THE GREAT BATTLE OF PITTSBURG LANDING.

A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF ONE OF THE GREATEST AND MOST SANGUINARY BATTLES

OF THE CIVIL WAR--TERRIBLE LOSS OF LIFE--GALLANT ACTION OF THE FIRST

MINNESOTA BATTERY--DEATH OF CAPT. W.H. ACKER.

The battle of Pittsburg Landing on the 6th and 7th of April, 1862, was

one of the most terrific of the many great battles of the great Civil

war. It has been likened to the battle of Waterloo. Napoleon sought to

destroy the army of Wellington before a junction could be made with

Blucher. Johnston and Beauregard undertook to annihilate the Army of

the Tennessee, under Gen. Grant, before the Army of the Cumberland,

under Buell, could come to his assistance. At the second battle of

Bull Run Gen. Pope claimed that Porter was within sound of his guns,

yet he remained inactive. At Pittsburg Landing it was claimed by

military men that Gen. Buell could have made a junction with Grant

twenty-four hours sooner and thereby saved a terrible loss of life had

he chosen to do so. Both generals were subsequently suspended from

their commands and charges of disloyalty were made against them by

many newspapers in the North. Gen. Porter was tried by court-martial

and dismissed from the service. Many years after this decision was

revoked by congress and the stigma of disloyalty removed from his

name. Gen. Buell was tried by court-martial, but the findings of the

court were never made public. Gen. Grant did not think Gen. Buell

was guilty of the charges against him, and when he became

commander-in-chief of the army in 1864 endeavored to have him restored

to his command, but the war department did not seem inclined to do so.

About two weeks before the battle of Pittsburg Landing Gen. Grant

was suspended from the command of the Army of the Tennessee by Gen.

Halleck, but owing to some delay in the transmission of the order, an

order came from headquarters restoring him to his command before he

knew that he had been suspended. Gen. Grant's success at Fort Henry

and Fort Donelson made his superiors jealous of his popularity. He was

ordered arrested by Gen. McClellan, but the order was held up by the

war department until Gen. Grant could be heard from. The reason for

his arrest was that he went to Nashville to consult with Buell without

permission of the commanding general. Dispatches sent to Grant for

information concerning his command was never delivered to him, but

were delivered over to the rebel authorities by a rebel telegraph

operator, who shortly afterward joined the Confederate forces.

Many years after the war Gen. Badeau, one of Grant's staff officers,

was in search of information for his "History of Grant's Military

Campaigns," and he unearthed in the archives of the war department the

full correspondence between Halleck, McClellan and the secretary of

war, and it was not until then that Gen. Grant learned the full extent

of the absurd accusations made against him.

After the battle of Pittsburg Landing Gen. Halleck assumed personal

command of all the forces at that point and Gen. Grant was placed

second in command, which meant that he had no command at all. This

was very distasteful to Gen. Grant and he would have resigned his

commission and returned to St. Louis but for the interposition of his

friend, Gen. W.T. Sherman. Gen. Grant had packed up his belongings

and was about to depart when Gen. Sherman met him at his tent and

persuaded him to refrain. In a short time Halleck was ordered to

Washington and Grant was made commander of the Department of West

Tennessee, with headquarters at Memphis. Gen. Grant's subsequent

career proved the wisdom of Sherman's entreaty.

When Gen. Halleck assumed command he constructed magnificent

fortifications, and they were a splendid monument to his engineering

skill, but they were never occupied. He was like the celebrated king

of France, who "with one hundred thousand men, marched up the hill and

then down again." Gen. Halleck had under his immediate command more

than one hundred thousand well equipped men, and the people of

the North looked to him to administer a crushing blow to the then

retreating enemy. The hour had arrived--the man had not.

"Flushed with the victory of Forts Henry and Donelson," said the

envious Halleck in a dispatch to the war department, previous to

the battle, "the army under Grant at Pittsburg Landing was more

demoralized than the Army of the Potomac after the disastrous defeat

of Bull Run."

Soon after the battle the venerable Gen. Scott predicted that the

war would soon be ended--that thereafter there would be nothing but

guerrilla warfare at interior points. Gen. Grant himself in his

memoirs says that had the victory at Pittsburg Landing been followed

up and the army been kept intact the battles at Stone River,

Chattanooga and Chickamauga would not have been necessary.

Probably the battle of Pittsburg Landing was the most misunderstood

and most misrepresented of any battle occurring during the war. It

was charged that Grant was drunk; that he was far away from the

battleground when the attack was made, and was wholly unprepared to

meet the terrible onslaught of the enemy in the earlier stages of the

encounter. Gen. Beauregard is said to have stated on the morning

of the battle that before sundown he would water his horses in the

Tennessee river or in hell. That the rebels did not succeed in

reaching the Tennessee was not from lack of dash and daring on their

part, but was on account of the sturdy resistance and heroism of their

adversaries. According to Gen. Grant's own account of the battle,

though suffering intense pain from a sprained ankle, he was in the

saddle from early morning till late at night, riding from division to

division, giving directions to their commanding officers regarding the

many changes in the disposition of their forces rendered necessary

by the progress of the battle. The firm resistance made by the force

under his command is sufficient refutation of the falsity of the

charges made against him. Misunderstanding of orders, want of

co-operation of subordinates as well as superiors, and rawness of

recruits were said to have been responsible for the terrible slaughter

of the Union forces on the first day of the battle.

* * * * *

The battle of Pittsburg Landing is sometimes called the battle of

Shiloh, some of the hardest lighting having been done in the vicinity

of an old log church called the Church of Shiloh, about three miles

from the landing.

The battle ground traversed by the opposing forces occupied a

semi-circle of about three and a half miles from the town of

Pittsburg, the Union forces being stationed in the form of a

semi-circle, the right resting on a point north of Crump's Landing,

the center being directly in front of the road to Corinth, and the

left extending to the river in the direction of Harrisburg--a small

place north of Pittsburg Landing. At about 2 o'clock on Sunday

morning, Col. Peabody of Prentiss' division, fearing that everything

was not right, dispatched a body of 400 men beyond the camp for the

purpose of looking after any body of men which might be lurking in

that direction. This step was wisely taken, for a half a mile advance

showed a heavy force approaching, who fired upon them with great

slaughter. This force taken by surprise, was compelled to retreat,

which they did in good order under a galling fire. At 6 o'clock the

fire had become general along the entire front, the enemy having

driven in the pickets of Gen. Sherman's division and had fallen with

vengeance upon three Ohio regiments of raw recruits, who knew nothing

of the approach of the enemy until they were within their midst. The

slaughter on the first approach of the enemy was very severe, scores

falling at every discharge of rebel guns. It soon became apparent that

the rebel forces were approaching in overwhelming numbers and there

was nothing left for them to do but retreat, which was done with

considerable disorder, both officers and men losing every particle of

their baggage, which fell into rebel hands.

At 8:30 o'clock the fight had become general, the second line of

divisions having received the advance in good order and made every

preparation for a suitable reception of the foe. At this time many

thousand stragglers, many of whom had never before heard the sound

of musketry, turned their backs to the enemy, and neither threats or

persuasion could induce them to turn back. The timely arrival of Gen.

Grant, who had hastened up from Savannah, led to the adoption of

measures that put a stop to this uncalled-for flight from the battle

ground. A strong guard was placed across the thoroughfare, with orders

to hault every soldier whose face was turned toward the river, and

thus a general stampede was prevented. At 10 o'clock the entire line

on both sides was engaged in one of the most terrible battles ever

known in this country. The roar of the cannon and musketry was without

intermission from the main center to a point extending halfway down

the left wing. The great struggle was most upon the forces which had

fallen back on Sherman's position. By 11 o'clock quite a number of the

commanders of regiments had fallen, and in some instances not a single

field officer remained; yet the fighting continued with an earnestness

that plainly showed that the contest on both sides was for death or

victory. The almost deafening sound of artillery and the rattle of

musketry was all that could be heard as the men stood silently and

delivered their fire, evidently bent on the work of destruction which

knew no bounds. Foot by foot the ground was contested, a single narrow

strip of open land dividing the opponents. Many who were maimed fell

back without help, while others still fought in the ranks until they

were actually forced back by their company officers. Finding it

impossible to drive back the center of our column, at 12 o'clock the

enemy slackened fire upon it and made a most vigorous effort on our

left wing, endeavoring to drive it to the river bank at a point about

a mile and a half above Pittsburg Landing. With the demonstration of

the enemy upon the left wing it was soon seen that all their fury was

being poured out upon it, with a determination that it should give

way. For about two hours a sheet of fire blazed both columns, the

rattle of musketry making a most deafening noise. For about an hour it

was feared that the enemy would succeed in driving our forces to the

river bank, the rebels at times being plainly seen by those on the

main landing below. While the conflict raged the hottest in this

quarter the gunboat Tyler passed slowly up the river to a point

directly opposite the enemy and poured in a broadside from her immense

guns. The shells went tearing and crashing through the woods, felling

trees in their course and spreading havoc wherever they fell. The

explosions were fearful, the shells falling far inland, and they

struck terror to the rebel force. Foiled in this attempt, they now

made another attack on the center and fought like tigers. They found

our lines well prepared and in full expectation of their coming. Every

man was at his post and all willing to bring the contest to a definite

conclusion. In hourly expectation of the arrival of reinforcements,

under Generals Nelson and Thomas of Buell's army, they made every

effort to rout our forces before the reinforcements could reach the

battle ground. They were, however, fighting against a wall of steel.

Volley answered volley and for a time the battle of the morning was

re-enacted on the same ground and with the same vigor on both sides.

At 5 o'clock there was a short cessation in the firing of the enemy,

their lines falling back on the center for about half a mile. They

again wheeled and suddenly threw their entire force upon the left

wing, determined to make the final struggle of the day in that

quarter. The gunboat Lexington in the meantime had arrived from

Savannah, and after sending a message to Gen. Grant to ascertain in

which direction the enemy was from the river, the Lexington and Tyler

took a position about half a mile above the river landing, and poured

their shells up a deep ravine reaching to the river on the right.

Their shots were thick and fast and told with telling effect. In the

meantime Gen. Lew Wallace, who had taken a circuitous route from

Crump's Landing, appeared suddenly on the left wing of the rebels. In

face of this combination the enemy felt that their bold effort was for

the day a failure and as night was about at hand, they slowly fell

back, fighting as they went, until they reached an advantageous

position, somewhat in the rear, yet occupying the main road to

Corinth. The gunboats continued to send their shells after them until

they were far beyond reach. This ended the engagement for the day.

Throughout the day the rebels evidently had fought with the Napoleonic

idea of massing their entire force on weak points of the enemy, with

the intention of braking through their lines, creating a panic and

cutting off retreat.

The first day's battle, though resulting in a terrible loss of Union

troops, was in reality a severe disappointment to the rebel leaders.

They fully expected, with their overwhelming force to annihilate

Grant's army, cross the Tennessee river and administer the same

punishment to Buell, and then march on through Tennessee, Kentucky and

into Ohio. They had conceived a very bold movement, but utterly failed

to execute it.

Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, commander of the Confederate forces,

was killed in the first day's battle, being shot while attempting to

induce a brigade of unwilling Confederates to make a charge on the

enemy.

Gen. Buell was at Columbia, Tenn., on the 19th of March with a veteran

force of 40,000 men, and it required nineteen days for him to reach

the Tennessee river, eighty-five miles distant, marching less than

five miles a day, notwithstanding the fact that he had been ordered to

make a junction with Grant's forces as soon as possible, and was well

informed of the urgency of the situation.

During the night steamers were engaged in carrying the troops of

Nelson's division across the river. As soon as the boats reached the

shore the troops immediately left, and, without music, took their way

to the advance of the left wing of the Union forces. They had come up

double quick from Savannah, and as they were regarded as veterans, the

greatest confidence was soon manifest as to the successful termination

of the battle. With the first hours of daylight it was evident that

the enemy had also been strongly reinforced, for, notwithstanding they

must have known of the arrival of new Union troops, they were first to

open the ball, which they did with considerable alacrity. The attacks

that began came from the main Corinth road, a point to which they

seemed strongly attached, and which at no time did they leave

unprotected. Within half an hour from the first firing in the morning

the contest then again spread in either direction, and both the main

and left wings were not so anxious to fight their way to the river

bank as on the previous day, having a slight experience of what they

might expect if again brought under the powerful guns of the Tyler and

Lexington. They were not, however, lacking in activity, and they

were met by our reinforced troops with an energy that they did not

anticipate. At 9 o'clock the sound of the artillery and musketry fully

equaled that of the day before. It now became evident that the rebels

were avoiding our extreme left wing, and were endeavoring to find a

weak point in our line by which they could turn our force and thus

create a panic. They left one point but to return to it immediately,

and then as suddenly would direct an assault upon a division where

they imagined they would not be expected. The fire of the united

forces was as steady as clockwork, and it soon became evident that

the enemy considered the task they had undertaken a hopeless one.

Notwithstanding continued repulses, the rebels up to 11 o'clock had

given no evidence of retiring from the field. Their firing had been as

rapid and vigorous at times as during the most terrible hours of

the previous day. Generals Grant, Buell, Nelson and Crittenden were

present everywhere directing the movements on our part for a new

strike against the foe. Gen. Lew Wallace's division on the right had

been strongly reinforced, and suddenly both wings of our army were

turned upon the enemy, with the intention of driving the immense body

into an extensive ravine. At the same time a powerful battery had been

stationed upon an open field, and they poured volley after volley into

the rebel ranks and with the most telling effect. At 11:30 o'clock the

roar of battle almost shook the earth, as the Union guns were being

fired with all the energy that the prospect of ultimate victory

inspired. The fire from the enemy was not so vigorous and they began

to evince a desire to withdraw. They fought as they slowly moved back,

keeping up their fire from their artillery and musketry, apparently

disclaiming any notion that they thought of retreating. As they

retreated they went in excellent order, halting at every advantageous

point and delivering their fire with considerable effect. At noon it

was settled beyond dispute that the rebels were retreating. They were

making but little fire, and were heading their center column for

Corinth. From all divisions of our lines they were closely pursued,

a galling fire being kept up on their rear, which they returned at

intervals with little or no effect. From Sunday morning until Monday

noon not less than three thousand cavalry had remained seated In their

saddles on the hilltop overlooking the river, patiently awaiting the

time when an order should come for them to pursue the flying enemy.

That time had now arrived and a courier from Gen. Grant had scarcely

delivered his message before the entire body was in motion. The wild

tumult of the excited riders presented a picture seldom witnessed on a

battlefield. Gen. Grant himself led the charge.

* * * * *

Gen. Grant, in his memoirs, summarizes the results of the two days'

fighting as follows: "I rode forward several miles the day of the

battle and found that the enemy had dropped nearly all of their

provisions and other luggage in order to enable them to get off with

their guns. An immediate pursuit would have resulted in the capture

of a considerable number of prisoners and probably some guns...." The

effective strength of the Union forces on the morning of the 6th was

33,000 men. Lew Wallace brought 5,000 more after nightfall. Beauregard

reported the rebel strength at 40,955. Excluding the troops who fled,

there was not with us at any time during the day more than 25,000 men

in line. Our loss in the two days' fighting was 1,754 killed, 8,408

wounded and 2,885 missing. Beauregard reported a total loss of 10,699,

of whom 1,728 were killed, 8,012 wounded and 957 missing.

On the first day of the battle Gen. Prentiss, during a change of

position of the Union forces, became detached from the rest of the

troops, and was taken prisoner, together with 2,200 of his men. Gen.

W.H.L. Wallace, division commander, was killed in the early part of

the struggle.

The hardest fighting during the first day was done in front of the

divisions of Sherman and McClernand. "A casualty to Sherman," says

Gen. Grant, "that would have taken him from the field that day would

have been a sad one for the Union troops engaged at Shiloh. And how

near we came to this! On the 6th Sherman was shot twice, once in the

hand, once in the shoulder, the ball cutting his coat and making a

slight wound, and a third ball passed through his hat. In addition to

this he had several horses shot during the day."

During the second day of the battle Gen. Grant, Col. McPherson and

Maj. Hawkins got beyond the left of our troops. There did not appear

to be an enemy in sight, but suddenly a battery opened on them from

the edge of the woods. They made a hasty retreat and when they were

at a safe distance halted to take an account of the damage. In a few

moments Col. McPherson's horse dropped dead, having been shot just

back of the saddle. A ball had passed through Maj. Hawkins' hat and a

ball had struck the metal of Gen. Grant's sword, breaking it nearly

off.

On the first day of the battle about 6,000 fresh recruits who had

never before heard the sound of musketry, fled on the approach of the

enemy. They hid themselves on the river bank behind the bluff, and

neither command nor persuasion could induce them to move. When Gen.

Buell discovered them on his arrival he threatened to fire on them,

but it had no effect. Gen. Grant says that afterward those same men

proved to be some of the best soldiers in the service.

Gen. Grant, in his report, says he was prepared with the

reinforcements of Gen. Lew Wallace's division of 5,000 men to assume

the offensive on the second day of the battle, and thought he could

have driven the rebels back to their fortified position at Corinth

without the aid of Buell's army.

* * * * *

At banquet hall, regimental reunion or campfire, whenever mention is

made of the glorious record of Minnesota volunteers in the great Civil

war, seldom, if ever, is the First Minnesota battery given credit

for its share in the long struggle. Probably very few of the present

residents of Minnesota are aware that such an organization existed.

This battery was one of the finest organizations that left the state

during the great crisis. It was in the terrible battle of Pittsburg

Landing, the siege of Vicksburg, in front of Atlanta and in the great

march from Atlanta to the sea, and in every position in which they

were placed they not only covered themselves with glory, but they were

an honor and credit to the state that sent them. The First Minnesota

battery, light artillery, was organized at Fort Snelling in the fall

of 1861, and Emil Munch was made its first captain. Shortly after

being mustered in they were ordered to St. Louis, where they received

their accoutrements, and from there they were ordered to Pittsburg

Landing, arriving at the latter place late in February, 1862. The day

before the battle, they were transferred to Prentiss' division of

Grant's army. On Sunday morning, April 6, the battery was brought out

bright and early, preparing for inspection. About 7 o'clock great

commotion was heard at headquarters, and the battery was ordered to be

ready to march at a moment's notice. In about ten minutes they were

ordered to the front, the rebels having opened fire on the Union

forces. In a very short time rebel bullets commenced to come thick and

fast, and one of their number was killed and three others wounded. It

soon became evident that the rebels were in great force in front

of the battery, and orders were issued for them to choose another

position. At about 11 o'clock the battery formed in a new position

on an elevated piece of ground, and whenever the rebels undertook to

cross the field in front of them the artillery raked them down with

frightful slaughter. Several times the rebels placed batteries In the

timber at the farther end of the field, but in each instance the

guns of the First battery dislodged them before they could get into

position. For hours the rebels vainly endeavored to break the lines

of the Union forces, but in every instance they were repulsed with

frightful loss, the canister mowing them down at close range. About 5

o'clock the rebels succeeded in flanking Gen. Prentiss and took part

of his force prisoners. The battery was immediately withdrawn to an

elevation near the Tennessee river, and it was not long before firing

again commenced and kept up for half an hour, the ground fairly

shaking from the continuous firing on both sides of the line. At

about 6 o'clock the firing ceased, and the rebels withdrew to a safe

distance from the landing. The casualties of the day were three killed

and six wounded, two of the latter dying shortly afterward. The fight

at what was known as the "hornet's nest" was most terrific, and had

not the First battery held out so heroically and valiantly the rebels

would have succeeded in forcing a retreat of the Union lines to a

point dangerously near the Tennessee river. Capt. Munch's horse

received a bullet In his head and fell, and the captain himself

received a wound in the thigh, disabling him from further service

during the battle. After Capt. Munch was wounded Lieut. Pfaender took

command of the battery, and he had a horse shot from under him during

the day. On the morning of April 7, Gen. Buell having arrived, the

battery was held in reserve and did not participate in the battle

that day. The First battery was the only organization from Minnesota

engaged in the battle, and their conduct in the fiercest of the

struggle, and in changing position in face of fire from the whole

rebel line, was such as to receive the warmest commendation from the

commanding officer. It was the first battle in which they had taken

part, and as they had only received their guns and horses a few weeks

before, they had not had much opportunity for drill work. Their

terrible execution at critical times convinced the rebels that they

had met a foe worthy of their steel.

* * * * *

Among the many thousands left dead and dying on the blood-stained

field of Pittsburg Landing there was one name that was very dear in

the hearts of the patriotic people of St. Paul,--a name that was as

dear to the people of St. Paul as was the memory of the immortal

Ellsworth to the people of Chicago. Capt. William Henry Acker, while

marching at the head of his company, with uplifted sword and with

voice and action urging on his comrades to the thickest of the fray,

was pierced in the forehead by a rebel bullet and fell dead upon the

ill-fated field.

Before going into action Capt. Acker was advised by his comrades not

to wear his full uniform, as he was sure to be a target for rebel

bullets, but the captain is said to have replied that if he had to die

he would die with his harness on. Soon after forming his command into

line, and when they had advanced only a few yards, he was singled out

by a rebel sharpshooter and instantly killed--the only man in the.

company to receive fatal injuries. "Loved, almost adored, by the

company," says one of them, writing of the sad event, "Capt. Acker's

fall cast a deep shadow of gloom over his command." It was but for

a moment. With a last look at their dead commander, and with the

watchword 'this for our captain,' volley after volley from their guns

carried death into the ranks of his murderers. From that moment but

one feeling seemed to possess his still living comrades--that of

revenge for the death of their captain. How terribly they carried out

that purpose the number of rebel slain piled around the vicinity of

his body fearfully attest.

The announcement of the death of Capt. Acker was a very severe blow to

his relatives and many friends in this city. No event thus far in the

history of the Rebellion had brought to our doors such a realizing

sense of the sad realities of the terrible havoc wrought upon the

battlefield. A noble life had been sacrificed in the cause of

freedom--one more name had been added to the long death roll of the

nation's heroes.

Capt. Acker was born a soldier--brave, able, popular and

courteous--and had he lived would undoubtedly been placed high in rank

long before the close of the rebellion. No person ever went to the

front in whom the citizens of St. Paul had more hope for a brilliant

future. He was born in New York State in 1833, and was twenty-eight

years of age at the time of his death. He came to St. Paul in 1854 and

commenced the study of law in the office of his brother-in-law, Hon.

Edmund Rice. He did not remain long in the law business, however, but

soon changed to a position in the Bank of Minnesota, which had just

been established by ex-Gov. Marshall. For some time he was captain of

the Pioneer Guards, a company which he was instrumental in forming,

and which was the finest military organization in the West at

that time. In 1860 he was chosen commander of the Wide-Awakes, a

marching-club, devoted to the promotion of the candidacy of Abraham

Lincoln, and many of the men he so patiently drilled during that

exciting campaign became officers in the volunteer service in that

great struggle that soon followed. Little did the captain imagine at

that time that the success of the man whose cause he espoused would so

soon be the means of his untimely death. At the breaking out of the

war Capt. Acker was adjutant general of the State of Minnesota, but he

thought he would be of more use to his country in active service and

resigned that position and organized a company for the First Minnesota

regiment, of which he was made captain. At the first battle of Bull

Run he was wounded, and for his gallant action was made captain in

the Seventeenth United States Regulars, an organization that had

been recently created by act of congress. The Sixteenth regiment was

attached to Buell's army, and participated in the second day's battle,

and Cat. Acker was one of the first to fall on that terrible day,

being shot in the identical spot in the forehead where he was wounded

at the first battle of Bull Run. As soon as the news was received in

St. Paul of the captain's death his father, Hon. Henry Acker, left for

Pittsburg Landing, hoping to be able to recover the remains of his

martyred son and bring the body back to St. Paul. His body was easily

found, his burial place having been carefully marked by members of the

Second Minnesota who arrived on the battleground a short time after

the battle. When the remains arrived in St. Paul they were met at

the steamboat landing by a large number of citizens and escorted to

Masonic hall, where they rested till the time of the funeral. The

funeral obsequies were held at St. Paul's church on Sunday, May 4,

1862, and were attended by the largest concourse of citizens that

had ever attended a funeral in St. Paul, many being present from

Minneapolis, St. Anthony and Stillwater. The respect shown to the

memory of Capt. Acker was universal, and of a character which fully

demonstrated the high esteem in which he was held by the people of St.

Paul.

When the first Grand Army post was formed in St. Paul a name

commemorative of one of Minnesota's fallen heroes was desired for the

organization. Out of the long list of martyrs Minnesota gave to the

cause of the Union no name seemed more appropriate than that of the

heroic Capt. Acker, and it was unanimously decided that the first

association of Civil war veterans in this city should be known as

Acker post.

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