONS PREACHED ON VARIOUS OCCASIONS. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CONTENTS.--Intellect the Instrument of Religious Training--The

Religion of the Pharisee and the Religion of Mankind--Waiting for

Christ--The Secret Power of Divine Grace--Dispositions for

Faith--Omnipotence in Bonds--St. Paul's Characteristic Gift--St.

Paul's Gift of Sympathy--Christ upon the Waters--The Second

Spring--Order, the Witness and Instrument of Unity--The Mission of

St. Philip Neri--The Tree beside the Waters--In the World but not

of the World--The Pope and the Revolution.

2. TREATISES.

THE DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CONTENTS.--Faith considered as the Instrumental Cause of

Justification--Love considered as the Formal Cause of

Justification--Primary Sense of the term "Justification"--Secondary

Senses of the term "Justification"--Misuse of the term "Just" or

"Righteous"--The Gift of Righteousness--The Characteristics of the

Gift of Righteousness--Righteousness viewed as a Gift and as a

Quality--Righteousness the Fruit of our Lord's Resurrection--The

Office of Justifying Faith--The Nature of Justifying Faith--Faith

viewed relatively to Rites and Works--On Preaching the

Gospel--Appendix.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

THE IDEA OF A UNIVERSITY DEFINED AND ILLUSTRATED. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

I. In Nine Discourses delivered to the Catholics of Dublin; II. In

Occasional Lectures and Essays addressed to the members of the

Catholic University.

UNIVERSITY TEACHING considered in nine discourses. Being the First Part

of "The Idea of a University Defined and Illustrated". With a Preface by

the Rev. JOHN NORRIS. Fcp. 8vo. Gilt Top. 2s. _net_. Leather, 3s. _net_.

A GRAMMAR OF ASSENT. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

3. HISTORICAL.

HISTORICAL SKETCHES. Three vols. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. each.

VOL. I.--The Turks in their Relation to Europe--Marcus Tullius

Cicero--Apollonius of Tyana--Primitive Christianity.

VOL. II.--The Church of the Fathers--St.

Chrysostom--Theodoret--Mission of St. Benedict--Benedictine

Schools.

VOL. III.--Rise and Progress of Universities (originally published

as "Office and Work of Universities")--Northmen and Normans in

England and Ireland--Mediæval Oxford--Convocation of Canterbury.

THE CHURCH OF THE FATHERS. Reprinted from "Historical Sketches". Vol.

II. With a Preface by the Rev. JOHN NORRIS. Fcp. 8vo. Gilt Top. 2s.

_net_. Leather, 3s. _net_.

4. ESSAYS.

TWO ESSAYS ON MIRACLES. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

DISCUSSIONS AND ARGUMENTS. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

1. How to accomplish it. 2. The Antichrist of the Fathers. 3.

Scripture and the Creed. 4. Tamworth Reading-room. 5. Who's to

Blame? 6. An Argument for Christianity.

ESSAYS, CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL. Two vols., with notes. Crown 8vo. 7s.

1. Poetry. 2. Rationalism. 3. Apostolic Tradition. 4. De la

Mennais. 5. Palmer on Faith and Unity. 6. St. Ignatius. 7.

Prospects of the Anglican Church. 8. The Anglo-American Church. 9.

Countess of Huntingdon. 10. Catholicity of the Anglican Church. 11.

The Antichrist of Protestants. 12. Milman's View of Christianity.

13. Reformation of the XI. Century. 14. Private Judgment. 15.

Davison. 16. Keble.

5. THEOLOGICAL.

THE ARIANS OF THE FOURTH CENTURY. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

SELECT TREATISES OF ST. ATHANASIUS. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 7s.

TRACTS: THEOLOGICAL and ECCLESIASTICAL. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

1. Dissertatiunculæ. 2. On the Text of the Seven Epistles of St.

Ignatius. 3. Doctrinal Causes of Arianism. 4. Apollinarianism. 5.

St. Cyril's Formula. 6. Ordo de Tempore. 7. Douay Version of

Scripture.

6. POLEMICAL.

THE VIA MEDIA OF THE ANGLICAN CHURCH. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. each.

Vol. I. Prophetical Office of the Church. Vol. II. Occasional

Letters and Tracts, including No. 90 of "Tracts for the Times".

DIFFICULTIES OF ANGLICANS. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. each. Vol. I.

Twelve Lectures. Vol. II. Letters to Dr. Pusey concerning the Blessed

Virgin, and to the Duke of Norfolk in defence of the Pope and Council.

PRESENT POSITION OF CATHOLICS IN ENGLAND. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

APOLOGIA PRO VITA SUA, being a History of his Religious Opinions.

Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Pocket Edition. Fcp. 8vo. Cloth, 2s. 6d. _net_. Leather, 3s. 6d. _net_.

Popular Edition. 8vo. Sewed, 6d. _net_.

_The "Pocket" Edition and the "Popular" Edition of this book

contain a letter, hitherto unpublished, written by Cardinal Newman

to Canon Flanagan in 1857, which may be said to contain in embryo

the "Apologia" itself._

7. LITERARY.

VERSES ON VARIOUS OCCASIONS. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d. Pocket Edition. Fcp. 8vo.

Cloth, 2s. _net_. Leather, 3s. _net_.

THE DREAM OF GERONTIUS. 16mo. Sewed, 6d. Cloth, 1s. _net_.

With Introduction and Notes by MAURICE FRANCIS EGAN, D.D., LL.D. With

Portrait. Crown 8vo. 1s. 6d.

Presentation Edition, with an Introduction specially written for this

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other Illustrations. Large Crown 8vo, bound in cream cloth, with gilt

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Complete Facsimile of the original Fair Copy and of portions of the

first rough draft. Imperial folio, bound in White Parchment, with gilt

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_This issue is restricted to 525 copies, of which 500 are for

sale._

LOSS AND GAIN: The Story of a Convert. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CALLISTA: A Tale of the Third Century. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

8. DEVOTIONAL.

MEDITATIONS AND DEVOTIONS. Part I. Meditations for the Month of May.

Novena of St. Philip. Part II. The Stations of the Cross. Meditations

and Intercessions for Good Friday. Litanies, etc. Part III. Meditations

on Christian Doctrine. Conclusion. Crown 8vo. 5s. _net_.

Also in Three Parts as follows. Fcap. 8vo. 1s. _net_ each.

Part I. THE MONTH OF MAY.

Part II. STATIONS OF THE CROSS.

Part III. MEDITATIONS ON CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE.

* * * * *

THE LIFE OF JOHN HENRY CARDINAL NEWMAN. Based on his Private Journals

and Correspondence. By WILFRID WARD. With 15 Portraits and Illustrations

(2 Photogravures). 8vo. 36s. _net_.

LETTERS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF JOHN HENRY NEWMAN DURING HIS LIFE IN THE

ENGLISH CHURCH. With a brief Autobiography. Edited, at Cardinal Newman's

request, by ANNE MOZLEY. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 7s.

ADDRESSES TO CARDINAL NEWMAN, WITH HIS REPLIES, 1879-81. Edited by the

Rev. W. P. NEVILLE (Cong. Orat.). With Portrait Group. Oblong crown 8vo.

6s. _net_.

NEWMAN MEMORIAL SERMONS: Preached at the Opening of the Newman Memorial

Church, The Oratory, Birmingham, 8th and 12th December, 1909. By Rev.

Fr. JOSEPH RICKABY. S.J., and Very Rev. Canon McINTYRE, Professor of

Scripture at St. Mary's College, Oscott. 8vo. Paper covers. 1s. _net_.

INDEX.

_Page_

_Adventures of King James II. of England_ 11

Antony (C. M.) _St. Antony of Padua_ 9

---- ---- _St. Pius V._ 9

Arundell (Lord) _Papers_ 8

_Assisi_ (_St. Francis of_) A Biography, by J. Jörgensen 8

Balfour (Mrs. Reginald) _The Life and Legend of the Lady Saint Clare_ 7

Barnes (A. S.) _The Origin of the Gospels_ 3

Barrett (E. Boyd) _Motive Force and Motivation-Tracks_ 5

Barry (W.) _The Tradition of Scripture_ 3

Batiffol (P.) _Credibility of the Gospel_ 5

---- ---- _History of the Roman Breviary_ 5

---- ---- _Primitive Catholicism_ 5

Benson (R. H.) _Christ in the Church_ 4

---- ---- _Cost of a Crown_ 14

---- ---- _Friendship of Christ_ 4

---- ---- _Mystery Play_ 14

---- ---- _The Maid of Orleans_ 14

---- ---- _Non-Catholic Denominations_ 3

---- ---- _The Child's Rule of Life_ 4

Boedder (B.) _Natural Theology_ 2

Bosch (Mrs. H.) _Bible Stories told to "Toddles"_ 12

---- ---- _When "Toddles" was Seven_ 12

Bougaud (Mgr.) _History of St. Vincent de Paul_ 7

Brown (H.) _Handbook of Greek Composition_ 13

---- ---- _Homeric Study_ 13

---- ---- _Latin Composition_ 13

---- (S. J.) _A Reader's Guide to Irish Fiction_ 15

Burton (E. H.) _Life and Times of Bishop Challoner_ 10

---- ---- and Myers (E.) _The New Psalter and Breviary Reform_ 3

Carrol (F.) _St. Peter of Alcantara_ 9

_Catholic Church from Within_ 4

_Challoner, Life and Times of Bishop_ 10

Chapman (J.) _Bishop Gore and Catholic Claims_ 4

---- ---- _The Study of the Fathers_ 3

_Chisel, Pen, and Poignard_ 11

_Christ, A Life of, for Children_ 12

Clarke (R. F.) _Logic_ 2

_Class-Teaching (The) of English Composition_ 13

Coffey (P.) _The Science of Logic_ 5

Conway (P.) _St. Thomas Aquinas_ 9

Corcoran (T.) _Studies in the History of Classical Teaching_ 13

Costelloe (L.) _St. Bonaventure_ 9

Cronin (M.) _The Science of Ethics._ Vol. I. 6

_Curious Case of Lady Purbeck_ 11

Delehaye (H.) _The Legends of the Saints_ 3

_Delecta Biblica_ 13

De Montalembert (Count) _Life of St. Elizabeth of Hungary_ 7

Devas (C. S.) _Political Economy_ 2

---- ---- _The Key to the World's Progress_ 6

_De Vere (Aubrey), Memoir of_, by Wilfrid Ward 7

Dewe (J. A.) _Psychology of Politics and History_ 10

De Wulf (M.) _History of Medieval Philosophy_ 5

---- ---- _Scholasticism, Old and New_ 5

_Digby, Life of Sir Kenelm_ 11

Dobrée (L. E.) _Stories on the Rosary_ 14

Drane (A. T.) _History of St. Catherine of Siena_ 7

---- ---- _Memoir (Mother Francis Raphael)_ 7

Dwight (T.) _Thoughts of a Catholic Anatomist_ 6

Emery (S. L.) _The Inner Life of the Soul_ 4

_Falklands_ 11

_First Duke and Duchess of Newcastle-on-Tyne_ 11

Fitz-Gerald (V.) _St. John Capistran_ 9

Fitzgerald (K.) _Parlez-vous Français_ 13

Fortescue (A.) _The Mass_ 3

Fouard (Abbé) _St. John and the Close of the Apostolic Age_ 8

---- ---- _St. Paul and his Missions_ 8

---- ---- _St. Peter_ 8

---- ---- _The Christ the Son of God_ 8

---- ---- ---- _Last Years of St. Paul_ 8

_Fountain of Life (The)_ 13

Francis (M. E.) _Christian Thal_ 16

---- ---- _Dorset Dear_ 16

---- ---- _Fiander's Widow_ 16

---- ---- _Lychgate Hall_ 16

---- ---- _The Manor Farm_ 16

---- ---- _Yeoman Fleetwood_ 16

_Friar Saint Series_ 9

Gerard (J.) _The Old Riddle and the Newest Answer_ 6

Gerrard (T. J.) _Cords of Adam_ 5

_Grammar Lessons_, by the Principal of St. Mary's Hall, Liverpool 13

Hedley (J. C.) _The Holy Eucharist_ 3

Hogan (S.) _St. Vincent Ferrer_ 9

Hughes (T.) _History of the Society of Jesus in North America_ 11

Hunter (S. J.) _Outlines of Dogmatic Theology_ 5

_Index to The Month_ 6

Irons (G.) _A Torn Scrap Book_ 14

Jarrett (B.) _St. Antoninus of Florence_ 9

Joppen (C.) _Historical Atlas of India_ 13

Jörgensen (J.) _St. Francis of Assisi_ 8

Joyce (G. H.) _Principles of Logic_ 13

---- (P. W.) _Ancient Irish Music_ 14

---- ---- _Child's History of Ireland_ 12

---- ---- _English as we Speak it in Ireland_ 12

---- ---- _Grammar of the Irish Language_ 12

---- ---- _Handbook of School Management_ 12

---- ---- _History of Ireland for Australian Catholic Schools_ 12

---- ---- _Irish Peasant Songs_ 14

---- ---- _Old Celtic Romances_ 14

---- ---- _Old Irish Folk Music_ 14

---- ---- _Origin and History of Irish Names of Places_ 10

---- ---- _Outlines of the History of Ireland_ 12

---- ---- _Reading Book in Irish History_ 12

---- ---- _Short History of Ireland_ 10

---- ---- _Social History of Ireland_ 10

---- ---- _Story of Irish Civilisation_ 10

---- ---- _Wonders of Ireland_ 10

---- (R. D.) _Ballads of Irish Chivalry_ 14

Kane (R.) _The Plain Gold Ring_ 5

---- ---- _The Sermon of the Sea_ 5

Keating (T. P.) _Science of Education_ 13

Leith (W. F.) _Memoirs of the Scottish Catholics_ 10

_Lives of the Friar Saints_ 9

Lumsden (C.) _The Dawn of Modern England_ 10

Maxwell-Scott (Hon. Mrs.) _Life of the Marquise de la Rochejaquelein_ 7

McNabb (V.) _Infallibility_ 4

Maher (M.) _Psychology_ 2

_Marshal Turenne_ 11

Maturin (B. W.) _Laws of the Spiritual Life_ 4

---- ---- _Self-Knowledge and Self-Discipline_ 4

---- ---- _The Price of Unity_ 4

Miles (G. H.) _Christine and other Poems_ 15

---- ---- _Review of Hamlet_ 15

---- ---- _Said the Rose_ 15

Montalembert (Count de) _St. Elizabeth of Hungary_ 7

_Month, The_ 6

Moyes (J.) _Aspects of Anglicanism_ 4

Mulhall (M. M.) _Beginnings, or Glimpses of Vanished Civilizations_ 10

---- ---- _Explorers in the New World before and after Columbus_ 7

Murphy (A.) _St. Leonard of Port-Maurice_ 9

Myers (E.) _The Breviary_ 3

Newman (Cardinal) _Addresses to, 1879-81_ 21

---- ---- _Apologia pro Vita sua_ 20

---- ---- _Arians of the Fourth Century_ 19

---- ---- _Callista, an Historical Tale_ 20

---- ---- _Church of the Fathers_ 19

---- ---- _Critical and Historical Essays_ 19

---- ---- _Development of Christian Doctrine_ 18

---- ---- _Difficulties of Anglicans_ 20

---- ---- _Discourses to Mixed Congregations_ 18

---- ---- _Discussions and Arguments_ 19

---- ---- _Dream of Gerontius_ 20

---- ---- Maurice Francis Egan, D.D., LL.D., With Notes by 20

---- ---- ---- ---- Facsimile Edition 20

---- ---- ---- ---- Presentation Edition 20

---- ---- _Essays on Miracles_ 19

---- ---- _Grammar of Assent_ 18

---- ---- _Historical Sketches_ 19

---- ---- _Idea of a University_ 18

---- ---- _Justification_ 18

---- ---- _Letters and Correspondence_ 21

---- ---- _Life_, by Wilfrid Ward 7, 21

---- ---- _Loss and Gain_ 20

---- ---- _Meditations and Devotions_ 21

---- ---- _Memorial Sermons_ 21

---- ---- _Oxford University Sermons_ 17

---- ---- _Parochial Sermons_ 17

---- ---- _Present Position of Catholics_ 20

---- ---- _Select Treatises of St. Athanasius_ 19

---- ---- _Selections from Sermons_ 17

---- ---- _Sermons on Subjects of the Day_ 17

---- ---- _Sermons Preached on Various Occasions_ 18

---- ---- _Theological Tracts_ 19

---- ---- _University Teaching_ 18

---- ---- _Verses on Various Occasions_ 20

---- ---- _Via Media_ 20

O'Malley (A.) and Walsh (J. J.) _Pastoral Medicine_ 6

_Pryings among Private Papers_ 11

_Quick and Dead_ 13

Reginald (M.) _St. Louis Bertrand_ 9

Rickaby (John) _First Principles of Knowledge_ 2

---- ---- _General Metaphysics_ 2

---- (Joseph) _Moral Philosophy_ 2

---- ---- and McIntyre (Canon) _Newman Memorial Sermons_ 21

_Rochester and other Literary Rakes_ 11

Roche (W.) _The House and Table of God_ 4

Rockliff (E.) _An Experiment in History Teaching_ 13

Rose (V.) _Studies on the Gospels_ 5

Russell (M.) _Among the Blessed_ 6

---- ---- _At Home with God_ 6

---- ---- _The Three Sisters of Lord Russell of Killowen_ 8

Ruville (A. Von) _Back to Holy Church_ 4

---- ---- _Humility the True Talisman_ 4

Ryder (I.) _Essays_ 8

Scannell (T. B.) _The Priest's Studies_ 3

Schwertner (T.) _St. Raymond of Pennafort_ 9

Serbati (A.) _Theodicy_ 5

Sheehan (P. A.) _Blindness of Dr. Gray_ 16

---- ---- _Early Essays and Lectures_ 16

---- ---- _Glenanaar_ 16

---- ---- _Lisheen_ 16

---- ---- '_Lost Angel of a Ruined Paradise_' 16

---- ---- _Luke Delmege_ 16

---- ---- _Parerga_ 16

---- ---- _The Queen's Fillet_ 16

---- ---- _The Intellectuals_ 16

Smith (S. F.) _The Instruction of Converts_ 3

STONYHURST PHILOSOPHICAL SERIES 2

Stuart (J. E.) _The Education of Catholic Girls_ 13

Thurston (H.) _Lent and Holy Week_ 4

---- ---- _The Christian Calendar_ 3

Vacandard (E.) _The Inquisition_ 10

Walker (L. J.) _Theories of Knowledge_ 2

Ward (B.) _Dawn of the Catholic Revival in England_ 10

---- ---- _Eve of Catholic Emancipation_ 10

---- (M.) _St. Bernardine of Siena_ 9

---- (Wilfrid) _Aubrey de Vere, a Memoir_ 7

---- ---- _Life of Cardinal Newman_ 7, 21

---- ---- _Ten Personal Studies_ 8

---- ---- _The Life of Cardinal Wiseman_ 7

---- (Mrs. Wilfrid) _Great Possessions_ 15

---- ---- _One Poor Scruple_ 15

---- ---- _Out of Due Time_ 15

---- ---- _The Job Secretary_ 15

---- ---- _The Light Behind_ 15

WESTMINSTER LIBRARY (THE) 3

Wiseman (Cardinal) Life, by Wilfrid Ward 7

Wyatt-Davies (E.) _History of England for Catholic Schools_ 12

---- ---- _Outlines of British History_ 12