EROTIC ART
When from the discouraging examination of decorative arts as connected
with sexual selection we turn our attention to the department of poetry
and drama, we reasonably expect to attain some less ambiguous results.
In every work of literary art one should think that the subject ought
to afford some indication as to its purpose. The dances, songs, and
pantomimes of the lower tribes are, however, in this respect not very
instructive. No doubt there can be quoted a great number of artistic
manifestations in which love is represented or described in all its
phases. But we are not thereby justified in assuming that these dramas,
pantomimes, and poems were called into existence by the preferences of
the other sex. It would be absurd to adduce the pornographic art of
modern times as proof of sexual selection. And it is equally absurd
to cite in favour of Darwin’s thesis travellers’ tales of indecent
dances or ceremonies in which no mention is made of the presence of the
opposite sex.
On the other hand, it must be conceded that the influence of sex on the
evolution of art cannot, as Mr. Spencer seems to think, be completely
disproved by an appeal to the mere fact that erotic motives occupy so
insignificant a space in the most primitive art.[345] Even if there
were any certainty that the existing dearth of information on erotic
dances and poems corresponds with a real lack of erotic art, it might
still be maintained that the favour of the other sex was the aim of all
the purely lyrical kinds of music and dance. And the analogy with our
own stage of culture might be adduced as a witness that activities and
manifestations which in their original purpose are anything but erotic
may still be used as effective means of courtship. War dances, for
example, in which all the qualities of the male body are displayed must
of course be eminently capable of charming the opposite sex. Although
undoubtedly called into existence by the need of military exercise and
warlike stimulation, this kind of dramatic art may therefore have been
assisted in its development by the encouraging influence of female
spectators.[346] In which cases such an influence has operated, and
how great have been its effects, can only be determined by a close
examination not only of the works of art themselves, but also, and
chiefly, of the circumstances connected with the performance of them.
As poetry and drama on primitive stages generally have reference to a
particular occasion, these circumstances ought to appear with greater
clearness than in the case of pictorial arts.
For the purposes of this research there is, however, a great deficiency
of reliable information. In the descriptions of dances and pantomimes
which can be gathered from the literature of travel the most important
point is generally omitted—whether the performances in question
were executed in the presence of the other sex or not. From the
general records of savage life one may indeed draw some conclusions
bearing upon this question. But these conclusions, even when, taken
apart, they seem to be sufficiently reliable, are, when considered
collectively, full of contradiction. With regard to a great number
of tribes the strict separation between the sexes which prevails in
all phases of social life—in work as well as in amusements—provides a
negative argument against the theory of female influence on art. This
circumstance has of course been adduced by opponents of the selection
theory; and it was Mr. Gurney’s chief objection to Wagner’s assertion
that the earliest popular dances were erotic pantomimes.[347] But
the adherents of Darwin’s theory are no less able to support their
assertion by ethnological facts. This is made obvious, for instance,
by Wallaschek’s _Primitive Music_, which work, as far as we know,
gives the most complete account existent of primitive dances and
pantomimes. After having enumerated a great variety of tribes in which
the sexes are separated when dancing, the author says, “As a rule,
however, both sexes dance together.” And he then corroborates this
statement by a still greater number of instances in which dances, often
of a decidedly erotic character, are performed either by both sexes
together or by one sex before the other.[348] Thus facts confront
facts in a most bewildering contradiction which is indeed trying to
the believer in ethnological argumentation. No sound statistician
would base any conclusions on majorities made up of such confused
masses of contradictory instances. The question of sex influence on art
would therefore be for ever undecided if there were no expedient for
classifying the units and balancing them against each other in greater
groups.
Such a classification is of course no less possible than it is
necessary. But it presupposes a close examination of every single
instance quoted. Owing to our insufficient knowledge of some of the
most interesting tribes, a satisfactory arrangement is therefore as
yet involved in great difficulty. In this work, at any rate, it would
not be possible to enter into all these detailed researches. We shall
restrict ourselves to a few short indications of the mode in which we
think that this much-debated question is to be solved.
In all that has been written against Darwin’s _Descent of Man_ there is
perhaps nothing that is so relevant to the main issue as Mr. Hudson’s
criticism. He observes that Darwin has gathered together from all
regions of the globe unconnected facts about various species without
closely examining the habits and actions of these species.[349] It
goes without saying that such an examination would be extremely
difficult with regard to animals, the social life of which is as yet
so insufficiently known. For one not a zoologist, at least, it would
be too audacious to present any classification of the instances, and
therefore we did not even mention this possibility in the treatment
of animal art. In this connection, however, one may suggest, without
positively asserting, that perhaps even the animal manifestations of
dance and music may be classified in groups which correspond to the
prevailing social conditions of the respective species. There is at
least a striking similarity between the types of song, serene with
all their passion, with which the males of the monogamous songsters
entertain their mates—those mates which, if one may believe the
brothers Müller, have been chosen even before the pairing season.[350]
And, on the other hand, these graceful and harmonious utterances stand
in the strongest contrast to the vehement display of promiscuous
wood-birds and polygamous fowl.
However presumptuous it may be to draw any general conclusions from
these coincidences, it is evidently indispensable, when treating of
sexual selection in man, to look for some connection between the
various forms of courtship and prevailing social institutions. This
necessity was fully understood by Darwin himself.[351] But it has
been too much overlooked by his successors, who, when discussing his
thesis, have defended or attacked it by promiscuous collections of
facts in which barbaric Malays and degenerate Polynesians are quoted
alongside primitives like the Veddas and Fuegians. If this confusion
is disentangled by a proper arrangement of the instances according
to stages of culture, the seeming inconsistency of the ethnological
evidence will be removed.
There is a _prima facie_ ground for believing that the employment of
art for gaining the favour of the other sex is characteristic of a
certain advance in social development. The tribes in which we have most
reason to suppose that the practice of self-decoration does not rest
on political or religious grounds, and may thus aim exclusively at
pleasing, are to be found among the Polynesians, the Malays, and some
of the nations of India. From Polynesia also Berchon derived his chief
support for the curious assertion—which seems to be true of scarcely
any other ethnological province—that the patterns used in tattooing are
quite indifferent, provided only that they effectually embellish the
decorated part of the body;[352] in short, that tattooing has a purely
decorative purpose. With regard to dancing, there also is practised in
Tahiti, by the dramatic society of the Areoi, a dance most typical of
the kind which aims at an erotic excitement in the spectators.[353]
As is well known, the “oriental” dancing, such as is performed in the
barbaric Negro states and in the Mohammedan communities of Northern
Africa, as well as in Persia, Turkey, China, and Japan, is mainly a
gross pantomime of physical love executed by a woman to the delight of
her male spectators.[354] In most of these cases, however, the dancers
are outcast women, who are paid with money for their performance.
Somewhat closer, it seems, is the connection between erotic dance
and sexual selection in the native population of the East Indian
Islands.[355] And finally, among the aboriginal tribes of India, the
Mundaris, Rasas, Kolhs, Sonthals, Bhuiyas, Chukmas, and Khyoungthas,
courtship is pervaded by art and æsthetic activities.[356] In some of
the villages there still survives the same kind of romantic love-making
which is so well known from the old Indian poems and tales. The
Bhuiya youths pay visits to the camp of the girls, and are received
by them with dances and songs; and, says Mr. Dalton, “after such
daylong festivals the morning dawns on more than one pair of pledged
lovers.”[357] In the Bayar tribe one of the “methods of bringing about
marriage” is a dance, performed by both sexes, who face each other in
rows and exchange impromptu love couplets. Similar festivals are also
met with among the Bendkars and Khonds.[358] The Hos and Mundaris, on
the other hand, afford an example of sexual selection in its grossest
form at their yearly festivals, during which excited dionysiac
dances and obscene and blasphemous speeches are connected with wild
promiscuous orgies.[359]
In the improvised ditties that are sung during these dances Darwin
would, of course, have found the most convincing proofs of the
applicability of his theory to poetry. Among love-inspired songs
few specimens can be found which are so genuine, and at the same
time so full of delicate feeling, as the harvest antiphonies sung by
the Khyoungtha boys and girls.[360] How high an opinion of the power
in poetry to charm is held by these tribes can be judged from the
fact that the Chukmas never allow any songs but those of a religious
character to be sung in their villages. Our girls would be demoralised,
they say, if boys were allowed to sing freely. When living in the
jungle, however, where the rules of morality are laxer, the Chukmas
allow their poetry greater license.[361]
It is needless to say that some kind of erotic poetry is generally to
be found in all the tribes where dancing expresses love. There have
been translated some exquisite samples of erotic songs composed by the
Malay tribes of Java and Sumatra. In some instances it is quite evident
that these songs have been used as means of winning the favour of the
women. In other cases, however, it seems safest to draw no conclusions
as to their purpose. At any rate, love occupies an important place in
the poetry which has been collected in Malaysia, not only among the
Malays proper, but also among the Tagals, Alfuras, Battaks, etc.[362]
In some of their dancing songs the Australian aboriginal poets are said
to describe the charms of their sweethearts.[363] But we know of no
poems in which they appear to be directly addressed. Neither have we
found any decisive statement as to the character of the erotic poetry
in Tahiti and New Zealand.[364]
Purer and more unmistakable examples of singing used as a means of
erotic propitiation can be adduced from some of the American nations.
The Iroquois, for whom dancing festivals are of great importance
in the intercourse between the sexes, are well aware of the powers
of a serenade when they wish to entice a girl from her hut to a
meeting.[365] In old Mexico and Peru, where erotic poetry had reached
a high degree of refinement, songs and music were undoubtedly used in
courtship.[366] But with these barbaric but not savage peoples we have
already left primitive man far behind.
It is undeniable that increased knowledge of the various tribes of
mankind may necessitate important corrections in the above review
of erotic art. There might be collected, for instance, specimens of
love-inspired poetry from the really primitive tribes, such as the
Veddas, the Fuegians, etc. Perhaps also it may be proved that dancing
and singing really serve the purposes of erotic propitiation to a much
greater extent than travellers hitherto have been able to discover. But
the general conclusions are very unlikely to be changed by any further
researches. It is sufficiently obvious that the Darwinian æsthetic
has its chief support in the productions of barbaric nations, whose
social conditions have been eminently favourable for the development of
erotic art. This view might be in danger if we had no knowledge of any
artistic activity in the most primitive tribes. But as a relatively
developed religious drama, and perhaps even some traditional mythical
songs have been found among the Fuegians;[367] as the Veddas have at
least one dance, possibly religious, and various magic poems;[368]
as the Bushmen are masters of pictorial art and develop a great
dramatic power in their pantomimic imitations of animals;[369] as
among the Australians the surprisingly high development of theatrical
management and instruction[370] stands in the strongest contrast to
their poor erotic lyric;—in a word, as the religious, superstitious,
and traditional forms of art among the lower savages have such an
unmistakable predominance over those of erotic propitiation, there is
no ethnological support for the assertion that the beginnings of art
were due to the impulse “to attract by pleasing.”
It may, of course, be argued that the Fuegians, the Veddas, the
Bushmen, and the rest, far from representing primitive man, are really
to be considered as degenerate types. And it may furthermore be
contended that before marriage customs and other social institutions
had reached those forms which now prevail among the lower tribes, the
promiscuous intercourse between all males and females during a fixed
pairing season must have produced an erotic art. Whatever value
such reasoning may have, it at any rate implies the admission that
the art-creating influence of sexual selection cannot be _proved_
on _historical_ grounds. The question how primitive society is to
be reconstructed cannot as yet be considered to be finally solved.
But even if the original marriage customs had been such as Darwin
supposes, and even if courtship at this unknown stage of evolution had
been carried on by means of art,[371] the fact that several existing
tribes appear to be quite devoid of poetic and dramatic forms of
erotic propitiation restricts the validity of Darwin’s principle in a
considerable degree.
* * * * *
The attraction of the Darwinian theory is of course obvious. After
having realised the important part which sexual selection plays
in the “artistic” activities of animals, one is naturally tempted
to apply the same principle to all similar activities in men. The
influence of erotic preferences is a biological datum, and, as such,
a principle of a more universal order, so to speak, than any one of
the social or religious motives.[372] However advantageous it may
be to apply this all-embracing explanation to the whole field of
art, a descriptive study of the facts must needs compel us to pay
attention to the sociological influences which assist or impede the
operation of sexual selection. There is no doubt that there are some
secondary sexual characters and activities which are developed under
all social conditions. And it is no less certain that both sexes
are everywhere influenced by individual predilections. But these
predilections cannot, of course, be regarded as factors of importance
in a society where strictly-fixed marriage customs allow the partners
no freedom of choice. They will, on the other hand, produce special and
differentiated means of attraction where, either from demoralisation,
as in Tahiti, or as the result of institutional polygamy, as in the
Mohammedan countries, or owing to free and idyllic conditions of life,
as among the various tribes of India, competition for the favour of a
male or a female is unrestricted.
It is impossible, without transgressing the limits of the present
work, to give a complete account of the influences of society on
erotic art. An author who should be able to embrace in his treatment
all stages of evolution, the latest and most highly developed as
well as the earliest, would undoubtedly contribute an interesting
chapter to art-philosophy if he were to explain in detail and with
examples how, _e.g._, lyric poetry has changed with changed marriage
customs. Taking the art of historic nations, the contrast between
the literature of polygamous Orientals and that of Europeans, whose
notions of love are influenced by marriage institutions at least
officially monogamous, would afford an opportunity for most suggestive
comparisons. And even within the limits of modern art a comparison
perhaps equally instructive may be made between the different classes
of society with their varying forms of sexual life. No task could be
more interesting than that of finding out to how great an extent the
marvellously refined and differentiated expressions of romantic love
which characterise some schools of modern poetry are dependent upon
the peculiar forms of sexual life prevailing among the upper classes.
As social factors of powerful, though never sufficiently recognised
influence, the veiled polyandry and polygamy which lie at the bottom
of modern society have undoubtedly influenced æsthetic notions as well
as artistic activities. By causing a division of the sexual impulses
these conditions have facilitated the development of an ideal and
æsthetic love-literature which never would have appeared, and cannot
even be understood, among nations where this division does not exist.
On the other hand, the same causes have, as it is needless to point
out, produced a literature and an art which, by their deliberate
grossness, stand in the strongest contrast not only to the romantic
utterances of civilised nations, but even to the more naïve products of
primitive tribes.
We cannot in this connection do more than indicate these general views,
the validity of which may be easily tested by the reader by application
to modern art. Within the boundaries of ethnological art—that is,
between the stages of evolution represented by Tierra del Fuego on
one side and ancient Mexico at the other end—there can, however, be
found sufficient proofs of the general law which manifests itself more
fully in the richer and more highly differentiated products of modern
art. Love, although fundamentally one and uniform as a feeling, is in
its utterances ever changing with changing conditions of life. If its
ground is biological, its nuances are always determined by sociological
influences. Without taking into due account all these nuances it is
impossible to assert anything about the influences of sexual selection
on art.
The considerations adduced in this chapter have led to results which,
by their negative character, may seem to be very unsatisfactory. It
was shown first of all that artistic activities, in so far as they
emphasise the qualities of either sex, must necessarily exercise an
attractive influence on the opposite sex. From a psychological point
of view we tried to prove that the various forms of self-decoration,
such as are to be met with among primitive tribes, must have been
eminently effectual as means of such attraction. But we were, on the
other hand, compelled to admit that the primary origin of dress and
ornaments in many cases could be quite as well explained without any
reference to the relation between the sexes. Thus it became necessary
to examine closely the dramatic and poetic art for the purpose of
ascertaining in which tribes competition for the favour of the opposite
sex can be assumed as a cause of the art. The ethnological evidence,
as quoted in the works on sexual selection, appeared too incomplete
and inconsistent to admit of any general conclusions being drawn, and
it seemed indispensable to sift the information as well as to classify
the instances. Instead of one all-explaining principle, which could be
applied in all the various cases, we were confronted by a multitude
of causes and conditions, all of which needed to be investigated
separately and weighed against each other. A reader who thinks every
discussion fruitless which leads to no dogmatic conclusion might
perhaps object that our re-examination of this much-debated question
has utterly failed in its purposes. We may, however, be allowed to
point out that although our investigation has not led to any definite
estimate of the importance of sexual preferences for the development of
art, it may perhaps have contributed in some degree to the elucidation
of the connection between art, beauty, and sex.
We have seen that even in the conditions which are the most favourable
for its influence, sexual selection can never by itself create any
quality of beauty. What kind of ideal the preferences of either sex
are able to call into existence is sufficiently shown by the hideous
deformations of the body which are to be found among primitive tribes
as well as among the most civilised nations. Wherever, through
favourable conditions of life and work, beauty, _i.e._ grace and
harmony, is developed in the human body and its movements, there these
qualities will often be enhanced by the selection that is exercised by
either sex. But this selection can, of course, be of influence only
where the sexes enjoy freedom of choice. This inquiry thus leads to the
general conclusion, which, we hope, will be confirmed by the reasoning
of all the following chapters, that the problems of beauty and art can
never be separated from the general problems of social life.
* * * * *
We have endeavoured to show that sexual selection has only called
forth artistic activities in uncivilised man when the conditions have
been especially favourable. As a cause of artistic activity, sexual
_selection_ does not operate everywhere. But even where there is
no competition between rivals, sexual _emotions_ may still find an
artistic expression. In short, sexual selection is _a_ cause of erotic
art, but it is not the only cause. With less freedom of choice for
the females, there is, of course, less need for the males to develop
especial activities for the purpose of erotic propitiation. But even
where the female is thus deprived of the signal influence which she,
through her favouring or rejecting selection, can exercise on the
appearance and the activities of the race, her instinctive coyness may
necessitate some means of erotic persuasion. This purpose is already
served by the various kinds of caressing movements which are to be
found not only among men, but also among many species of animals.[373]
But it is also probable that primitive man, in the same way as the
birds, may have resorted to song and dance as a mode of winning the
female’s consent. These activities, which are preliminary to pairing,
cannot, of course, be of the same importance to evolution as those
which aim at securing preference in the selection of mates. But they
may none the less attain a high degree of development. In degenerate
tribes especially, erotic dancing is no doubt used as an effectual
aphrodisiac.
It is not necessary, however, to seek for biological advantages in
erotic dances, pantomimics, and poems. The strong emotional tension
which accompanies pairing must of itself give rise to some mode of
seeking relief by sound or movement. These manifestations, on the
other hand, will by association revive the pleasurable feelings with
which they have been connected. As, moreover, among primitive men
sexual exaltation is one of the strongest—in peaceful tribes even
_the_ strongest—feeling which occurs in their life, any other rapture
will borrow the form of its expression from this elementary passion.
It is well known that even in civilised nations intense delight tends
to express itself in erotic gestures. In some cases, as, _e.g._,
that of abnormal religious exaltation, one might think that a state
of high-strung emotion, by suspending all intellectual life, does in
fact leave a man at the mercy of overwhelming animal impulses. The
exaggerated devotion of all emotional religions sets at liberty the
_bête humaine_, which can be kept under control only by the continuous
competition with the higher faculties. In other instances, such as
those when people who have received some good news feel an inclination
to embrace or kiss each other, it is more natural to assume a process
of association. In either case the psychology of civilised man enables
us to understand why erotic dances are so generally used by primitive
tribes, even on occasions when they seem least appropriate.
It would be superfluous to undertake an ethnological review of erotic
motives in art. As we have already remarked in the preceding chapter,
there are tribes which, according to the reports of travellers,
not only are completely devoid of erotic art in the sense of
love-propitiation, but do not even allow love any place as a subject
of art. It seems, however, safest to draw no conclusions from this
deficiency of data. Erotic art, as everything else connected with
sexual life, has too often been overlooked by ethnological authors.
Savage, W. Ellis, Wyatt Gill, Romilly, and many others, consider
themselves bound by modesty to pass over such pantomimes as are “too
indelicate and obscene to be mentioned.”[374] Even the brothers
Sarasin, who otherwise have aimed at the greatest possible completeness
in their account of the Veddas, candidly say that they have observed
no “Lusttänze,” but also never inquired about them.[375] It would not
be surprising, therefore, if some less discreet traveller should at
some future time describe hitherto unknown erotic dances and songs
from, say, the Bushmen or the Andamanese. And there is the more reason
to anticipate that a closer intimacy with primitive man may bring to
light illustrations of erotic art, as in many savage tribes sexual
matters are hedged in by taboo, and are especially concealed from white
visitors.[376]
On the other hand it is very probable that the erotic element in
primitive art has often been overrated. It seems doubtful whether the
expressions “improper” and “indecent,” as used by the travellers in
descriptions of dances and dramas, are always intended to signify that
the representations in question were of an erotic nature.[377] And
even when, for the civilised spectator, a pantomime appears to be most
immoral, this impression may be due to a misunderstanding of its real
meaning. No doubt, ignorance of the language and the customs of the
various tribes has often occasioned false interpretations. Mr. Reeves,
who warns us against uncritical belief in travellers’ tales, has been
able to adduce from his own experience a most telling example of such
a mistake. When witnessing a performance of short dramas, “mekes,” in
Samoa, he and his party felt extremely shocked by the indecent action
of one of the interludes. Afterwards, however, he learned from the
natives that the objectionable pantomime was only intended to represent
the movements of a woman gathering fishes in a basket.[378]
In a descriptive account of primitive art it would, of course, be
necessary to reckon with all these inadequacies of ethnological
evidence. The general results, such as are wanted for a philosophical
treatment, would not be affected by corrections in single instances.
The probability is that in every tribe, independently of its social
state and of its forms of sexual selection, erotic feelings have always
expressed themselves in some way or other. With varying conditions
of life these modes of expression have, of course, acquired greater
or less importance for art. Where war occupies the attention of the
tribe to an exclusive degree, erotic motives can never occupy a
prominent place in art. Where, as is alleged to be the case among
some Australian tribes, notions of decorum forbid any expression of
the feelings of affection and love, love songs and dances will hardly
be publicly acknowledged in public art.[379] On the other hand, an
erotic literature will be prominent in such communities as that of
Tahiti.[380] And when, as in Kamschatka, poems generally are composed
by women, it is only natural that their subjects should be chiefly
“love, hate, grief, and hope.”[381] These facts are all so self-evident
that there is no need to argue upon them.
More interesting than all these sociological agencies is the influence
of prevailing religious and superstitious notions. As has been already
pointed out, sexual taboo has in many cases checked the development of
erotic poetry and dance as a public art. But perhaps more frequent than
the cases of such prevention are those where they have been furthered
by phallic systems of religion. This is of course an additional reason
for caution in accusing primitive art of immorality when it shocks our
feelings of modesty.[382] Thus the indecency of religious sculptures
connected with ancestor-worship has undoubtedly often a serious and
symbolical meaning.[383] In some tribes indecent pantomimes, which
otherwise are strictly forbidden, will be performed, evidently for
some superstitious reason, at funeral ceremonies.[384] Perhaps, also,
some superstitious notion about sympathetic magic lies behind the
obscene rites and songs which so often accompany wedding ceremonies.
This principle appears more unmistakable in the dramatic rites which
are performed by many people as means of removing sterility. Finally,
owing to a combination of sympathetic magic and animistic conceptions
of nature, erotic pantomime has acquired a prominent place among
agricultural rites.
All these manifestations of pictorial and literary art, which in aim
and intention cannot, properly speaking, be called erotic at all,
will be treated of in the following chapters. In this connection it
is only necessary to mention the naturalistic dramas which in Africa
and Australia are represented at the initiation of boys in manhood.
We need not explain that the performances in the male camps, by which
the youths are introduced to all the features of men’s life, naturally
assume an obscene character. But it is interesting that the pantomimes,
which, from our standpoint at least, are so revolting, sometimes seem
to be meant to serve the interests of morality. Mr. Mathews, in his
description of the Bora ceremony among the Kamilaroi, says that this
pantomimic representation was enacted for the purpose of teaching
youths to abstain from homo-sexual vices.[385] Knowing the degree
of immorality which has been reached by many savage tribes, one may
readily understand that the old men in the tribe have resorted to
these radical means of dissuading the boys from vice. And one feels
tempted to apply Mr. Mathews’ explanation to similar rites in other
tribes than the Kamilaroi. The initiation ceremonies of the Amazulus,
for instance, which would in no case be possible in any but extremely
degenerate nations, might be explained on the same hypothesis.[386]
It is significant that the Kamilaroi, in vindication of their obscene
art, have hit upon the very same apology which was adduced in defence
of the French literature of the eighteenth century. But in both cases,
among the primitives as well as in civilised communities, the supposed
beneficial effects of erotic art seem to be very questionable. Where
dances, dramas, and songs speak only of sensual pleasure, they will
soon kill intellectual inquisitiveness as well as zeal for work.
Sir Henry Johnston, who has more right than any one else to speak
about the populations of Africa, thinks that the sudden arrest in
the intellectual development of African boys which can generally be
noticed at the time of puberty is a result of the overpowering sexual
stimulation to which they are at that time exposed.[387] As the same
cause, _i.e._ an art and a social life which are full of erotic
suggestions, operates in many savage tribes, it may perhaps account
to some extent for the fact, recently commented upon by Kidd, that,
notwithstanding the marvellous teachableness of primitive children,
savages always prove inferior to white men after the attainment of
maturity.[388] And it gives a reason for the tendency—fruitless, no
doubt, but none the less sincere—which is to be found among some of
the strongest nations, the ancient Maori, for instance, to repress
and quench by all possible means the development of an art that aims
deliberately at erotic stimulation.[389]