Another figure of world-wide renown was lost by the death of the French

poet Francois Rene de Chateaubriand. Born at chateau Combourg in 1768, the

scion of one of the noblest families of France, he received a careful

education at chateau Combourg. Roaming about on the sea-shore and in the

famous forest of Brezilien, the youth received his earliest impressions of

the grandeurs of nature. Shortly before the outbreak of the French

Revolution he was sent to Paris, where he received a commission in the

royal army. It was then he published his first poem, "L'Amour de la

Campagne," in the Almanach des Muses. Dissatisfied with the revolutionary

turn of affairs, he resigned his commission in 1790, and journeyed to North

America. There he travelled extensively, seeking poetic inspiration from

the wilderness and the primitive customs of the Indians. After the downfall

of King Louis XVI. and the French nobility, Chateaubriand hastily returned

to France and joined the army of emigres under Prince Conde. At the siege

of Thionville he was wounded and went to England. By the time

Chateaubriand recovered he found himself in abject poverty, and had to

spend his days in bed for lack of fuel. In England, he wrote his "Essai sur

les Revolutions," in which he compared the recent rising in France to that

of the English Commonwealth. On the fall of the Directorate he returned to

France, and became one of the editors of Fontaine's "Mercure de France." At

the opening of the Nineteenth Century he published "Atala," an episode of

his epic poem "Les Natchez," treating of the suicide of an Indian virgin,

who sought death rather than violate a solemn vow of chastity given to her

mother. In 1802 appeared the second episode, "Rene," a subjective story

treating of the hapless love of a sister for her brother, full of a French

form of _maladie du monde_ akin to Goethe's _Weltschmerz_ in the "Sorrows

of Werther." During the same year, Chateaubriand brought out his famous

"Genius of Christianity, or the Beauties of the Christian Religion," which

achieved an immense success. It won the approbation even of Napoleon, who

appointed Chateaubriand to diplomatic posts at Rome and Vallis. The

execution of the Duc d'Enghien was so horrifying to Chateaubriand that he

forthwith resigned his appointments. After extensive travels through

Greece, Egypt and the Holy Land, Chateaubriand went to Spain, where he

found inspiration at the Alhambra to write "Le dernier des Abencerrages."

There, too, he wrote his story of "The Martyrs, or the Triumph of the

Christian Religion," brought out in Paris in 1809. Less successful was his

tragedy "Moses." In 1810, Chateaubriand published the famous political

pamphlet "La Monarchie selon la Charte," which was made the basis of the

subsequent royal constitution of France. On the restoration of the Bourbons

he wrote another political pamphlet, directed against Bonaparte, which sent

him into exile together with Louis XVIII. during the Hundred Days. On the

return of Louis XVIII. he was made a member of State, a peer of France, and

member of the French Academy. In 1820 he was sent as ambassador to Berlin

and then to London, from where he was recalled into the Cabinet. Crowded

out of the Cabinet by Villele, he became one of the leaders of the

opposition. In 1828, he went on another diplomatic mission to Rome. The

rest of his life was uneventful. Shortly before his death he brought out

his complete works, including his latest "Etudes Historiques." A posthumous

work was his "Memoires d'Outre-Tombe," containing the famous comparison

between the characters of George Washington and Napoleon Bonaparte.

[Sidenote: Paris reform banquet]

[Sidenote: Ministry impeached]

In the French Chambers, early in February, a great debate had been held on

the Reform Bill. Guizot, the Prime Minister, held firm in his opposition to

all the proposed reforms. It was now proposed to hold the reform banquet,

that had repeatedly been prohibited and postponed, on February 22. The

banquet was once more interdicted, and it was announced that any unlawful

assemblage would be dispersed by force. Thereupon the banquet was

abandoned. The evening papers declared that the deputies of the opposition

had agreed to abstain from the proposed manifestation. A manifesto

published by the "Journal National" was the cause of a noisy demonstration

in the streets of the 12th Arrondissement. The National Guards were called

out. On the same day fifty-two deputies of the Left laid before the

Chambers a bill of impeachment against the Ministry. The King and his

advisers were in a state of blind security.

[Sidenote: Street demonstrations]

[Sidenote: National Guard disaffected]

On the morning of the eventful 22d of February, the Parisian populace

congregated by thousands near the Madeleine and the Rue Royale, shouting

"Vive la reforme; a bas les ministres!" and singing the "Marseillaise." No

troops made their appearance; but encounters occurred at several points

between the mob and the municipal guards. Still the day passed over without

serious hostilities. On the next day, the National Guards of Paris were

called out. Their cry, as they marched through the different quarters of

the city, was "Vive la reforme!" This emboldened the leaders of the

revolutionists. The members of the secret societies flew to arms; and in

the skirmishes which followed between the populace and the regular troops,

the National Guard everywhere interfered in favor of the former. Thus

confronted, officers and soldiers hesitated to commit a general assault

upon their fellow citizens. They allowed themselves to be reduced to

inaction. The insurrection thus triumphed almost without actual strife.

[Sidenote: Fall of Guizot's Ministry]

[Sidenote: Barricades erected]

[Sidenote: Thiers' manifesto]

[Sidenote: The last stroke]

[Sidenote: Louis Philippe succumbs]

The King at length became acquainted with the true situation. In the

afternoon of the 23d, Guizot tendered his resignation, which was promptly

accepted, and published as an act of satisfaction on the part of the King

to the demands of the people. Count Mole was charged with the formation of

a new Ministry. It was now generally expected that tranquillity would be at

once restored. But late at night the detachment of troops posted at the

Office of Foreign Affairs was attacked by a band of rioters. The commanding

officer ordered them to fire, and several persons in the crowd were shot

down. Their dead bodies were paraded through the city. This spectacle

raised the indignation of the multitude to the highest pitch. Fresh

barricades were erected in all the most populous quarters of the city, and

the soldiers, stupefied and panic-struck, renounced all further opposition

to the revolt. The King now named Marshal Bugeaud to the supreme command of

the whole military force at Paris. Mole having declined the task of

constructing a Ministry, the King summoned Thiers to the head of affairs.

This statesman, in conjunction with Odillon-Barrot, immediately issued a

proclamation announcing their appointment as Ministers, and stating that

orders had been given to the troops to withdraw and abandon the contest.

This gave the last blow to the monarchy of Louis Philippe. Marshal Bugeaud

resigned his command. The soldiers quitted their ranks, giving up arms and

ammunition to the insurgents. The National Guard openly joined the masses

of the people and marched with them upon the Tuileries. The catastrophe was

now inevitable. Louis Philippe, feeling that all was lost, signed an act

of abdication in favor of his grandson the Comte de Paris, and withdrew to

St. Cloud.

[Sidenote: Mob invades the Chamber]

An attempt was made to obtain the recognition of the Duchess of Orleans as

regent, and thus to preserve the throne to the heir of Louis Philippe,

according to the terms of his abdication. The Duchess went to the Chamber

of Deputies, holding by the hand her sons the Comte de Paris and the Duc de

Chartres. They took their seats in front of the tribune. More than one

member spoke earnestly in favor of the regency. In the midst of the debate

the Chamber was invaded by a tumultuous throng of armed men. One of them

was Arnold Boecklin, the Swiss artist, who subsequently rose to highest rank

among the painters of the Nineteenth Century. Marie, a violent Republican,

ascending the tribune, announced that the first duty of the Legislature was

to appoint a strong provisional government capable of re-establishing

public confidence and order. Cremieux, Ledru-Rollin and Lamartine in turn

insisted on a new government and constitution to be sanctioned by the

sovereign people. The proposition was hailed with tumultuous acclamations.

The Duchess of Orleans and her children retired precipitately.

[Sidenote: Provisional Government formed]

[Sidenote: Fulsome promises]

[Sidenote: Proclamation of French Republic]

The Republicans remained masters of the field. A provisional government was

forthwith nominated. It included the poet Lamartine, Ledru-Rollin,

Garnier-Pages and Arago. While the mob was searching the Hotel de Ville

these men conferred in a small out-of-the-way chamber behind locked doors.

Louis Blanc, the great socialistic writer, and one Albert, a locksmith,

were added to the provisional government. Every half hour Lamartine had to

confront some new crowd of rioters preferring fresh claims. The confusion

lasted several days. Throughout this time more barricades were thrown up,

until the government gained a breathing space by a promise to distribute

one million francs among the laboring men. Louis Blanc and Ledru-Rollin

signed another decree whereby they pledged the government to furnish every

Frenchman with work. With the help of National Guardsmen, and an organized

body of students, Caussidiere, the new police prefect, succeeded at last in

keeping the mob out of the Hotel de Ville and the Palais Bourbon. On

February 27, the Republic was formally proclaimed from the Place de la

Bastille. The barricades were levelled and the crowds that had surged

through the streets of Paris gradually dispersed. Throughout France the

Republic was accepted without serious opposition.

[Sidenote: Flight of royal family]

For a while it was feared that Louis Philippe's sons in Algiers, the Duke

d'Aumale and Prince de Joinville, who commanded the French army and navy,

disposing of more than a hundred thousand men, might make a stroke on their

father's behalf. This hope of the Royalists was doomed to disappointment.

Both princes resigned their command, to be succeeded by General Cavignac,

who took charge of the forces in the name of the French Republic. The other

members of the dynasty accomplished their escape from France amid many

curious adventures. After leaving Paris the party separated so as to avoid

suspicion. Louis Philippe and the Queen with a few attendants fled to

Honfleur, where they lay for nearly a week in concealment. At length the

packet steamer "Express" was placed at their disposal by the British

Government. On March 4, Louis Philippe, having assumed the name of William

Smith, landed at Newhaven in Sussex. With the Queen he proceeded to

Claremont, a country-seat belonging to his son-in-law, King Leopold of

Belgium. The Duke of Montpensier with the Duchess of Nemours fled to

Belgium, as did the Duchess of Orleans.

[Sidenote: English Chartists encouraged]

[Sidenote: Inflammatory speeches]

[Sidenote: London ready for revolution]

[Sidenote: Rioters discouraged]

The French Revolution gave quickening impulse to the Chartist movement in

England. Feargus O'Connor had been returned at the General Election of 1847

as member for Nottingham. He threw himself into a renewal of the agitation

with all the strength and vigor of a madman. A National Convention was

summoned, and it was determined that another monster petition should be

carried to the House of Commons, to be followed by a procession of half a

million persons. The idea got abroad that a revolution might break out in

London on the presentation of the petition. Ernest Jones had exclaimed on

Kensington Common, "Never fear the vile men of the law; the police, the

troops, sympathize with you. Down with the Ministry! Dissolve the

Parliament! The Charter, and no surrender!" At the National Convention,

Vernon declared: "If a few hundreds do fall on each side, they will only be

the casualties in a mighty movement." On April 10 a great demonstration

was to be held on Kensington Common. In anticipation, special constables to

the number of 170,000 were sworn in to keep the peace; troops were

quartered in the houses of the main thoroughfares; two thousand stands of

arms were supplied to the officials of the General Post-Office; the Custom

House, Bank, Exchange, and other public buildings were similarly equipped;

the Admiralty was garrisoned by a body of marines, and the Tower guns were

mounted. On the eventful morning, London assumed a military guise such as

it had never worn before. Traffic was suspended along the streets for fear

that the vehicles should be employed, as in France, in the construction of

barricades. Finally a proclamation was issued warning people against

collecting for disorderly purposes. The military arrangements were in the

hands of the Duke of Wellington. Owing to these thorough precautions the

threatened mass meeting collapsed. The procession was never held. The whole

affair was covered with ridicule. The "monster petition" was found to

contain not six million signatures as was alleged, but only 1,975,469, and

many of these proved to be fictitious, whole sheets being found to be in

the same handwriting, and containing such names as Victoria Rex, Prince

Albert, Punch, and so forth.

[Sidenote: Collapse of Chartism]

[Sidenote: End of Feargus O'Connor]

In the words of a contemporary, "Chartism had received its death-blow.

O'Brien, Vincent, and others endeavored to revive it, but in vain. Its

members fell off in disappointment and allied themselves with reformers of

greater moderation, and Feargus O'Connor, who for ten years had madly

spent his force and energy in carrying forward the movement, gave it up in

despair. Everything he had touched had proved a failure. From being an

object of terror, Chartism had become an object of ridicule. O'Connor took

the matter so much to heart that he soon became an inmate of a lunatic

asylum, and never recovered his reason."

[Sidenote: Progress of Italian Revolution]

[Sidenote: Austrians driven northward]

[Sidenote: Radetzky seeks refuge]

All Italy now, from the southern shores of Sicily to the Alps, was in a

blaze of insurrection. Venice, Piedmont and Lombardy were in arms. Charles

Albert, the King of Sardinia, put himself at the head of the movement in

northern Italy. From all parts of Italy volunteers crowded to his banners.

In defiance of the Pope's orders a compact body of these volunteers marched

from Rome. Radetzky, the Austrian commander, a veteran of all the Austrian

wars since the outbreak of the French Revolution, had long prepared for

this struggle by formidable fortifications at Verona. When Milan revolted

and the Austrian Vice-Governor, O'Donnell, was captured, Radetzky evacuated

the city at the approach of Charles Albert's army from Piedmont. His

outlying garrison was cut off by the Italians. Preferring the loss of Milan

to a possible annihilation of the army, Radetzky fell back upon Verona. On

the banks of the Adige, about twenty-five miles east of the Mincio, he

rapidly concentrated all available forces, while the Italians threw up

intrenchments on the Mincio. There, with the armies of Piedmont and

Lombardy in front of him and the revolutionary forces of Venice behind him,

Radetzky stubbornly held his ground. Nothing remained to Austria on

Italian ground but Verona and the neighboring fortresses on the Adige and

Mincio.

[Sidenote: Kossuth's appeal]

[Sidenote: Magyar Constitution proclaimed]

[Sidenote: Stocks fall in Vienna]

The Austrian Empire itself, by this time, was shaken to its foundations.

When the news of the February Revolution in Paris reached Austria the

Magyar Diet was in session in Hungary. The success of the revolutionists in

France inflamed the Liberal leaders in Hungary. Casting aside all reserve,

Kossuth declared in the Diet: "From the charnel house of the Viennese

system a poison-laden atmosphere steals over us. It would paralyze our

nerves and pin us down when we might soar. The future of Hungary can never

be secured while Austria maintains a system of government in direct

antagonism to every constitutional principle. Our task is to found a

happier future on the brotherhood of all the races in Austria. For a union

enforced by bayonets and police spies let us substitute the enduring bond

of a free constitution!" On March 3, the Hungarian Lower House triumphantly

passed a resolution to that effect. The cry for a liberal constitution was

instantly taken up in the other dominions of Austria. It so happened that

the Provincial Estates of Lower Austria were to meet about this time. It

was planned that an address embodying demands similar to those of Hungary

should be forwarded to the Emperor by this assembly. The political

agitation in Vienna became feverish. The students indulged in noisy

demonstrations. Rumors of the impending repudiation of the paper currency

and of State bankruptcy made matters worse. A sharp decline in stocks

showed Metternich that a public catastrophe was near at hand.

[Sidenote: Viennese Diet stormed]

[Sidenote: Fighting in the street]

[Sidenote: Imperial palace invaded]

[Sidenote: Downfall of Metternich]

On March 13, the Provincial Diet met. Dense crowds surged about the Diet

Hall. The students marched around in procession. Street orators harangued

the crowds. The tumult was at its height when a slip of paper was let down

from one of the windows of the hall, stating that the Diet was inclining to

half measures. An announcement to this effect was received with a roar of

fury. The mob overran the guards and burst into the Diet Hall. All debate

was stopped, and the leading members of the Estates were forced to head a

deputation to the Emperor's palace to exact a hearing. All the approaches

to the palace were choked with people. Street fighting had already begun.

Detachments of soldiers were hurried to the palace and to the Diet Hall.

From the roof and windows of the Diet Hall missiles were hurled upon the

soldiery. The interior of the Hall was demolished. The soldiers now fired a

volley and cleared the Hall with their bayonets. Blood flowed freely and

many were killed. The sound of the shots was received by the crowds around

the palace with howls of rage. The whole city was in an uproar. Barricades

were thrown up and the gunsmith shops were sacked. At the palace, where the

Emperor himself remained invisible, Metternich and his assembled Council

received the deputation in state. The Council urged the aged Prime Minister

to grant the demanded concession. At length he withdrew into an adjoining

chamber to draft an order annulling the censorship of the press. While he

was thus engaged the cry was raised, "Down with Metternich!" The deputies

in the Council Chamber peremptorily demanded his dismissal. When the old

statesman returned he found himself abandoned even by his colleagues.

Metternich realized that the end had come. He made a brief farewell speech,

marked by all the dignity and self-possession of his greatest days, and

left the Council Chamber to announce his resignation to the Emperor.

[Sidenote: Quiet restored]

[Sidenote: Hungarian demands]

[Sidenote: Kossuth in Vienna]

[Sidenote: Demonstrations of enthusiasm]

The news of Metternich's downfall was received with deafening cheers. His

personality was so closely identified with all that was most hateful in

Austrian politics that the mere announcement of his resignation sufficed to

quell the popular tumult. On the night of March 14, Metternich contrived to

escape from Vienna unobserved, and fled across the frontier. On the same

day a National Guard was established in Vienna, and was supplied with arms

taken from the government arsenal. The Viennese outbreak gave irresistible

force to the national movement in Hungary. Now the Chamber of Magnates,

which had hitherto opposed the demands of the Lower House, adopted the same

by a unanimous vote. On March 15, a deputation was despatched to Vienna to

demand from the Emperor not only a liberal constitution, but a separate

Ministry, absolute freedom of the press, trial by jury, equality of

religion, and a free public-school system. The Hungarians, with Kossuth in

the lead, were received in triumph in Vienna. They paraded through the

streets, and were greeted by Emperor Ferdinand in person. He consented to

everything and issued an imperial rescript, promising a liberal

constitution to the rest of Austria as well. The light-hearted Viennese

indulged in indescribable jubilations. On March 18, the Emperor drove

through the city. Somebody put a revolutionary banner into his hands. The

black, red and gold ensign of united Germany was hoisted over the tower of

St. Stephen. In an intoxication of joy the people took the horses from the

imperial carriage and drew it triumphantly through the streets. The regular

troops around the imperial palace were superseded by the new National

Guards.

[Sidenote: Germany in a ferment]

[Sidenote: Prussian Assembly convoked]

[Sidenote: King of Prussia cowed]

[Sidenote: Revolt in Berlin]

[Sidenote: Prince William's part]

[Sidenote: King of Prussia submissive]

[Sidenote: Royal promises]

[Sidenote: Rising of Schleswig-Holstein]

[Sidenote: Reverse at Bau]

A History of the Nineteenth Century, Year by Year. Volume 2 (of 3) · 第 29 / 42 段