Walk, Hoxton, but this appears to be an error, of which I only became
aware in 1905. In that year the London County Council had under
consideration the question of placing a tablet on the house in which
my father was born, and they wrote me for the purpose of obtaining
documentary or other evidence as to the identity of the house. As a
result of careful inquiries I found that the birthplace of my father
was No. 31, and not No. 5, as I had previously believed. As it was
possible that the street had been renumbered, the London County Council
undertook to try to find out, and Mr. Gomme, Clerk to the Council,
subsequently wrote me that although this point could not be determined
with exactitude:
"The probabilities are that the street had not been renumbered since
the date of Bradlaugh's birth. If such is the case the house in which
he was born has disappeared, for about 1883, No. 31 Bacchus Walk was
with a block of other houses in the street demolished to provide a
site for the present St. John's Road School, Hoxton. On my reporting
these facts, the Committee of the Council dealing with the matter
regretfully decided that under the circumstances they could take no
further action with regard to this house.
"It will interest you to know that the Committee have also taken
steps with a view to the erection of a tablet on No. 20, Circus Road,
S. John's Wood, where your father died, after having resided there
for a considerable period. The owner of the house, however, refused
to consent to the erection of a tablet, and the Committee were thus
compelled to abandon the idea of indicating this house."
H. B. B.
APPENDIX II.
LORD DUFFERIN AND CHARLES BRADLAUGH.
The following significant correspondence between Lord Dufferin and Mr.
Bradlaugh is now (1908) included for the first time in this biography.
Lord Dufferin's letters are written throughout in his own handwriting,
and the draft of my father's letter is written by his own hand. I am
the more fortunate in having this, because it was very rare indeed for
him either to make a draft of his letters or to write at such length.
The occasion was, however, one of more than usual importance. Lord
Dufferin sent with his letter a copy of the speech he delivered at the
St. Andrew's dinner, Calcutta, on November 30, 1888, ten days before he
ceased to be Viceroy of India. It makes a booklet of 21 quarto pages,
and it is to this that reference is made in the letters.
H. B. B.
"Lord Dufferin presents his compliments to Mr. Bradlaugh, and, well
knowing that even his bitterest opponents are ready to recognise
not only Mr. Bradlaugh's ability, but also his perfect sincerity,
uprightness and honesty of purpose, he takes the liberty of addressing
him in reference to a lecture which Mr. Bradlaugh delivered in the
Tyne Theatre at Newcastle on the subject of our Indian Empire. In
that lecture, though Mr. Bradlaugh did not refer to Lord Dufferin
in unduly harsh or unfriendly terms, he did certainly misrepresent
both the words and the tenor of his Calcutta speech. This probably
arose from the fact of the _Times_ correspondent having only
telegraphed those parts of the speech with which he himself especially
sympathised. Under these circumstances, Lord Dufferin has taken the
liberty of sending Mr. Bradlaugh a full copy of the speech as it was
delivered. The statements in Mr. Bradlaugh's lecture to which Lord
Dufferin particularly objects are:--First, that Lord Dufferin has
misrepresented the avowed views of the Congress and its supporters.
He can assure him that he has not done so. Mr. Bradlaugh may be quite
certain that, before saying what he did, Lord Dufferin took every
precaution to verify his references, and that the proceedings of the
Congress and of the Committees whose conclusions the Congress adopted,
were precisely what he described. It is true, at the last meeting,
thanks to the friendly warnings which Lord Dufferin had given, the
attitude and suggestions of the Congress were much more reasonable and
moderate.
"The second statement in Mr. Bradlaugh's address to which Lord
Dufferin objects, is where he says that Lord Dufferin asserted that
these Congresses were seditious. Again he begs to assure Mr. Bradlaugh
that he never, either directly or by implication, gave utterance to
such an opinion. He has always referred to the Congress in terms of
sympathy and respect, and treated the members with great personal
civility. What he criticised was the distribution, amongst an ignorant
population, under the auspices of some ill-advised persons who were
not even natives, but with the authority of the Congress, of pamphlets
which were calculated to excite the hatred of the people against her
Majesty's Government in India.
"Mr. Bradlaugh also seems to imply that Lord Dufferin has opposed
himself to the native demands for a reform in the Civil Service. So
far from this being the case, before the Congress even put forward any
such suggestions, Lord Dufferin had appointed a Commission, with Sir
Charles Aitchison (one of the most liberal-minded men that have ever
been in India) as chairman, and some leading natives as members, to
propound a scheme for the larger admission of natives into the higher
ranks of the Civil Service. This Commission has recommended that over
120 offices now closed to natives should be thrown open to them.
"However, if Mr. Bradlaugh will only read Lord Dufferin's speech,
Lord Dufferin thinks he will see that it is conceived in a totally
different tone and spirit from that which Mr. Bradlaugh has himself
imagined, and he may tell Mr. Bradlaugh in confidence--though, of
course, he would desire that it should remain unknown to anyone
else--that he himself has been doing his very best to forward such a
reform of the Provincial Councils in India as Mr. Bradlaugh appears
to advocate. In further illustration of his position, Lord Dufferin
may mention that Mr. Yule, the gentleman who acted as chairman of the
last Congress at Allahabad, was present on the occasion on which Lord
Dufferin delivered the speech which Mr. Bradlaugh has criticised, and,
at its conclusion, went out of his way to thank him for it as being
calculated to do the very greatest good.
"Mr. Bradlaugh has also fallen into an error in considering that Lord
Dufferin's speech is likely to cause embarrassment to Lord Lansdowne.
It was intended, on the contrary, to produce the very opposite effect,
and to smooth Lord Lansdowne's way for him; and it is in this light
that both Lord Lansdowne himself and his friends regard it; for it is
obvious that Lord Dufferin having undertaken the disagreeable task
of pointing out the extravagances into which the Congress was being
insensibly led, there will remain to Lord Lansdowne the agreeable duty
of inaugurating whatever concessions it may be possible to make.
"In conclusion, Lord Dufferin hopes Mr. Bradlaugh will understand
what perhaps is not readily appreciated by those who have not lived
in India; namely, that the Government of India is perpetually
fighting, on behalf of the great masses of the population, against the
encroachments and usurpations of what may be called the specialised
interests; for, unlike almost all other Governments, it is unconnected
by ties of prejudice or self-interest with any particular class or
section of the community it governs.
"Lord Dufferin is quite satisfied that Mr. Bradlaugh will forgive him
for troubling him with this short letter of explanation.
"British Embassy, Rome.
"_7th February, 1889._"
* * * * *
(_Draft Letter._)
"Mr. Bradlaugh, in acknowledging Lord Dufferin's 'private and
confidential' letter of February 7th, desires to specially recognise
the frank and more than kindly tone of that letter, and trusts that
in the observations which Mr. Bradlaugh feels called upon to submit
to Lord Dufferin's consideration, he may be pardoned if he ventures
sometimes to wholly differ, even on statements of fact, from one so
eminent, and one whose recent Vice-regal position entitles him to
special respect and attention in matters concerning India. It is true
that at the time of the Newcastle speech and until the receipt of
the letter of February 7th, Mr. Bradlaugh had only seen the Calcutta
speech as given in the _Times_, and he is exceedingly obliged to
Lord Dufferin for the more accurate and complete report enclosed in
his Lordship's letter. Perhaps Mr. Bradlaugh may be permitted to add
that although the report of his own Newcastle speech as given in
the _Newcastle Daily Leader_ is very full and, on the whole, fairly
accurate, it is necessarily not verbatim, and has appeared without any
correction. The report in the _Newcastle Daily Chronicle_ was less
full, and though fair, has, in abbreviating, occasionally varied the
meaning. This observation is only offered because of the importance
the speech acquires by Lord Dufferin's notice of its purport. Mr.
Bradlaugh, in charging Lord Dufferin with misrepresenting the avowed
views of the Congress, was careful to express his opinion that Lord
Dufferin had been misled by inaccurate information, and if now Mr.
Bradlaugh had alone the Calcutta speech to guide him, he would still
incline to that view; for the words on p. 9, line 26, 'the ideal
authoritatively suggested, as I understand' seem to imply that Lord
Dufferin spoke rather on information received than on his personal
knowledge, but in view of Lord Dufferin's declaration that 'he took
every precaution to verify his references, and that the proceedings
of the Congress and of the Committees whose conclusions the Congress
adopted were precisely what he described,' Mr. Bradlaugh trusts that
he may be permitted to justify and maintain his criticism of Lord
Dufferin's words as follows (Calcutta speech, p. 9, line 20, to p. 10,
line 1):--
"'Some intelligent, loyal, patriotic, and well-meaning men are
desirous of taking, I will not say a further step in advance, but
a very big jump into the unknown--by the application to India of
democratic methods of government and the adoption of a Parliamentary
system, which England herself has only reached by slow degrees and
through the discipline of many centuries of preparation. The ideal
authoritatively suggested, as I understand, is the creation of a
representative body or bodies in which the official element shall be
in the minority who shall have the power of the purse, and who through
this instrumentality shall be able to bring the British Executive into
subjection to their will.'
"On this Mr. Bradlaugh ventures to refer Lord Dufferin to the only
authoritative suggestion of which he is aware, _i.e._, the actual
resolutions of the Congresses defining their 'tentative suggestions'
of reform and which seem to him to so essentially contradict the
understanding arrived at by Lord Dufferin that Mr. Bradlaugh requotes
their tenor from Resolution 4, with its sub-sections, as printed in
the report of the Calcutta Congress, which, he respectfully submits,
completely justify his Newcastle speech; he believes that these
resolutions were precisely re-affirmed at Madras and Allahabad:--
"'(1.)--The number of persons composing the Legislative Councils, both
Provincial and of the Governor-General, to be materially increased.
Not less than one-half the Members of such enlarged Councils to be
elected. Not more than one-fourth to be officials, having seats
_ex-officio_ in such Councils, and not more than one-fourth to be
Members, official or non-official, nominated by Government.
"'(2.) The right to elect members to the Provincial Councils to be
conferred only on those classes and members of the community, _primâ
facie_, capable of exercising it wisely and independently.'
And, after suggesting possible elective bodies, it concludes:--
"'But whatever system be adopted (and the details must be worked out
separately for each province) care must be taken that all sections of
the community and all great interests are adequately represented.'
In sub-section 6 providing that:--
"'All legislative measures and all financial questions, including all
Budgets, whether these involve new or enhanced taxation or not, to be
necessarily submitted to, and dealt with by, these Councils.'
And giving right of interpellation, it is
'provided that if the subject in regard to which the inquiry is
made involves matters of foreign policy, military dispositions or
strategy, or is otherwise of such a nature that, in the opinion of the
Executive, the public interest would be materially imperilled by the
communication of the information asked for, it shall be competent for
them to instruct the _ex-officio_ Members, or one of them, to reply
accordingly and decline to furnish the information asked for.'
And by sub-section 7 it is expressly declared that:--
"'The Executive Government shall possess the power of overruling the
decision arrived at by the majority of the Council in every case
in which, in its opinion, the public interests would suffer by the
acceptance of such decision.'
"As it was on the faith of his reading of these resolutions, which
he had in his hand when speaking at Newcastle, that Mr. Bradlaugh
made the statement to which Lord Dufferin objects, he ventures to
submit that such resolutions show clearly (1) that there is no
attempt whatever at 'the application to India of democratic methods
of government'; or (2) at 'the adoption of a Parliamentary system
which England herself has only reached by slow degrees'; (3) there
is no creation of a representative body or bodies, there is simply
the proposal that an existing body shall be enlarged and half of it
made representative under special limitations of electorate; (4)
the Executive is only mentioned to preserve it as paramount and
with overruling power over the Legislative Councils which alone are
meant or referred to; (5) though it is true that it is proposed
that the purely 'official element' shall be a minority, as sitting
_ex-officio_, it is also stated that a moiety of the Legislative
Council shall be non-elected Government nominees, such nominees being
either official or non-official as the Executive may decide.
"Mr. Bradlaugh notes that Lord Dufferin considers that 'the attitude
and suggestions of the Allahabad Congress were much more reasonable
and moderate,' and as Mr. Bradlaugh has not yet received any
authorised report of that Congress he differs from Lord Dufferin with
great hesitation; but so far as he is able to judge from the newspaper
reports, and from the comparison of these with the official reports
of the three previous Congresses, the attitude in each case was
that of moderate statement of grievances with explicit declaration
of loyalty to the British Empire. Mr. Bradlaugh feels that on this
point Lord Dufferin, who tendered hospitality to the Congress of
1886, speaks with more perfect knowledge than himself, but, judging
as an outsider, from the official reports and guided by the extremely
amicable relations between Lord Dufferin as Viceroy and the Congress
of 1886, Mr. Bradlaugh, whilst gladly recognising the justice of Lord
Dufferin's judgment that the attitude and suggestions of the Congress
just held were reasonable and moderate, can find no ground for
supposing that there was any difference in these respects at Allahabad
from the former Congresses at Bombay, Calcutta, or Madras.
"Mr. Bradlaugh is in the highest degree grateful to Lord Dufferin for
his repudiation and contradiction of the view urged by Mr. Bradlaugh
at Newcastle, that Lord Dufferin had described the Congresses as
seditious. Mr. Bradlaugh trusts that he may be permitted to point out
that in a question put on the notice paper of the House of Commons by
Mr. J. M. Maclean, M.P., immediately on the publication in the _Times_
of the telegraphic summary of Lord Dufferin's Calcutta speech, Mr.
Maclean claimed, under cover of that speech, to describe the Congress
as one which 'aims at destroying the security of English Rule in
India.' On this point Mr. Bradlaugh, in speaking in the future, will
take care that it shall be clearly understood that Lord Dufferin 'has
always referred to the Congress in terms of sympathy and respect,'
and Mr. Bradlaugh tenders to Lord Dufferin his sincere apology
that, misled by the _Times_ version and by Mr. Maclean's gloss, he
attributed to Lord Dufferin any views hostile to the Congress. With
reference to the publications to which Lord Dufferin refers, but which
he does not specifically quote, it would ill become Mr. Bradlaugh,
without more complete information, to do more than submit that he
is unaware of any pamphlets issued by the authority of the Congress
'calculated to excite the hatred of the people against her Majesty's
Government in India.' If Lord Dufferin refers to 'the Catechism,' Mr.
Bradlaugh observes that the author appeals to the people 'to lay aside
their petty jealousies and race antipathies and learn their duties as
loyal citizens of the British Empire.'
"Mr. Bradlaugh does not think that, either at Newcastle or elsewhere,
he has ever implied that Lord Dufferin was opposed to Indian Civil
Service Reform, and he is glad to know that the natives of India may
count on Lord Dufferin's powerful help. Mr. Bradlaugh has not yet had
the opportunity of fully considering the report, and may possibly
underrate its favourable character to the natives. The recommendations
to open some 108 offices to natives must be considered with reference
to the contention that, under the statutory service rules, at least
150 offices should be so open. Mr. Bradlaugh pleads guilty to a little
confusion as to dates, probably the result of insufficient knowledge.
Lord Dufferin speaks of the Commission (appointed October 4th, 1886)
as 'before the Congress ever put forward any such suggestions.' Mr.
Bradlaugh ventures to think that Lord Dufferin has overlooked the
resolution on this subject of the Bombay Congress, December, 1885.
"As desired by Lord Dufferin, Mr. Bradlaugh has most carefully
read the authorised report of his Lordship's Calcutta speech, and
especially thanks Lord Dufferin for the confidential intimation
'that he himself has been doing his very best to forward such a
reform of the Provincial Councils in India as Mr. Bradlaugh appears
to advocate'; this Mr. Bradlaugh assumes is intended by the parts
underlined by Lord Dufferin on p. 18; but it is respectfully
submitted that the words on p. 17 might, without Lord Dufferin's
kindly confidential assurance, not unreasonably have been held
to imply that his Lordship charged the Congress with seeking to
effectuate constitutional changes by a stroke of the pen and without
deliberation, when, in fact, the very first resolution of the first
Congress asked for enquiry by Royal Commission, and it is for such an
enquiry that Mr. Bradlaugh has already placed a notice on the order
book of the House of Commons.
"Mr. Bradlaugh is pleased to learn that he has fallen into error
in considering that Lord Dufferin's speech was likely to cause
embarrassment to Lord Lansdowne, and he entirely accepts Lord
Dufferin's assurance that it was intended to produce the opposite
effect; but, in justice to himself, he thinks it right to submit that
confidential information from India leads him to the belief that same
embarrassment has actually already arisen.
"Mr. Bradlaugh fears that, although he has left many points untouched,
he will already have exhausted Lord Dufferin's patience, but he trusts
that the generous disposition and courteous frankness which prompted
Lord Dufferin's letter of the 7th will serve as excuse for any
_brusquerie_ in Mr. Bradlaugh's present letter."
* * * * *
"5, Upper Berkeley Street, W.
"22nd Feb., 1889.
"My dear Mr. Bradlaugh,--
"I hope you will forgive me for taking the liberty of addressing you
in the above direct manner; but I am so sensible of the friendly tone
of your letter of the 19th, and so shocked at having given so much
trouble to a busy man like yourself, that I presume to slip into the
more familiar way of writing.
"With regard to the points you raise in your letter:--one thing has
evidently escaped your observation, namely, that my remarks in the
main were not addressed specially to the Congress, but to 'some of
our friends, who, etc., etc.,' and in this category I embraced all
those, whether speakers, writers, or other persons, who (for the sake
of briefness) I may denominate the advanced party in India. Again,
where I said 'the idea authoritatively suggested as I understand,' I
referred to a speech, or rather, I think, a letter of Mr. Hume's. Mr.
Hume is the Chief Secretary of the Congress, and certainly speaks with
authority, if not in the name of the Congress itself, at all events in
that of the Congress party. I also had in my mind the speeches of the
two previous Presidents of the Congress, as well as the manifestoes
put forth by the Congress Press. The only respect in which I
criticised the conduct of the Congress itself was in regard to its
official sanction to the distribution of the pamphlets, and I do not
think anybody can say that the terms I used were very severe. However,
I am most unwilling to give you any further trouble in writing, but I
should esteem it a great pleasure if I might be allowed to make your
acquaintance, and to have an opportunity of talking over some of these
matters with you. I make this suggestion because I believe I could
not be doing a greater service both to India and to the public than
by placing myself at your disposal in regard to any information you
may desire to have about India. I shall be in town till next Thursday,
when I return to Rome; but I shall be happy to wait upon you at any
day or hour you may name, or to receive you here, if that should be
more convenient to you. On Sunday I shall be engaged; but every other
day up to the date of my departure I shall be free.
"Believe me, my dear Mr. Bradlaugh,
"Yours sincerely,
"DUFFERIN AND AVA."
* * * * *
"5 Upper Berkeley Street, W.
"Feb. 24, 1889.
"My dear Mr. Bradlaugh,--
"Many thanks for your kind little note of to-day. It will give me the
greatest pleasure to receive you here at 1.15 to-morrow, Monday.
"Yours sincerely,
"DUFFERIN AND AVA."
* * * * *
"British Embassy, Rome,
"2nd April, 1889.
"My dear Mr. Bradlaugh,--
"I am very much obliged to you for your kindness in sending me
the notice of your motion. There are already indications of the
willingness, both of the present Viceroy and of the Government at
home, to modify the existing régime in India, and I have no doubt
that you will obtain some satisfactory assurances in regard to, at
all events a portion of your suggestions. I am strongly of opinion,
however, that for the present it would be wiser to apply whatever
reforms may be found desirable to the Provincial Councils, and to
leave the Governor-General's Council untouched, except so far as
allowing the Budget to be discussed, and giving to the members the
right of asking questions under certain specified conditions. The
Supreme Council of the Governor-General is almost always engaged in
the consideration of large Imperial questions, in regard to which it
would not be likely to receive any great assistance from the native
members who might be added to it; and, even if this were not the case,
it would be well to watch how the proposed changes in the Provincial
Councils had worked. Moreover, I think our efforts should be applied
rather to the decentralisation of our Indian Administration than to
its greater unification, and I made considerable efforts in India
to promote and expand this principle. In any event, I am sure the
discussion which you will have provoked will prove very useful; and
I am very glad that the conduct of it should be in the hands of a
prudent, wise, and responsible person like yourself, instead of having
been laid hold of by some adventurous _franc-tireur_, whose only
object might possibly have been to let off a few fireworks for his own
glorification.
"Yours sincerely,
"DUFFERIN AND AVA."
APPENDIX III.
A NOTE ON THE MOTION TO EXPUNGE THE RESOLUTIONS OF EXCLUSION FROM THE
JOURNALS OF THE HOUSE.
When, with the kind help of his ever-devoted friend, Mr. John M.
Robertson, I was writing this record of my father's life and work,
there was one matter upon which neither of us felt able to enter very
fully. I refer to the carrying of the motion to expunge from the
journals of the House the resolution to exclude him passed on the 22nd
of June, 1880.
I believe that the time has now come when I may, without unfairness
to anyone, and without the slightest violation of confidence, state
exactly what took place in regard to the moving of that resolution.
It may be remembered that Mr. Bradlaugh fell ill on January 10th, 1891,
and that some five days later he had to take to that bed from which he
never rose again. Mr. John M. Robertson was at the time in Edinburgh,
on the staff of the _Scottish Leader_, and on the evening of Friday,
the 16th, a mutual friend told me that Mr. Robertson had desired to
know if Mr. Bradlaugh became worse, and that if he could be of any
service he would come to London at a moment's notice. "Send for him
now, then," I said, "for my father is dying."
Mr. Robertson came by the night mail on Saturday. He asked what he
could do, and I put my difficulty before him. Mr. Bradlaugh had secured
the first place on January 27th to move the resolution rescinding the
resolution of 1880; he now knew that he would not be able to go to the
House on that day, and he was troubling very much about it. He had
had small hope of carrying the resolution, but he expected to get a
substantial vote, and that would have satisfied him for the present.
My ideas of the standing orders and rules of the House were not very
definite, and I consulted Mr. Robertson whether we could not get
someone to move the resolution in his place. I suggested that if it
were thought wise, I would go to Mr. Gladstone--for I knew well that
a small man would not do--and urge him to do it. I, at least, could
not take an impartial view of the "Bradlaugh incident," and, rightly
or wrongly, thought that Mr. Gladstone owed my father some amends for
certain expressions he had used, and also for not having taken a bolder
and stronger position from the very first. Mr. Robertson, however,
was doubtful about Gladstone; other names were mentioned, and amongst
them, that of Dr. Hunter. However, we were still ignorant of whether
it would be possible to substitute anyone's name for my father's, and
this we had to find out. I then returned to my father's bedside, and
mentioning that Mr. Robertson had come on a flying visit to London,
asked if he would like to see him for a few minutes. This my father
was very pleased to do, and Mr. Robertson went to have a little chat
with him. The subject of the resolution soon came up, and my father
told Mr. Robertson how deep his vexation was that he would be unable
to be in his place in the House, and, in answer to careful inquiries,
said no other name could be substituted for his; but it happened that
the impression was so general that he would take the whole time of the
House that no one had thought it worth while to put his name down for
the second place. Mr. Robertson left him without, of course, giving any
hint of what was in our minds; it was so likely that we should fail
that we did not wish to disturb him about it. If we should succeed that
would be ample time to tell him; if we should fail, he would never know.
At the earliest possible moment on Monday morning Mr. Robertson went
to see Dr. Hunter, and explained the whole matter to him. But before
Mr. Robertson had actually reached the point of asking him to move the
resolution, Dr. Hunter offered to do so if the second place was still
open. Then I told my father of Dr. Hunter's offer, without, of course,
saying anything of our share in inviting it. We had our reward in his
delighted surprise. "Hunter will do it, you say?... The very man I
would have chosen." I was more than pleased, for I had aimed high in my
thoughts, and was doubtful whether Dr. Hunter was big enough! A little
later, in thinking it all over, he asked, "You think I can quite rely
upon Hunter doing it?" On my answering in the affirmative, he dictated
letters to Dr. Hunter and two or three other members of Parliament.
When a day or two after it was rumoured that Gladstone was to speak,
he was quite pleased, although, as he said, "If Gladstone speaks that
settles it; the Government will be bound to take it up; and, of course,
they hold the majority; but I shan't mind that."
On the morning of Friday, the 23rd, he was shockingly ill, and waited
in restless anxiety until the messenger should bring the "Order Paper."
When he found that Dr. Hunter had been able to secure the place for
his motion, and that his name was actually down on the Paper for that
purpose, he was satisfied, and after dictating a couple of letters he
gave himself up to rest.
On Friday night came the hemiplegia and unconsciousness; my father's
work was done. Letters came from friends in different parts of the
country, telling how they were urging their members to be present
in their places on the 27th; letters came from Members themselves,
promising their support; but they came to a man who could no longer
read them. At last came the morning of January 27th, and with the
first post the following letter from Dr. Hunter:--
"2, Brick Court, Temple,
"26/1/91.
"Dear Mrs. Bonner,--Mr. W. H. Smith has sent for me and speaking
in the kindest manner of your father and of his appreciation of
his valuable services in the House of Commons said that it would
be extremely painful to him to discuss the motion, in the present
state of your father's health. He is, therefore, prepared to give a
day during the present Session so as to put the motion in as good a
position as it is to-morrow, if I do not proceed to-morrow. I stated
that, subject to Mr. Bradlaugh's own opinion, I considered it a fair
offer, and personally would have no hesitation in leaving the motion
to be taken up at a more convenient time by your father himself. You
will exercise, of course, your discretion in consulting him on the
subject, and I stated to the First Lord that I should let him know
before business begins to-morrow what course I should follow. If you
approve, or your father is well enough to enter upon the question
and approves, kindly send me a telegram to 2, Brick Court, Temple,
to-morrow morning.
"I am, yours very truly,
"W. A. HUNTER."
I was in despair. Here was my father lying absolutely unconscious
and dying. I knew that if that resolution was not moved that day it
never would be moved. I had assured him positively that Dr. Hunter
would do it; he had trusted me, and now I felt like a traitor. I sat
down and wrote to Dr. Hunter, telling him that it was impossible for
me to consult my father, since he was lying unconscious, that he had
sunk into unconsciousness believing that this resolution would be
moved, and, when he recovered, how was I to tell him that he had been
deceived? I thanked Mr. Smith for his kindness, but I was firmly of
opinion that the resolution should be moved whether it were carried
or not; it was due to the treatment he had received from the Members
of the House that Mr. Bradlaugh lay where he was, and they owed it to
him to at least consider a resolution which should wipe out from the
records of the House the resolution expelling him. I hardly knew what
I wrote; I was so agitated. I hardly know now, except that it was to
the effect as I have written, and through all my agitation I preserved
two dominant ideas: first, to say all I could to induce Dr. Hunter
to move the resolution; and, next, while picturing the very serious
condition in which my father lay, not to let it be known that he was
then actually dying.
The letter was despatched by special messenger, but after it was gone
I felt I had not said half enough. My husband then went to find Dr.
Hunter, and see him personally, but was unable to see him until about
mid-day at the House. Dr. Hunter then said he had shown my letter to
several members; they agreed, in consequence, that the resolution ought
to be moved; and that he had decided to do so. Some of the members
thought that the letter ought to be read to the House, but in any
case he wished to know if I had any objection to its being shown to
Mr. Smith. Dr. Hunter then saw Mr. Smith, who not only withdrew all
opposition to the moving of the resolution, but also agreed to withdraw
the Government opposition to the resolution itself. This decision
was arrived at so late that it was (so it was said) unknown to the
Solicitor-General when he got up to oppose the resolution.
When the telegrams of congratulation--the first, if I recollect
rightly, was from Sir John Mowbray--began to pour in, and he to whom
they were addressed lay there unconscious of all, the tragedy of it
seemed almost more than one could bear.
On the same evening Dr. Hunter considerately wrote me this further
letter, acquainting me with what had taken place:--
"National Liberal Club,
"Whitehall Place, S.W.,
"27/1/91.
"Dear Mrs. Bonner,--I cannot say how glad I am that the House has
unanimously accepted your father's Resolution. I trust that he will
have improved sufficiently to be made acquainted with the news.
"After seeing your husband I had no scruple in showing your letter
to Mr. Smith, and, without assuming any violent assumption, I think
it had something to do with the result. On taking his place this
afternoon, he nodded to me significantly, as much as to say he
recognised the necessity of my proceeding with the Resolution. The
soundness of your opinion has been shown by the result.
"Many members spoke to me, all expressing their deepest sympathy, and
on both sides there was a general feeling of relief that an agreement
was come to.
"The reports in the papers will, when you have time, fully inform you
of the course of the debate; but I may add that Mr. Gladstone was
extremely gratified, on many grounds, and turning round offered me his
warmest congratulations.
"There is but one universal feeling among members of all sections of
opinion--an earnest desire and hope that your father may be spared to
continue his services to the State.
"Yours very truly,
"W. A. HUNTER."
Those who have followed the story of my father's life will be
interested in learning how narrowly this resolution failed to be moved
and carried. That it turned out as it did was owing, in the first
place, to Mr. Robertson, who found the man to move it, in the next, to
Dr. Hunter who carried it through, and, finally, to the real goodness
of heart of Mr. W. H. Smith.
HYPATIA BRADLAUGH BONNER.
April, 1906.
INDEX.
Adam, The Hon. Mr, ii. 255, 337.
Adams, Thomas, i. 398; ii. 210, 413.
Adams, W. E. ("Caractacus"), i. 64, 68, 80, 109, 123, 125, 142.
Affirm, Allowed to, ii. 246.
Affirmation Bills (_see also Oaths Bill and Evidence Amendment_), i. 169;
ii. 234, 246, 272, 281, 304, 312, 315, 336, 358, 361, 374.
Agnosticism, ii. 117.
Agricultural Hall, i. 226, 231.
Agricultural Labourers' Movement, i. 374, 378.
Aliens, Destitute, ii. 404
Allsop, Thomas, i. 64, 68, 273.
America, Visits to, i. 380; ii. 1.
Amusements, Boyish, i. 5.
Andrews, S. Pearl, i. 384.
Arago, Emanuel, i. 318, 320.
Arch, Joseph, i. 374, 392; ii. 368.
Arms Bill, ii. 196.
Army, Flogging in, ii. 201, 259.
Army life, i. 25, 35.
Arnold, Matthew, i. 230; ii. 151, 329.
Arnold, Rev. T., i. 279.
Atheism and Secularism, i. 332.
Atheistic position stated, i. 87, 210, 337, 340; ii. 115.
Atheistic morality, i. 334, 339; ii. 157.
Ayrton, Hon. A. S., i. 142, 149; ii. 209.
"B. V." (_See Thomson._)
Ball, John, i. 374, 378.
Ballincollig, An Eviction at, i. 31.
Baptism, i. 4.
Bar, Speeches at the, 1st, ii. 241;
2nd. ii. 267;
3rd, ii. 295;
4th, ii. 341.
Barker, J., i. 121.
Barker, Rev. W., i. 207.
Barttelot, Sir W., ii. 239, 272.
Beaconsfield, Lord. (_See Disraeli._)
Beales, Edmund, i. 220.
Beesly, Prof., i. 314, 319.
Bendall, S., i. 189; ii. 79.
Bernard, S., i. 64, 79, 99, 204.
Besant, Annie, i. 400; ii. 12, 33, 65, 70, 87, 92, 136, 175, 223,
286, 291, 308, 343, 382, 395, 406, 418.
Biggar, J., ii. 35, 195.
Birth, i. 3.
Bismarck, i. 312, 316.
Bizoin, A. G., i. 317.
Blanc, L., i. 65, 321.
Blasphemy Laws, i. 129; ii. 319, 405.
Blasphemy prosecutions, ii. 316, 324.
Bohn, H. G., ii. 24.
Bolingbroke, ii. 116.
Bonner's Fields, i. 8, 20, 23, 25.
Bradlaugh, Alice, i. 49, 116; ii. 93, 104, 291, 343, 401.
Bradlaugh, Charles (jun.), i. 95, 117, 300.
Bradlaugh, Charles (sen.), i. 2, 3, 13, 27.
Bradlaugh, Elizabeth (Mrs Norman), i. 13, 15, 20, 27, 35, 37, 349.
Bradlaugh, Harriet, i. 114.
Bradlaugh, James, i. 2.
Bradlaugh, Mrs (sen.), i. 3, 4, 36, 41, 49.
Bradlaugh, Mrs S. L., i. 49, 173, 181, 276, 300.
Bradlaugh, W. R., i. 114, 348.
"Bradlaugh for Northampton," i. 276.
Bright, John, i. 270; ii. 101, 214, 228, 234, 266, 271, 288, 348.
Brimont, Mde. de, i. 314, 347.
Brindley, Dr, i. 160.
_British Banner_, i. 20.
Broadhurst, H., ii. 105, 308, 402, 414.
Bryce, Prof., ii. 216.
Büchner, Dr L., i. 381; ii. 129.
Buckle, H., ii. 119.
Burns, J., ii. 382, 406, 417.
Burt, T., i. 249, 376, 392; ii. 347, 348, 368, 402, 414.
Business life:
office boy, i. 7;
wharf clerk, i. 7;
"coal merchant," i. 17;
selling braces, i. 19;
soldier, i. 26;
errand boy, i. 41;
solicitor's clerk, i. 48, 90, 99;
city merchant, i. 100, 299;
financier, i. 101;
publisher, ii. 17, 100, 417;
and printer, ii. 101.
Butler, Bishop, ii. 116, 150.
Campbell, Alexander, i. 88.
Capper, C., i. 274; ii. 65.
"Caractacus." (_See W. E. Adams._)
Cardinal's Broken Oath, A, ii. 309.
Carlile, R., i. 9, 159, 333; ii. 165.
Carlile, Mrs Sharples, i. 9, 19, 20, 24, 41.
Carlile, Mrs Sharples, The Daughters of, i. 9, 11, 19, 388; ii. 4.
Carlist country, Through the, i. 355.
Carlyle, T., ii. 165, 422.
Castelar, Emilio, i. 154, 353, 359, 364; ii. 4.
Cavendish, Lord F., ii. 217.
Chancellor's salary, The Lord, ii. 406.
Channel Tunnel, The, ii. 381.
Chaplin, H., ii. 227, 231, 271, 336.
Character, Alleged change of, i. 211, 279; ii. 415.
Characteristics, i. 279; ii. 49, 99, 101, 152, 423.
Childhood, i. 4.
_Christian, The_, ii. 67.
_Christian Globe, The_, ii. 264.
_Christian Times, The_, i. 210.
_Chronicle, The Daily_, ii. 264.
Churchill, Lord R., i. 14; ii. 230, 261, 272, 298, 338, 349, 363, 371,
374, 377, 380.
City Solicitor, The, ii. 21, 27.
Clarke, Sir E., ii. 268, 378, 405, 419.
Clergy, Letters to the, i. 128.
Clerical libeller, A, i. 99.
Clerical feeling on the Oath question, ii. 250, 275, 291, 314, 319.
Clerkenwell explosion, The, i. 257.
Clifford, Prof., ii. 133.
Clock Tower, Imprisoned in the, ii. 245.
Closing years, ii. 102, 368.
Cluseret, General, i. 115, 253, 262.
"Cob of Coal" story, ii. 76.
Coercion Bill, The, ii. 196, 258, 290, 377.
Collet, C. D., i. 139, 142.
Commune, The, i. 322.
Compulsory Education, i. 265.
Congreve, Dr, i. 314.
Conway, Moncure D., ii. 9, 41, 43, 276, 312.
Cooper, Robert, i. 78.
Cooper, R. A., i. 267, 364.
Cooper, Thomas, i. 84, 209.
Corbett, ----, ii. 264, 302.
Corporation, The London (Malversation Charges), ii. 374.
Counsel in the various lawsuits--
Chitty, T., i. 297.
Coleridge, Sir J. D. (Sol.-Gen.), i. 144.
Collier, Sir R. (Att.-Gen.), i. 144, 182.
Crump, F. O., ii. 322.
Danckwertz, W. O., ii. 352.
Giffard, Sir H. (_see also Giffard_), ii. 23, 73, 177, 260, 292, 322,
327, 355.
Grantham W. (_see also Grantham_), ii. 75, 79.
Hunter, Dr W. A. (_see also Hunter_), ii. 322.
Hutton, Crompton, i. 145.
James, Sir H. (Att.-Gen.) (_see also James_), ii. 355.
Karslake, Sir J. (Att.-Gen.), i. 141.
Keane, D., i. 284.
Moloney, M., ii. 73, 317, 328.
O'Malley, i. 90.
Russell, Sir C. ii. 73.
Seymour, Digby (_see also Seymour_), i. 290.
Straight, Douglas, ii. 20.
Smith, Lumley, i. 284.
Smith, Montague (_see also Judges_), i. 140, 184.
Solicitors-Gen., i. 142, 144; ii. 355.
Wood, i. 285.
Wright, R. S., ii. 352.
Courtney, L. H., ii. 177.
Courtship, i. 44.
Cowen, Joseph, i. 83, 376; ii. 270, 276, 288.
Crawford, J. G., i. 130, 139, 143.
Cremer, W. R., i. 220.
Crémieux, A., i. 317.
Cross, Sir R. A., ii. 336.
Darwin, C., ii. 23, 119.
Davey, Sir H., ii. 266.
Death, The fear of, i. 198.
Death and funeral, ii. 110, 420.
Debates:--
Armstrong, ii. 50;
Barker, i. 207;
Baylee, i. 161;
Bowes, i. 87;
Brindley, i. 159;
Browne, ii. 44;
Burns, i. 343;
Cooper, i. 209;
Court, i. 88;
Douglas, i. 63;
Marsden Gibson, ii. 407;
Gordon, ii. 47;
Grant, i. 84, 158; ii, 38;
Harrison, i. 338, 341, 342;
Holyoake,
i .322;
Hutchings, i. 167;
Hyndman, ii. 189, 417;
Father Ignatius, i. 342;
King, i. 332;
Lawson, i. 170;
Lightfoot, ii. 49;
Mackie, i. 170;
Mahalm, i. 170;
Matthias, i. 87;
M'Cann, i. 244; ii. 142;
Mensor, i. 87;
Porteous, i. 212;
Roberts, ii. 46;
Robertson, i. 336;
Rutherford, i. 170;
Simpson, ii. 47;
Smart, i. 89;
Westerby, i. 51; ii. 132, 138;
Woodville Woodman, i. 170, 212.
Denning, Inspector, ii. 287, 289, 336.
Derby, Lord, ii. 177, 294.
Devonport case, The, i. 175.
Dickson, Col., i. 220, 315.
Dilke, Ashton, ii. 216, 289, 308, 347.
Dillwyn, L. L., ii. 224, 303, 375.
Disestablishment, i. 265.
_Dispatch, Weekly_, i. 186, 233; ii. 265.
Disraeli, B., i. 222, 309; ii. 85, 245.
Donnybrook Fair, At, i. 32.
Drysdale, Dr C., ii. 24.
Drysdale, Dr J., ii. 138.
Dublin, In, i. 261.
Duel, Challenged to a, ii. 259.
Early closing legislation, ii. 401.
_Echo_, i. 319; ii. 239.
Education, i. 4;
of his children, i. 116, 347.
Eight hours' question, The, ii. 189, 413, 417.
Election addresses, i. 264, 393.
Election colours, i. 267.
Election funds, i. 263, 267, 278, 396, 400; ii. 265.
Election work, gratuitous, i. 266.
Emerson, R. W., i. 388.
Employer and employed. (_See Master and Servant._)
Employers' Liability Bill, i. 269; ii. 49, 259, 369, 374, 380, 402,
406, 415.
Enfield, Viscount, i. 147.
Enlisting, i. 26.
Esquiros, A., i. 114.
Evidence Amendment Act (_see also Affirmation and Oath_), i. 129, 169,
284, 288; ii. 216.
_Examiner_, i. 353, 400.
Expunge the resolutions of exclusion, Motion to, ii. 404, 419.
Fanatical Monkeys, The, i. 133, 233, 291; ii. 76, 151.
Farrar, Archdeacon, ii. 116.
Favre, Jules, i. 314, 320, 322.
Fawcett, Prof. H., ii. 23.
Fencing, i. 39.
Fenian Brotherhood, The, i. 253.
Ferrier, Dr, ii. 138.
_Financial Reformer, The_, ii. 68.
First pamphlet, i. 23.
Firth, J. F. B., ii. 216.
Fishing, i. 6, 116; ii. 99, 103, 380, 417.
Flint, Professor, ii. 56, 120, 125.
Flourens, G., i. 322.
Foote, G.W., i. 359, 394; ii. 87, 92, 316, 324, 412.
Forcibly ejected from the House of Commons, ii. 286.
Forster, W. E., ii. 195.
Fournichon, L., i. 317.
Fowler, Sir R., ii. 226, 271, 287, 374.
Fowler, W., i. 397.
France, i. 154, 312.
Fraser, Bishop, ii. 161.
_Freeman, The_, ii. 285.
Freemasonry, i. 203.
_Freethinker, The_, ii. 316, 324.
French elections, Nominated at the, i. 321.
Friendly Societies, ii. 404.
"G. R." i. 123.
Gambetta, L., i. 317, 321.
Garibaldi, i. 67, 114, 150, 170, 203, 214.
Garrison, W. L., i. 384, 386.
Gibson, Rev. Marsden, ii. 141, 407.
Gibson, Milner, i. 142.
Gibson. J. G. (Att.-Gen. for Ireland), ii. 226.
Giffard, Sir H. (Lord Halsbury), i. 274, 311; ii. 235, 239, 255, 337.
(_See also Counsel._)
Gilpin, C., i. 265, 268, 394; ii. 65.
Girardin, E. de, i. 330.
Gladstone, W. E., i. 144, 148, 222, 251, 258, 262, 267, 272, 310, 390;
ii. 164, 192, 209, 226, 239, 242, 269, 282, 297, 338, 345, 365, 369,
391, 416, 419, 426.
Goldsmith's Row, Working Men's Hall in, i. 47.
Gorst, Sir J., ii. 243, 261, 267, 294.
Gospels, Early Criticism of the, i. 16, 22, 63, 84; ii. 148.
Gospels and the Thirty-nine Articles, The, i. 8.
Grahame, Cuninghame, ii. 382, 384, 414.
Grand Orient of France, i. 204.
Grant, Rev. B., i. 19, 73, 84, 158, 160, 166; ii. 39.
Grantham, W., ii. 75, 257.
(_See also Counsel._)
Granville, Lord, i. 314.
Grote, G., ii. 16, 176.
Guernsey methods, i. 189.
Gurney, J., i. 153, 264, 276, 394, 398.
Guyot, Yves, i. 331.
Habits and surroundings, ii. 97.
Hall of Science, City Road, i. 219.
Hall of Science, Old Street, i. 248, 336, 343.
Hamilton, Lord G., ii. 308, 375.
Hamilton, Sir W., ii. 213.
Harcourt, Sir W. V., ii. 295, 334, 405.
Harrison, Rev. A. J., i. 338, 341, 342, 354; ii. 39.
Harrison, Frederic, i. 319.
Hartington, Lord, ii. 336.
Harvey, T., i. 94.
Headlam, Rev. S., ii. 23, 275.
Henley, Lord, i. 265, 268, 294.
Herbert, Auberon, ii. 82.
Herzen, A., i. 115, 204.
Hicks-Beach, Sir M., ii. 358, 361, 362, 371, 405.
Hobbes, T., ii. 115, 129.
Holbach, ii. 116.
Holker, Sir J., ii. 219, 265, 269.
Holyoake, Austin, i. 21, 132, 139, 142, 144, 218, 267, 285, 332,
390, 394; ii. 12, 16.
Holyoake, G. J., i. 21, 64, 69, 78, 128, 175, 332; ii. 16, 35, 65,
142, 223, 277.
Home life, i. 111.
Home Rule, i. 258; ii. 192, 200, 363, 369.
Home sold up, The, i. 301.
Homeless, i. 117.
Hooper, A., i. 25, 42, 276.
Hopps, Rev. J. Page, i. 143.
Hopwood, C. H., ii. 219, 358.
Horsley, Rev. J. W., ii. 23.
Howell, G., i. 220, 319.
Hubbard, J. G., ii. 271.
Huddersfield, Difficulties at, i. 240.
_Huddersfield Examiner_, The, ii. 66, 73.
Hugo, V., i. 65; ii. 162
"Humanity's Gain from Unbelief," ii. 141, 407.
Hunger, i. 25.
Hunter, Dr W. A., ii. 389, 419.
(_See also Counsel._)
Hutchings, W., i. 166.
Huxley, Prof., i. 341; ii. 128, 151.
Hyde Park Meetings:--
Sunday Trading Bill, i. 52;
Government Reform Bill, i. 81;
Garibaldi, i. 214;
Reform League, i. 224, 234;
Parks Regulation Bill, i. 372;
Peace Demonstrations, ii. 82;
Grant to Prince of Wales, ii. 84;
Constitutional Rights, ii. 308.
Hyndman, H. M., ii. 414, 417.
"I Believe," i. 168
"Iconoclast," Use of the name, i. 42, 144.
Illingworth, A., ii. 258, 337.
"Impeachment of the House of Brunswick," i. 306; ii. 225, 230.
India, ii. 108, 198, 409, 416, 426.
India, Visit to, ii. 106, 409.
Inniscarra, Right of way at, i. 33.
_Investigator_, i. 64, 79, 87, 95, 97, 111, 119.
Italy, The cause of liberty in, i. 151, 214; ii. 192, 198.
Ireland, i. 29, 252; ii. 192.
"Ireland Society," The, i. 259.
Irish Question, Essay on the, i. 257.
Irish Land Bill, The, ii. 274.
James, Sir H., ii. 215, 273, 391, 405.
(_See also Counsel._)
Jessel, Sir George, ii. 19, 29.
Jingoism, ii. 82.
John Street Institution, The, i. 21.
Jones, B. B., i. 17, 62, 218.
Jones, Ernest, i. 82, 232, 268, 378.
Jones, Lloyd, i. 319.
Judges before whom Mr Bradlaugh appeared--
Baggallay, L. J., ii. 262, 292.
Blackburn, Lord, i. 288, 290; ii. 322
Bovill, L. C. J., i. 287.
Bramwell, L. J., i. 139, 144; ii. 27, 262, 322.
Brett, L. J., i. 286; ii. 27, 292, 305, 307, 355.
Byles, J., i. 187.
Channell, Baron, i. 187, 287.
Cleasby, Baron, i. 147, 287.
Cockburn, L.C.J., i. 287, 293; ii. 21, 23, 36, 179.
Coleridge, L.C.J., ii. 215, 278, 292, 322, 327, 346.
Cotton, L.J., ii. 27, 305, 307, 355.
Denman, J., ii. 278, 292, 305.
Erle, L.C.J., i. 187.
Field, J., ii. 79, 320, 321.
Fitzgerald, Lord, ii. 322.
Grove, J., ii. 74, 278, 280, 306, 351.
Hawkins, J., ii. 292, 305, 392.
Holker, L.J., ii. 305.
Huddleston, Baron, ii. 306, 351, 393.
Keating, J., i. 187, 287.
Kelly, L.C., Baron, i. 147, 287, 288.
Lindley, J., ii. 74, 280, 355.
Lush, J., ii. 22, 262.
Manisty, J., ii. 306, 320, 392.
Martin, Baron, i. 141.
Mathew, J., ii. 260, 320, 346.
Mellor, J., i. 288, 294, 295; ii. 21, 25.
Prentice, S., Q.C. (arbitrator), i. 285.
Selborne, Lord Chancellor, ii. 322.
Smith, Montague, J., i. 284, 287.
(_See also Counsel._)
Stephen, J., ii. 318, 320, 346, 354.
Watkin Williams, J., 278, 292, 306, 320.
Watson, Lord, ii. 322.
Willes, J., i. 141, 297.
Williams, J., i. 187.
Wood, Vice-Chancellor, i. 282.
Kant, ii. 122.
Kelly, Col., i. 115, 253, 256.
Kenealy, Dr, i. 377.
Kipling, Rudyard, i. 213; ii. 198.
Knowlton Pamphlet, prosecution of, ii. 16, 20, 33, 175.
Labouchere, H., i. 400; ii. 197, 209, 215, 234, 240, 261, 271,
275, 279, 284, 297, 303, 308, 319, 334, 341, 347, 359, 368, 374, 414.
Labour Bureau, ii. 191, 369.
Lancashire relief, i. 206, 216.
Land laws, Reform of the, i. 129, 264, 375; ii. 179, 182, 368.
Lansdowne, Marquis of, i. 149.
Law, Harriet, i. 129, 249; ii. 65.
_Law Times, The_, ii. 321.
Lawson, Rev. T., i. 170.
Lawsuits:--
Att. Gen. (trial at bar), ii. 91, 351.
Bolton, i. 77.
Clarke, ii. 91, 260.
De Rin, i. 284.
Devonport, i. 182.
Edgcumbe, ii. 73.
English Joint Stock Bank, i. 282.
Erskine, ii. 91, 96, 109, 307, 321.
Gossett, ii. 91, 346.
Gurney, ii. 91, 306, 320.
Huddersfield, i. 243.
Knowlton pamphlet, ii. 16, 20, 33.
Laker, ii. 79.
Mackay's libellous "Life" (various suits), ii. 397.
Mirfield, i. 297.
_National Reformer_, i. 137.
Newdegate, ii. 91, 322.
Peters, ii. 109, 393.
Queen (Sir H. Tyler), ii. 91, 316, 327.
_Razor_, i. 290.
_St Stephen's Review_, ii. 392.
Wigan, i. 168.
Wyatt, i. 48.
Layard, Sir A.H., i. 280, 369.
"Leaves," i. 30.
Lectures at--
Accrington, i. 77;
Altrincham, i. 194;
Ashton-under-Lyne, i. 260;
Bedlington, i. 239;
Blyth, i. 249;
Boardman's Edge, i. 199;
Bolton, i. 77;
Bradford, i. 74;
Chesterfield, i. 198;
Congleton, ii. 55;
Darwen, i. 313; ii. 53;
Dewsbury, i. 200;
Doncaster, i. 74, 76;
Edinburgh, ii. 56;
Glasgow, i. 78;
Guernsey, i. 189;
Halifax, i. 77;
Huddersfield, i. 202, 241, 245, 260;
Leeds, i. 200;
Leigh, i. 196;
Liverpool, i. 238;
Manchester, i. 246;
Newcastle, i. 73;
Newton Abbot, i. 207;
Northampton, i. 74;
Norwich, i. 170, 308;
Oxford, ii. 52;
Plymouth, i. 175;
Portsmouth, i. 250;
Rochdale, i. 196;
Scarborough, ii. 58;
Seghill, i. 251;
Shaw, i. 195;
Sheffield, i. 72, 76;
Sowerby Bridge, i. 306, 308;
Stourbridge, i. 306;
Sunderland, i. 73;
Warrington, i. 196;
Wigan, i. 162;
Yarmouth, i. 171.
Lees, Dr F.R., i. 268.
Lennox, Lord H., ii. 225.
Leno, J.B., i. 53.
Lepard & Co., i. 2, 7, 36.
Leverson, M., i. 99, 290.
Lewis, Sir George, ii. 280.
Linton, W.J., i. 109, 130.
Literary Work, i. 23, 63; ii. 103.
_Liverpool Daily Post_, i. 376.
_Living Age_, ii. 55.
Lovett, William, i. 8.
Lunatic visitors, ii. 59.
Macdonald, A., i. 376.
Magee, Dr, i. 308; ii. 149, 159, 371.
Magistrates--
D'Eyncourt, Mr, ii. 289.
Figgins, Alderman, ii. 20, 22.
Flowers, Mr, ii. 280.
Mayor, Lord, ii. 317.
Vaughan, Mr, ii. 28, 72, 280.
Marjoribanks, E. (Lord Tweedmouth), ii. 255, 303.
Malthus, Rev. T., ii. 169.
Malthusian advocacy, i. 125; ii. 28, 171, 247, 387, 414.
Malthusian League, The, ii. 28.
Manchester Martyrs, The, i. 256.
Manchester poisoning case, A, i. 91.
Manning, Cardinal, i. 341, 374, 389; ii. 93, 239, 252, 309.
Marine adventure, A, i. 181.
Market rights and tolls, ii. 377, 379, 414.
Marriage, i. 48.
Marriage, Views on, ii. 161.
Marsden, Mark E., i. 7.
Martin, Emma, ii. 64.
Martineau, Dr, ii. 123.
Marx, Dr K., i. 331.
Master and servant, i. 123, 129, 264.
(_See Employers' Liability Bill._)
Materialism, ii. 127.
May, Sir E., ii. 216, 230.
Mayne, Sir R., i. 222.
Mazzini, i. 69, 114, 150.
M'Carthy, J., ii. 238.
M'Sorley, Rev. H., i. 102.
Medical students, Rowdyism of, ii. 83.
Melvill, W.H., i. 137.
Memorials, ii. 110.
Merewether, C.G., i. 268, 394; ii. 209.
Metaphysical Club, The, i. 341.
Mill, James, ii. 161.
Mill, J.S., i. 125, 139, 142, 149, 267, 271, 275, 278; ii. 120,
161, 175, 214.
Miners, i. 376.
Mitchell, G., "One from the Plough," i. 378.
Money, Attacked for earning, i. 97, 174, 197.
"Monkey" story. (_See Fanatical Monkeys._)
Moore, R., i. 139, 142.
Morley, J., ii. 116, 177, 216, 227, 239, 276, 332, 347, 390, 420.
Morley, S., i. 82, 374, 392; ii. 210, 218, 276, 301, 313, 359.
Mott, Lucretia, ii. 6.
Müller, Prof. Max, ii. 121.
Mundella, A.J., ii. 191, 292, 308, 319.
Mursell, Rev. A., i. 279; ii. 39, 43, 408.
Naples Colour Company, i. 100, 302.
Napoléon, Emperor Louis, i. 64, 79, 125, 312.
Napoléon, Prince Jérome, i. 328.
National expenditure, i. 264.
National Liberal Club, ii. 93.
National Secular Society, i. 78; ii. 13, 14, 86, 106, 246, 253, 258,
315, 410.
_National Reformer_, i. 111, 119, 304; ii. 14, 18, 259, 278, 304, 308,
315, 332, 353, 363;
and Government prosecutions, i. 137;
and the Postmaster General, i. 150.
_Newcastle Chronicle, Daily_, i. 73;
_Weekly_, i. 273, 400; ii. 80.
Newdegate, C. N., i. 14; ii. 13, 248, 271, 277, 292, 295, 321, 371, 376.
Newman, Prof., i. 288, 341.
_Nineteenth Century_, ii. 252, 256, 309.
"No Popery" riots, i. 246.
Norton, Lord, ii. 254.
Northampton elections, i. 263, 392; ii. 92, 209, 263, 301, 349, 359, 370.
Northcote, Sir S., i. 263; ii. 203, 217, 228, 242, 265, 282, 295, 315,
341, 345, 372.
Norwood, C.H., ii. 249, 359.
Oath of Allegiance, ii. 211;
self administered, ii. 229.
Oath question, Cost of contesting the, i. 288; ii. 399.
Oaths Bill, ii. 281, 296, 303, 378, 388.
(_See also Affirmation Bill and Evidence Amendment._)
_Observer_, i. 315.
Odger, George, i. 267, 280, 315, 319, 352, 373, 392, 394; ii. 81.
_Odium Theologicum_ raised at Northampton, The, i. 267.
"Old woman" story, The, ii. 77.
"Oppressed of all nations, To the," i. 205.
Origin of Bradlaugh family, i. 1.
Orsini, Felice, i. 64.
"Outlaw or citizen?" i. 292.
Owen, Robert, i. 78, 159, 389; ii. 168.
Packer, Rev. J.G., i. 4, 8, 13, 19, 22, 23, 27, 107, 167.
Paget, Dr, ii. 150.
Paine, T., i. 158, 218, 321, 333, 378; ii. 111, 117, 140, 153, 165.
_Pall Mall Gazette_, i. 235; ii. 80, 276, 303, 305.
Pantheism, ii. 121.
Papal Gendarmes, i. 155.
Parker, Rev. Dr, ii. 71.
Parks Regulation Bill, i. 372.
Parliamentary candidature, First thought of, i. 263.
Parliamentary struggle, The, ii. 203.
Parnell, C.S., ii. 193, 239, 244, 247, 258, 358.
Peace demonstrations, ii. 82.
Pearson, Karl, i. 128.
Perpetual Pensions, ii. 201, 374, 379, 406.
Personality, Estimate of his, ii. 421.
Peters and Lord Salisbury, ii. 385.
Phillips, Wendell, i. 384; ii. 3.
Phipps, P., i. 394; ii. 207.
Poetry, i. 44.
Poland, i. 109, 217.
Policy, Early, i. 79, 127.
Political Education, First steps in, i. 6.
Positivists and the Franco-Prussian War, i. 314, 319.
_Primitive Methodist, The_, i. 275;
_Quarterly Review_, i. 249.
Prince of Wales, The, i. 205, 306, 310; ii. 80, 84.
_Printers' Journal, The_, i. 134.
Proclamation of the Irish Republic, i. 253.
Proportional Representation, ii. 201.
Pugilists, Encounters with, i. 307, 308; ii. 54.
_Punch_, i. 186.
Pyat, Felix, i. 204.
Quaker Discussion Society, A, i. 258.
"Questionable" Book, A, i. 310.
Rathmines Church, At, i. 31.
_Reasoner, The_, i. 23, 60, 62.
Reclus, Elie, i. 323;
Elisée, i. 114, 323.
Recruits and the Captain, The, i. 29.
Reform League, Irish, i. 261, 270.
Reform League, National, i. 220.
Reform League, Political, i. 81.
Religious Orders in France, Laws against, i. 331.
Republican Club, London, i. 309.
Republican Club, Movement, i. 310, 352; ii. 166.
_Reynolds Newspaper_, i. 150.
Richard, H., ii. 248.
Richards, H.C., ii. 349, 359.
Riding, i. 39.
Rogers, Thomas, i. 41, 48, 90, 93.
Rogers, Thorold, ii. 230.
Rollin, Ledru, i. 65, 321.
Rossa, O'Donovan, i. 382.
Royal Commission, Examined before the, i. 57.
Ruskin, J., ii. 181.
Sacrifices of the poor, ii. 96, 401.
Salisbury, Lord, ii. 304, 369, 385, 393, 414.
_Saturday Review, The_, i. 133, 142, 233, 236, 247, 272, 275, 291;
ii. 302.
Savage, J., i. 12, 19.
Schoelcher, V., i. 321.
Schooling, i. 4.
_Scotsman, The_, i. 373.
Secular Society, London, i. 78;
National. (_See National Secular Society._)
Secularism, i. 332; ii. 142.
Security Laws, Repeal of the, i. 149.
Select Committee (Parliamentary struggle), First, ii. 218;
Second, ii. 227, 231.
Seymour, Digby, ii. 178.
(_See also Counsel._)
Sheffield inundation, i. 218.
_Sheffield Telegraph_, ii. 210.
Smith, Joshua B., i. 206, 385; ii. 6.
Smith, Goldwin, ii. 276.
Smith, W.H., ii. 374, 391, 419, 425;
& Sons, i. 130, 304.
Smoking, ii. 10.
Socialism, ii. 185.
Somerville Club, The, ii. 93.
Southwark Election, i. 280.
Souvenir, A Northampton, i. 268, 277.
Spain, i. 154, 351; ii. 427.
Speaker, The (Sir H. Brand), ii. 216, 224, 260, 265, 282, 289, 299,
304, 337, 346, 359
(Sir A. Peel); ii. 361
_Spectator, The_, ii. 183.
Spencer, H., ii. 127, 151.
Spinoza, ii. 42, 116, 122.
Spiritualism, i. 248, 343.
_Sporting Times_ and Dr Shorthouse, The, i. 146, 286.
Spurgeon, Rev. C.H., ii. 78, 210.
_Star, Morning_, i. 150, 186, 225.
_St. James's Gazette_, ii. 194, 337.
St Luke's Hospital, N.Y., ii. 9.
Suez Canal, The, ii. 53.
Suffrage, The, Adult, i. 129;
Manhood, i. 125, 129;
Universal, i. 222;
Woman, ii. 197.
Sumner, C., i. 384; ii. 3, 6.
_Sunday Times, The_, i. 233.
Swinburne, A.C., i. 44, 311; ii. 309.
_Tablet, The_, i. 186.
Talandier, A., i. 114, 204.
Taxation, i. 264.
Taylor, P.A., i. 82, 109.
_Telegraph, The Daily_, i. 143, 269.
Temperance Advocacy, i. 29.
Theism, ii. 121.
Thiers, A., i. 322, 371.
Thomson, James ("B.V."), i. 40, 44, 49, 80, 91, 96, 109, 117, 133,
210; ii. 287.
_Times, The_, i. 143, 150, 225, 234, 275, 373, 376, 400; ii. 36, 183,
264, 292, 318, 377, 385.
Tissot, Ch., i. 318, 320.
Torrens, M'Cullagh, ii. 337, 345, 359.
Trades Unions, i. 269.
Trafalgar Square: Meetings in, i. 223, 224, 231;
Right of do., ii. 382, 384, 404.
Trelawney, Sir J., i. 169.
Trimby, Elizabeth, i. 35.
Truck Act Amendment, ii. 191, 369, 374, 377, 379.
Truelove, Edward, i. 64, 139, 142, 267; ii. 22, 28, 50, 85.
Turberville Legacy, ii. 31.
Tyler, Sir H., ii. 92, 238, 291, 308, 316, 324, 369.
Tyndall, Professor, ii. 137.
Unitarians, i. 131, 183, 380; ii. 319.
United States, First visit to the, i. 380;
Second visit, ii. 1.
University College, ii. 93.
Utilitarianism, i, 334.
Vaccination, i. 275;
Royal Commission on, ii. 414.
Vickery, Dr Alice, ii. 24.
Victoria Park, i. 9, 23.
Voltaire, i. 202; ii. 116, 117, 151, 153.
Voysey, Rev. C., i. 134.
Walker, Gen. Sir Beauchamp, i. 35.
Walpole, Spencer, ii. 219, 227, 236.
Walter, J., ii. 2, 271.
Ward, Mrs H., ii. 121, 151.
Warner Place Hall and its habitues. i. 11.
Warton, ii. 271.
Washburne, E.K., i. 322.
"Watch" Story, The, i. 274, 291; ii. 63.
Watts, C., i. 138, 267, 311, 394, 400; ii. 16, 30, 35, 77, 87, 100.
Watts, J., i. 63, 123, 128, 131, 166, 208, 212.
Watson, J., i. 139; ii. 16.
Webb-Peploe, Rev. H.W., ii. 78, 314.
Wedderburn, Sir W., ii. 107, 410.
Wigan, Difficulties at, i. 163.
Wilberforce, Canon, ii. 70, 72.
Wilkes, John, ii. 363, 365.
Williamson, J., i. 117, 175.
Wilson, Henry, i. 385; ii. 3, 9.
Windeyer, Judge, ii. 179.
Wolff, Sir H.D., ii. 217, 224, 338, 369, 375.
Woodhull, Victoria, i. 383.
Worms, Baron H. de, ii. 227, 230, 337.
Wright, Sir T., ii. 209.
Yates, Edmund, ii. 78.
Youth, i. 17.
A. BONNER, Printer, 1 & 2, Took's Court, London, E.C.